United States v. Raymond Rybar, Jr.United States v. Raymond Rybar, Jr.
Lead Opinion
OPINION OF THE COURT
Appellant Raymond Rybar, Jr. was convicted following a conditional guilty plea to two counts of violating
FACTS AND PROCEDURAL HISTORY
On April 4, 1992, Rybar, a federally licensed firearms dealer, attended a gun show in Monroeville, Pennsylvania, and had in his possession a Chinese Type 54, 7.62-millime-ter submachine gun, serial number 2052272, which he offered to sell to Thomas Baublitz, who paid him and to whom he transferred possession. The next day, April 5, 1992, Rybar again visited the Monroeville gun show, this time in possession of a U.S. Military M-3, .45 caliber submachine gun, serial number 216831, which he offered to sell to Baublitz, who paid him for it and to whom he transferred possession.
A grand jury indicted Rybar on two counts of unlawful possession of a machine gun in violation of
At the hearing on the change of plea, the district court first ruled on the pending motion. The court granted the motion to dismiss Counts II and IV. The court held that insofar as
[a]fter Congress enacted Title 18 of the United States CodeSection 922(o) , registration of machine guns is no longer possible. Thus defendant has been charged in the indictment with failing to perform an act, registration of two machine guns, that is prohibited by law. This violates notions of fundamental fairness as guaranteed by the Due Process Clause of the Fifth Amendment. Further, this Court finds thatSection 5861(e) is no longer a valid taxing statute with respect to machine guns, because the government currently does not register and tax such machine guns.
App. at 16-17.
The court denied Rybar’s motion to dismiss Counts I and III. The court held that
The court then proceeded to the change of plea portion of the hearing. After the court fully informed Rybar of his rights, Rybar agreed to the facts as summarized by the government, i.e., that he approached Baublitz on both occasions and offered to sell him the machine guns described, and that Baublitz paid him on both occasions and took the machine guns. Rybar corrected the prosecution’s statement that he received a total of $1,300 for the machine guns, and stated instead that he received a total of $600 for both machine guns. App. at 31-32 (Hearing Transcript, Jan. 9,1995).
Rybar had agreed to plead guilty to all four counts of the indictment, i.e., the two counts of possession and the two counts of transfer of an unregistered machine gun, and although the court had just dismissed Counts II and IV, Rybar attested to the entire agreement at the court’s request. Id. at 27-29. Rybar then entered a conditional guilty plea to the two remaining counts, preserving for appeal the disputed constitutionality of
The district court had jurisdiction under
II.
DISCUSSION
In its entirety,
(1) Except as provided in paragraph (2), it shall be unlawful for any person to transfer or possess a machinegun.
(2) This subsection does not apply with respect to—
(A) a transfer to or by, or possession by or under the authority of, the United States or any department or agency thereof or a State, or a department, agency, or political subdivision thereof; or
(B) any lawful transfer or lawful possession of a machinegun that was lawfully possessed before the date this subsection takes effect.
“Machinegun,” in turn, is defined in
any weapon which shoots, is designed to shoot, or can be readily restored to shoot, automatically more than one shot, without manual reloading, by a single function of the trigger. The term shall also include the frame or receiver of any such weapon, any part designed and intended solely and exclusively, or combination of parts designed and intended, for use in converting a weapon into a machinegun, and any combination of parts from which a machinegun can be assembled if such parts are in the possession or under the control of a person.
See
The statute prohibits only those instances of possession and transfer of machine guns not lawfully possessed before its enactment date — May 19, 1986; machine guns lawfully possessed before that date are left unaffected. See
As in the district court, Rybar urges the unconstitutionally of
A.
Commerce Clause
Rybar relies primarily on the Supreme Court’s recent opinion in United States v. Lopez, — U.S. -,
On behalf of the majority, Chief Justice Rehnquist reviewed the Court’s Commerce Clause decisions dealing with the extent of Congress’ power, stating that
He quickly disposed of the first two categories as inapplicable to
Justice Kennedy, joined by Justice O’Con-nor, concurred, outlining what they perceived as the majority’s “necessary though limited holding.” Id. at-,
The principal opinion for the four dissenters was authored by Justice Breyer, who emphasized the following three basic principles: (1) local activities may be regulated under the Commerce Clause where they “significantly affect interstate commerce”; (2) these local activities must be considered cumulatively in viewing their effect on interstate commerce; and (3) the court’s inquiry is limited to whether Congress could have had a rational basis for concluding the regulated activity sufficiently affected interstate commerce. Id. at---,
Justices Stevens and Souter, both of whom joined Justice Breyer’s dissent, each wrote separately as well. Justice Stevens emphasized the multiple links he perceived between firearms possession in schools and interstate commerce. Id. at-,
Rybar forwards all of the reasons given by the Lopez majority, many in haec verba, as equally determinative of the invalidity of Congress’ prohibition of machine guns. He contends that
Before we examine the particular statute at issue here, it may be helpful to set forth the principles governing the standards by which we review such a challenge. As Justice Kennedy observed in his concurrence in Lopez, while Congress enjoys “extensive power and ample discretion to determine [the] appropriate exercise [of its Commerce Clause authority],” the courts, for their part, must observe “great restraint” before determining “that the Clause is insufficient to support an exercise of the national power.” Id. at-,
In Lopez the government had conceded that neither
The majority thus proceeded to determine, without the aid of Congress’ views, whether possession,of a firearm in a school zone does in fact substantially affect interstate commerce. The government had argued that such possession may result in violent crime, which can be expected to affect the national economy in two ways: (1) the costs of violent crime are spread throughout the population through the mechanism of insurance; and (2) violent crime reduces the willingness of people to travel to unsafe areas. The government had also contended that the presence of guns in schools threatens the learning environment, resulting in a less productive citizenry and adverse effects on the nation’s economic well-being. Id.
The Lopez majority rejected these arguments because it saw no boundaries, commenting that under the government’s theories it would be “difficult to perceive any limitation on federal power, even in areas such as criminal law enforcement or education where States historically have been sovereign.” Id. In response to Justice Breyer’s dissent, which argued that “Con
We do not doubt that Congress has authority under the Commerce Clause to regulate numerous commercial activities that substantially affect interstate corn1 merce and also affect the educational process. That authority, though broad, does not include the authority to regulate each and every aspect of local schools.
Id. He added:
The possession of a gun in a local school zone is in no sense an economic activity that might, through repetition elsewhere, substantially affect any sort of interstate commerce. Respondent was a local student at a local school; there is no indication that he had recently moved in interstate commerce, and there is no requirement that his possession of the firearm have any concrete tie to interstate commerce.
Id. at -,
Nonetheless, the Lopez majority emphasized that “Congress normally is not required to make formal findings as to the substantial burdens that an activity has on interstate commerce.” Id. at-,
In any event, in our analysis of
The National Firearms Act of 1934, the first major federal statute to deal with firearms, required all persons engaged in the business of selling “firearms” (including machine guns) and all firearm owners to register with the Collector of Internal Revenue, subjected all firearm sales to a special tax, and required that they be accompanied by written order forms. The statute made it illegal to move a firearm in interstate commerce without payment of the tax, or to possess a firearm transferred in contravention of the tax and form requirements. Pub.L. No. 474, §§ 2-6, 48 Stat. 1236, 1237-38 (superseded by Internal Revenue Code of 1939). Although the 1934 statute was enacted under the taxing power, four years later Congress used the commerce power to regulate firearms with the passage of the Federal Firearms Act of 1938. Pub.L. No. 785, 52 Stat. 1250 (1938) (repealed 1968). All subsequent federal firearms legislation was enacted under the commerce power.
In the Federal Firearms Act of 1938, Congress required firearm manufacturers and dealers to obtain federal licenses before engaging in interstate commerce, permitted such licensees to ship firearms interstate only to other licensees and to persons with state-required permits, mandated that licensees keep permanent records of firearm transactions, and prohibited the interstate movement of firearms by or to fugitives or persons indicted or convicted of violent crimes, or if the firearms were stolen or had
In 1968, Congress decided additional federal legislation was needed, and enacted the more farreaching Omnibus Crime Control and Safe Streets Act (“Omnibus Act”), based upon its findings of an extensive interstate commerce in firearms and the need for adequate federal control over such traffic. Because Rybar places much emphasis on the absence of congressional findings accompanying the passage of
[TJhere is a widespread traffic in firearms moving in or otherwise affecting interstate or foreign commerce, and ... the existing Federal controls over such traffic do not adequately enable the States to control this traffic within their own borders through the exercise of their police power;
... only through adequate Federal control over interstate and foreign commerce in these weapons ... can this grave problem be properly dealt with, and effective State and local regulation of this traffic be made possible;
... the United States has become the dumping ground of the castoff surplus military weapons of other nations, and ... such weapons, ... imported into the United States in recent years, has contributed greatly to lawlessness and to the Nation’s law enforcement problems;
... the lack of adequate Federal control over interstate and foreign commerce in highly destructive weapons ... has allowed such weapons and devices to fall into the hands of lawless persons, ... thus creating a problem of national concern....
Pub.L. No. 90-351, § 901(a), 82 Stat. 197, 225-26 (1968) (current version at
The 1968 Omnibus Act, which incorporated nearly every provision of the Federal Firearms Act, additionally required federal licenses for all persons in the firearms business, regardless of whether the commerce in which they were engaged was interstate. With respect to all firearms except for shotguns and rifles, the Omnibus Act channelled all interstate traffic through licensees and prohibited licensees from transferring them to persons under 21 or living out-of-state. With respect to heavy firearms, including machine guns, the Act prohibited licensees from selling or delivering them without first receiving affidavits from local law enforcement confirming the intended use as lawful, and forbade unlicensed persons from transporting them in interstate commerce without specific Treasury authorization. And with respect to all firearms, the Act prohibited their importation without Treasury authorization, proscribed their sale where their possession or purchase would contravene local law, and declared them subject to forfeiture when involved in violations of its provisions. Id. §§ 922-924,
Later the same year, federal controls over interstate and foreign commerce in firearms were strengthened by the passage of the Gun Control Act of 1968, which extended restrictions similar to those Congress had already applied to handguns to most transactions involving rifles and shotguns, added broader coverage of transactions in ammunition, tightened restrictions on deliveries and sales of heavy firearms, including machine guns, and prohibited interstate movement of firearms by or to unlawful drug users or adjudicated mental defectives. Pub.L. No. 90-618,
As with the earlier Omnibus Act, the legislative findings supporting the Gun Control Act emphasized the connection between the increasing rate of crime, the growing use of firearms, and interstate firearms traffic. The House Report explained:
The principal purpose of H.R. 17735, as amended, is to strengthen Federal controls over interstate and foreign commerce in firearms and to assist the States effectively to regulate firearms traffic within their borders.
The increasing rate of crime and lawlessness and the growing use of firearms in violent crime clearly attest to a need to strengthen Federal regulation of interstate firearms traffic.
The subject legislation responds to widespread national concern that existing Federal control over the sale and shipment of firearms [across] State lines is grossly inadequate.
Handguns, rifles, and shotguns have been the chosen means to execute three-quarters of a million people in the United States since 1900. The use of firearms in violent crimes continues to increase today. Statistics indicate that 50 lives are destroyed by firearms each day. In the 13 months ending in September 1967 guns were involved in more than 6,500 murders, 10,000 suicides, 2,600 accidental deaths, 43,500 aggravated assaults and 50,000 robberies. No civilized society can ignore the malignancy which this senseless slaughter reflects.
H.R.Rep. No. 1577, 90th Cong., 2d Sess. 6-7 (1968), reprinted in 1968 U.S.C.C.A.N. 4410, 4411-13.
The Report attaches a letter from the Attorney General which states, inter alia:
By recognizing the Federal responsibility to control the indiscriminate flow of firearms and ammunition across State borders, this bill will give States and local communities the capacity and the incentive to enforce effectively their own gun control laws. Once enacted into law, it will insure that strong local or State laws are not subverted by a deadly interstate traffic in firearms and ammunition.
Id. at 19, 1968 U.S.C.C.A.N. at 4425.
Thus, by the time Congress passed the 1986 Firearms Owners’ Protection Act (“FOPA”), Pub.L. No. 99-308, 100 Stat. 449 (current version at
It is therefore not surprising that when Congress again turned its attention to firearms in 1986, it focused, inter alia, on the hazards of machine guns and the desirability of their control. See H.R.Rep. No. 495, 99th Cong., 2d Sess., 2, 7 (1986), reprinted in 1986 U.S.C.C.A.N. 1327, 1328, 1333 (describing proposed machine gun restrictions as “benefits for law enforcement” and citing “the need for more effective protection of law enforcement officers from the proliferation of machine guns”); id. at 4, 1986 U.S.C.C.A.N. at 1330 (describing machine guns as “used by racketeers and drag traffickers for intimidation, murder .and protection of drugs and the proceeds of crime”); see also 132 Cong. Rec. 9,602 (1986) (statement of Sen. Kennedy) (“The only thing that has changed about the machine gun situation since the 1968 act ... is that machine guns have become a far more serious law enforcement problem.”).
The fact that the findings accompanying prior firearms legislation were not reiterated with the passage of
Unlike the Lopez opinion which may be read to cabin Congress’ commerce power to
We know of no authority to support such a demand on Congress. While the dissent writes in the name of “constitutional federalism,” it recognizes that even Lopez abjures such a requirement, — U.S. at -,
As the Supreme Court has recognized, Congress enacted the federal gun laws because “it was concerned with the widespread traffic in firearms.” Huddleston v. United States,
In suggesting that this case is like Lopez, where the Court found that possession of a gun in a local school zone had an insubstantial effect on interstate commerce, the dissent disregards a significant distinction. The statute at issue in Lopez attempted to regulate possession of guns only inside school zones — a discrete area unlikely to have a meaningful aggregate effect on commerce. By contrast, the regulation effected by
Moreover, the concerns expressed by the majority in Lopez, particularly by the concurring opinion of Justice Kennedy, about federal intrusion into local schools, an area traditionally left for the overview and regulation by states, are not presented by
The dissent presses us to find a commercial or economic component of possession of a firearm. The response can be found in the dissenting opinion itself. Certainly Congress did not enact
Although Rybar would have us view machine gun possession as a purely intrastate phenomenon, Supreme Court eases have long sustained the authority of Congress to regulate singular instances of intrastate activity when the cumulative effect of a collection of such events might ultimately have substantial effect on interstate commerce. See, e.g., Hodel v. Virginia Surface Mining & Recl. Assn., Inc.,
Just as the Court in Wickard sustained the regulation of wheat intended wholly for home consumption because it was connected to an overall interstate market which it could depress,
The same approach was followed by the Seventh Circuit which, in sustaining
Kenney held that “there is a rational basis to regulate the local conduct of machine gun possession, including possession resulting from home manufacture, to effectuate
Although we need not address whether
In sustaining
The Ninth Circuit in Rambo observed that, “[b]y regulating the market in machineguns,”
Similarly, the Sixth Circuit in Beuckelaere characterized the statute as regulating the “extensive, intricate, and definitely national market for machineguns” acquired after May 19, 1986,
The Beuckelaere court also held
That court relied on the Tenth Circuit’s earlier decision in United States v. Wilks,
Whatever the category relied on, it is telling that each of our sister circuits has found
Finally, we deal with Rybar’s argument that
In its discussion of this issue, the Court contrasted
We thus join the five other circuits in rejecting the Commerce Clause challenge to Congress’ authority to enact
B.
Second Amendment
As an independent basis for his argument that-
In support, Rybar cites, paradoxically, the Supreme Court decision in United States v. Miller,
Rybar’s reliance on Miller is misplaced. The language Rybar cites is taken from the following passage:
In the absence of any evidence tending to show that possession or use of a “shotgun
We note first that however clear the Court’s suggestion that the firearm before it lacked the necessary military character, it did not state that such character alone would be sufficient to secure Second Amendment protection. In fact, the Miller Court assigned no special importance to the character of the weapon itself, but instead demanded a reasonable relationship between its “possession or use” and militia-related activity. Id.; see Cases v. United States, 131 F.2d 916, 922 (1st Cir.1942) (susceptibility of firearm to military application not determinative), cert. denied,
Nonetheless, Rybar attempts to place himself within the penumbra of membership in the “militia” specified by the Second Amendment by quoting from
The militia of the United States consists of all able-bodied males at least 17 years of age and, except as provided in section 313 of title 32, under 45 years of age who are ... citizens of the United States____
Rybar’s invocation of this statute does nothing to establish that his firearm possession bears a reasonable relationship to “the preservation or efficiency of a well regulated militia,” as required in Miller,
Rybar boldly asserts that “the Miller Court was quite simply wrong in its superficial (and one-sided) analysis of the Second Amendment.” Brief of Appellant at 27. As one of the inferior federal courts subject to the Supreme Court’s precedents, we have neither the license nor the inclination to engage in such freewheeling presumptuousness. In any event, this court has on several occasions emphasized that the Second Amendment furnishes no absolute right to firearms. See United States v. Graves,
III.
CONCLUSION
In light of the foregoing, we reject Rybar’s challenge to the constitutional validity of
Notes
. On March 5, 1996, the Fifth Circuit granted a rehearing en banc. See United States v. Kirk,
. Because the government has not appealed this aspect of the court’s ruling, we do not comment on the district court's analysis.
. In Virginia Surface Mining,
. Therefore, looking at the totality of the activity with which Rybar was charged, it was more than “the purely intrastate possession of a machine gun,” see Dissent at 291, and he was certainly not one who was simply in “private possession of machine guns,” see Dissent at 287.
. Because Rybar interposed a facial challenge to
. Title
Dissenting Opinion
dissenting:
Was United States v. Lopez, — U.S.-,
The statutory provision challenged in this ease, the portion of
This would not preclude adequate regulation of the private possession of- machine guns. Needless to say, the Commerce Clause does not prevent the states from regulating machine gun possession, as all of the jurisdictions within our circuit have done. See
I.
In Lopez, the Supreme Court identified “three broad categories” of legislation permitted under the Commerce Clause: (1) regulation of “the use of the channels of interstate commerce,” (2) regulation and protection of “the instrumentalities of interstate commerce, or persons or things in interstate commerce, even though the threat may come only from intrastate activities,” and (3) regulation of “activities that substantially affect interstate commerce.”
— U.S. at -— --,
The majority in this case quite properly focuses its analysis primarily on the third of
Whatever the category relied on, it is telling that each of our sister circuits has found that the regulation of machine gun transfer and possession comes within Congress’ power to legislate under the Commerce Clause. That uniform result confirms the observation made in United States v. Bell,70 F.3d 495 , 497 (7th Cir.1995), that, for criminal defendants, “[i]t appears that United States v. Lopez has raised many false hopes,” and that challenges based on Lopez “[ajlmost invariably” fail.
Maj. Op. at 283. This approach requires me to discuss the first two categories and explain why I believe they are clearly inapplicable here.
II.
Regulation of the channels of commerce. As the majority notes (Maj. Op. at 283), panels in the Fifth, Sixth, and Ninth Circuits have upheld
To illustrate the meaning of this category, Lopez quoted a sentence from Caminetti v. United States,
The transportation of passengers in interstate commerce, it has long been settled, is within the regulatory power of Congress, under the commerce clause of the Constitution, and the authority of Congress to keep the channels of interstate commerce free from immoral and injurious uses has been frequently sustained, and is no longer open to question.
Lopez, - U.S. at-,
Congress, following its own conception of public policy concerning the restrictions which may appropriately be imposed on interstate commerce, is free to exclude from the commerce articles whose use in the states for which they are destined it may conceive to be injurious to the public health, morals, or welfare, even though the state has not sought to regulate their use.
In support of this statement, the Darby Court cited (id.), among other cases, Champion v. Ames,
The statute at issue in this case,
In holding that
There are numerous flaws in this analysis. First (but least important), it is not true that every possession criminalized by
[Although it may be true that Congress must regulate intrastate transfers and even mere possessions of machine guns in aid of its prerogative of preventing the misuse of the channels of interstate commerce, the regulation still regulates much more than the channels of commerce. This rationale is therefore an aspect of Congress’s broader power to regulate things “affecting” interstate commerce; we must look further, in light of Lopez, to confirm the existence of a rational and substantial basis underlying its power to do so.
Kenney,
III.
Regulation of activities that threaten the instrumentalities of interstate commerce or persons or things in interstate commerce. In Lopez, the Court wrote that “Congress is empowered to regulate and protect the instrumentalities of interstate commerce, or persons or things in interstate commerce, even though the threat may come only from intrastate activities.” — U.S. at-,
In addition to these two cases, the Lopez Court cited two statutes that had been listed in Perez v. United States,
Based on the Lopez Court’s description of this second category of congressional authority and on the examples that it provided, it is apparent that this authority reaches threats to “the instrumentalities” of interstate commerce, i.e., the means of conveying people and goods across state lines, such as airplanes and trains. This power also reaches threats to people and goods travelling in interstate commerce, such the theft of goods moving interstate and the setting of rates that could affect interstate trade.
Title
Although the Sixth and Tenth Circuits upheld
Accordingly, I think it is clear that “if [
Regulation of activities that substantially affect interstate commerce. I come now to the crux of this case, viz., whether
A. The majority writes:
Just as the Court in Wickard [v. Filburnn,317 U.S. 111 ,63 S.Ct. 82 ,87 L.Ed. 122 , 125 (1942),] sustained the regulation of wheat intended wholly for home consumption because it was connected to an overall interstate market which it could depress,317 U.S. at 128-29 [63 S.Ct. at 90-91 ], and the Court in Perez [v. United States,402 U.S. 146 , 156,91 S.Ct. 1357 , 1362,28 L.Ed.2d 686 (1971),] sustained the regulation of purely intrastate loansharking because in the aggregate such local loansharking substantially affected interstate commerce,402 U.S. at 155-57 [91 S.Ct. at 1362-63 ], so also§ 922(o) can be sustained because it targets the possession of machine guns as a demand-side measure to lessen the stimulus that prospective acquisition would have on the commerce in machine guns.
Maj. Op. at 281-82. In other words, the majority argues in effect that the private, purely intrastate possession of machine guns has a substantial effect on the interstate machine gun market.
This theory, if accepted, would go far toward converting Congress’s authority to regulate interstate commerce into “a plenary police power.” Lopez, -U.S. at-,
The Lopez Court of course recognized the potential sweep of Wickard, on which the majority’s theory is chiefly based, and the Lopez Court sought to place reasonable limits on that theory. Observing that Wickard represents “perhaps the most far reaching example of Commerce Clause authority over interstate activity,” the Court noted that Wickard “involved economic activity in a way that the possession of a gun in a school zone does not.” — U.S. at -,
Section 922(q) is a criminal statute that by its terms has nothing to do with ‘commerce’ or any sort of economic enterprise, however broadly one might define those terms.Section 922(q) is not an essential part of a larger regulation of economic activity, in which the regulatory scheme could be undercut unless the intrastate activity were regulated. It cannot, therefore, be sustained under our cases upholding regulations of activities that arise out of or are connected with a commercial transaction, which viewed in the aggregate, substantially affects interstate commerce.
— U.S. at---,
The activity that the Lopez Court found was not “economic” or “connected with a commercial transaction” was a type of intrastate firearm possession, i.e., the possession of a firearm (including a machine gun) within a school zone. At issue here is another type of purely intrastate firearm possession, i.e., the purely intrastate possession of a machine gun. If the former must be regarded as non-economic and non-commercial, why isn’t the same true of the latter? Is possession of a machine gun inherently more “economic” or more “commercial” than possession of other firearms?
B. The majority’s second theory appears to be that Congress could have rationally concluded that the purely intrastate possession of machine guns increases the incidence of certain crimes — the majority specifically mentions violent crime, racketeering, and drug trafficking — that are of “national concern.” See Maj. Op. at 280-81. In order to bring this case within the third Lopez category, it is not enough to observe that violent criminals, racketeers, and drug traffickers occasionally use machine guns in committing their crimes and that these crimes have interstate effects. Rather, there must be a reasonable basis for concluding that the regulated activity (the purely intrastate possession of machine guns) facilitates the commission of these crimes to such a degree as to have a substantial effect on interstate commerce.
I take this theory very seriously, but my problem with it is that it rests on an empirical proposition for which neither Congress, the Executive (in the form of the government lawyers who briefed and argued this case), nor the majority has adduced any appreciable empirical proof.
I would view this case differently if Congress as a whole or even one of the responsible congressional committees had made a finding that intrastate machine gun possession, by facilitating the commission of certain crimes, has a substantial effect on interstate commerce. But despite the resources at their command to investigate questions such as this, neither Congress nor any of its committees did so, and indeed Congress never even identified the source of constitutional authority under which
Likewise, the Justice Department, which has been litigating the constitutionality of
Without assistance from Congress or the Executive, the majority has combed the legislative history of federal firearms legislation going back more than a half century, but in my view the majority has not found anything of significant value for present purposes. The majority cites congressional findings made in connection with prior firearms legislation concerning the problems resulting from the interstate movement of firearms. See Maj. Op. at 279 (emphasis added) (findings that “link both the flow of firearms across state lines and their consequential indiscriminate availability with the resulting violent criminal acts that are beyond the effective control of the states”); Maj. Op. at 279 (emphasis added) (“findings of an extensive interstate commerce in firearms and the need for adequate federal control over such
The remaining underpinnings of the majority’s analysis are three snippets from a committee report and one comment made on the floor of the Senate. The committee report, H.R.Rep. No. 495, 99th Cong., 2d Sess. (1986), reprinted in 1986 U.S.C.C.A.N. 1327, concerned a bill, H.R. 4332, 99th Cong., 2d Sess. (1986), that lacked any provision similar to
Not surprisingly, however, since H.R. 4332 provided for enhanced penalties in certain cases involving machine gun use, the committee did mention machine guns, and it is upon these fleeting references that the majority relies. The first reference, which appears in a portion of the report captioned “BENEFITS FOR LAW ENFORCEMENT” simply summarizes the enhanced penalty provision. H.R. Rep. 495, supra, at 2, 1986 U.S.C.C.A.N. at 1328. This statement obviously has nothing to do with interstate commerce.
The next reference concerns another bill, H.R. 3155, 99th Cong., 1st Sess. (1985), entitled the “Racketeer Weapons and Violent Crime Control Act of 1985,” that contained a provision (see. 3(b)) very much like
The final reference in the committee report concerns “the need for more effective protection of law enforcement officers from the proliferation of machine guns and high-powered ‘assault-type’ weapons that are increasingly being used by criminals.” H.R. Rep. 495, supra at 7, 1986 U.S.C.C.A.N. at 1333. This statement, which lumps together machine guns and assault weapons, says nothing about interstate commerce or particular types of crimes that have substantial interstate effects; and since the committee did not recommend banning the private, intrastate possession of machine guns, the committee presumably felt that the needs of law enforcement would be met by the more limited machine gun provision that it favored. Viewing all three of the statements in the committee report together, I do not think that it is reasonable to conclude that the committee considered or drew any conclusions concerning the relationship between intrastate machine gun possession and interstate commerce.
In sum, we are left with no congressional findings and no appreciable empirical support for the proposition that the purely intrastate possession of machine guns, by facilitating the commission of certain crimes, has a substantial effect on interstate commerce, and without such support I do not see how the statutory provision at issue here can be sustained — unless, contrary to the lesson that I take from Lopez, the “substantial effects” test is to be drained of all practical significance.
. See United. States v. Lopez,
. The court wrote:
[W]e have identified three broad categories of activity that Congress may regulate under its commerce power.... First, Congress may regulate the use of the channels of interstate commerce. See, e.g., [United States v. Darby,312 U.S. 100 , 113-15,61 S.Ct. 451 , 457,85 L.Ed. 609 (1941); Heart of Atlanta Motel, Inc. v. United States,379 U.S. 241 , 256,85 S.Ct. 348 , 357,13 L.Ed.2d 258 (1964)] (‘[T|he authority of Congress to keep the channels of interstate commerce free from immoral and injurious uses has been frequently sustained, and is no longer open to question.') (quoting Caminetti v. United States,242 U.S. 470 , 491,37 S.Ct. 192 , 197,61 L.Ed. 442 (1917)). Second, Congress is empowered to regulate and protect the instrumentalities of interstate commerce, or persons or things in interstate commerce, even though the threat may come only from intrastate activities. See, e.g., Shreveport Rate Cases,234 U.S. 342 ,34 S.Ct. 833 ,58 L.Ed. 1341 (1914); Southern R. Co. v. United States,222 U.S. 20 ,32 S.Ct. 2 ,56 L.Ed. 72 (1911)(upholding amendments to Safety Appliance Act as applied to vehicles used in intrastate commerce); [Perez v. United States,402 U.S. 146 , 150,91 S.Ct. 1357 , 1359, 28 L.Ed.2d686 (1971)] ("[F]or example, the destruction of an aircraft ( 18 U.S.C. § 32 ), or ... thefts from interstate shipments (18 U.S.C. § 659 )”). Finally, Congress' commerce authority includes the power to regulate those activities having a substantial relation to interstate commerce, [NLRB v. Jones & Laughlin Steel Corp.,301 U.S. 1 , 37,57 S.Ct. 615 , 624,81 L.Ed. 893 (1937)], i.e., those activities that substantially affect interstate commerce. [Maryland v. Wirtz,392 U.S. 183 , 196 n. 27,88 S.Ct. 2017 , 2024 n. 27,20 L.Ed.2d 1020 (1968).]
. See United States v. Bishop,
. The majority does not explain why possession of a firearm within a school zone is less "commercial” or "economic" than possession elsewhere— because it plainly is not. (If someone drives through a school zone with a firearm in his possession, does that person quickly cease to engage in a "commercial” activity on entering the zone and then quickly begin on leaving?) Instead, the majority argues that a general ban on the possession of machine guns may reasonably be viewed as having a greater effect on interstate commerce than a ban on the possession of all firearms within certain limited areas (school zones). See Maj. Op. 282. But this argument says nothing about the "commercial" or “noncommercial” character of firearms possession.
. The majority's suggestion (Maj. Op. 281) that my analysis "requires either Congress or the Executive to play Show and Tell with the federal courts" is simply wrong. The Supreme Court has recognized the importance of congressional findings. See, e.g., Lopez, -U.S. at-,
With respect to the Executive, it is a litigant seeking to persuade us that there is a reasonable case to be made for the proposition that the intrastate possession of machine guns substantially affects interstate commerce. There is nothing improper or unusual about asking a litigant to point to support for its position, whether in the form of evidence in the record or legislative facts that can be judicially noticed. Such assistance would have been particularly valuable here, since the Executive is in a far better position than we are to determine whether there is a reasonable empirical case to be made for the proposition it is advancing. Without congressional findings or empirical support, it is not possible for appellate judges, who are not experts on firearms, machine guns, racketeering, drug trafficking, or crime in general, to verify in any intellectually respectable way that there is a reasonable case to be made for the proposition that the intrastate possession of firearms substantially affects interstate commerce.