Opinion for the Court filed by Circuit Judge STEPHEN F. WILLIAMS.
Mohamed Rashed moved the district court to dismiss six of the nine counts of an indictment charging him with terrorism. He claimed that under the Double
*1281
Jeopardy Clause his prior prosecution in Greece for related offenses foreclosed a prosecution in the United States. Rashed recognized that the dual sovereignty doctrine normally renders the double jeopardy bar inapplicable in cases of prosecutions by different sovereigns. But he invoked an exception overriding the dual sovereignty doctrine when one sovereign’s prosecution is a “sham” for prosecution by the other. See
Bartkus v. Illinois,
We affirm. In no reasonable sense of the word was Greece’s prosecution of Rashed a sham. Far from being controlled by the United States, the Greek trial occurred only because Greece rejected U.S. demands for Rashed’s extradition, yet was subject to the requirement of Article 7 of the Montreal Convention to prosecute Rashed itself if it failed to extradite him. Convention on Suppression of Unlawful Acts Against the Safety of Civil Aviation, Sept. 23, 1971, arts. 7-8, 24 U.S.T. 565, 571 (“Montreal Convention”).
Rashed is charged with participating in various bombing enterprises around the world in violation of U.S. law. The charges include placing a bomb on an August 11, 1982, Pan Am flight from Tokyo to Honolulu, killing one and wounding 15 passengers. Rashed is also charged with conspiring in the same month to place a bomb on a Pan Am aircraft in Rio de Janeiro, a bomb that luckily was discovered and removed safely. The counts of the indictment at issue here, 1 and 3-7, all relate to the bomb on the Tokyo-Honolulu flight.
At the request of the United States, Greek authorities detained an individual bearing a passport in the name of Mohammed Hamdan on May 30, 1988. The individual was in fact Rashed, who here asserts — at the expense of his notion that Greece is a U.S. pawn — that the United States did not tell Greece of Hamdan’s true identity for fear that otherwise Greece wouldn’t have apprehended him. After verifying Rashed’s capture, the United States requested his extradition under its bilateral extradition treaty with Greece. Treaty of Extradition between the United States and the Hellenic Republic, May 6, 1931, 47 Stat. 2185, as further interpreted by the Protocol, Sept. 2, 1937, 51 Stat. 357. In May 1989 the Greek Supreme Court ruled that Rashed could be extradited on some but not all counts of the U.S. indictment. Decision 820/1989, Greek Supreme Court, Sixth Penal Section (May 12, 1989). But the Greek government delayed handing Rashed over to the United States and officially rejected the United States’s extradition request in September 1990. Instead Greece chose to pursue Article 7’s alternative course, that of prosecuting Rashed itself. Montreal Convention, art, 7, 24 U.S.T. at 571.
A Greek court found Rashed guilty of intentional homicide and placement of explosive devices in an aircraft, but acquitted him of charges of illegal seizure of an aircraft and instigation of damage to aircraft. Although sentenced to 15 years in prison, he was released on December 5, 1996, after serving eight and a half years. In the course of his travels away from Greece he was taken into custody and arrested by the FBI.
In denying Rashed’s motion to dismiss, the district court not only rejected Rashed’s sham prosecution theory but also concluded that none of the charges satisfied the
Blockburger
test for determining when crimes stated in two charges constitute “the same offense.”
Rashed,
The Double Jeopardy Clause of the Fifth Amendment provides that “[n]o per
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son shall be subject for the same offense to be twice put in jeopardy of life and limb.” The clause forecloses multiple prosecutions for the same offense by the same sovereign, but not ones by different sovereigns.
Heath v. Alabama,
In
Bartkus v. People of State of Illinois,
Several courts have stressed that the
Bartkus
exception is a narrow one and difficult to prove.
United States v. Guzman,
As a preliminary matter, we are not persuaded by Rashed’s suggestion that the United States may have been in “privity” with Greece in that government’s prosecution, and that this privity argues for finding ■ the sham exception applicable.' (Rashed makes no collateral estoppel claim per se, identifying no issue that was resolved in his favor in the Greek litigation.) In general, a party is in privity with anoth
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er if it “assume[d] control over litigation” by the other.
Montana v. United States,
Yet in
Bartkus
the Court used the terms “sham” and “tool,” which indicate — and have uniformly been understood by the lower federal courts to indicate — a far more special relationship than is suggested by the concept of privity or control, namely a relationship with a strong element of manipulation. See
United States v. Liddy,
The Court’s presumably deliberate non-use of the privity concept may also have reflected a recognition that under the dual sovereignty doctrine one sovereign’s right to enforce its criminal law cannot be classified as the same “cause of action” as another’s, and that the double jeopardy bar is more akin to claim preclusion than to issue preclusion. Cf.
Montana v. United States,
The central issue in this case is whether Greece, in prosecuting Rashed, was a tool of the United States and the Greek trial a sham. Two facts render Rashed’s claim implausible. First, the United States wanted Greece to extradite Rashed, not to prosecute him. Greece stood its ground and refused. Rashed acknowledges both the U.S. preference and the Greek resistance. He points to what we may loosely call evidence that the United States threatened Greece with sanctions, but that evidence itself shows that the threats (if made at all) were always intended to secure extradition. See, for example,
U.S. Blackmails Greece on Rash-
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id [sic] Matter Through Aid,
Eleftheroty-pia, May 27, 1989;
New Pressure by the U.S. for Rashid [sic],
Eleftherotypia, Sept. 30, 1989;
Statement on the Rashid [sic] Case by Efstratios Korakas, Member of Greek Parliament representing the Communist Party of Greece and Member of European Parliament as of June 1999.
The stalwart Greek resistance dispels any notion that Greece had “little or no independent volition” in its proceeding.
Liddy,
Rashed argues that the United States preferred a Greek prosecution to Rashed’s release. But that the United States got its second preference over its third is not evidence either of control or of a sham prosecution, especially where the United States’s first option would have avoided the double jeopardy problem altogether. Moreover, the only evidence Rashed has for the proposition that the United States sought a Greek prosecution on terrorism charges is unsubstantiated Greek newspaper stories claiming that “[rjumors have it that the Americans don’t necessarily want Rashid [sic] right now, provided he stays in prison and is not let free.” U.S.: Cut Off Relations with the Arabs!, Pondiki, Feb. 17, 1989. See also The Blade — The Americans Find New “Evidence”, Pondiki, Feb. 24, 1989. Had Rashed read the two stories in their entirety he would have learned that the United States did not want Rashed imprisoned on the terrorism charges. Rather, the scuttlebutt offered in the articles is that the United States wanted a prison guard to plant a knife on Rashed while he was awaiting extradition and have the Greek courts imprison him for the separate crime of possession of an illegal weapon.
Second, Greece had an undeniable duty under the Montreal Convention to extradite Rashed. Montreal Convention, art. 8, 24 U.S.T. at 571. Once it rebuffed the United States’s extradition request, however, it was bound by the same treaty to prosecute. Id., art. 7, 24 U.S.T. at 571. Rashed’s response is that the United States tricked Greece into arresting him; thus, but for the trick, Greece would never have faced the dilemma of having to extradite or prosecute. But even after the arrest, Greece could have chosen extradition; yet it refused to extradite, contrary to the United States’ wishes and in the face of alleged congressional hints of foreign aid sanctions.
Rashed offers other items as clues that Greece was a tool of the United States. First, he points to extensive cooperation between the United States and Greece in his first trial. Indeed, U.S. assistance was so pervasive that Greece gathered little of the presented evidence independently. But
Bartkus
acknowledges that extensive law enforcement and prosecutorial cooperation between two sovereigns does not make a trial by either a sham.
Bartkus,
Rashed also argues that Greece had no independent interest in prosecuting him. It is true that none of the offenses for which Rashed was prosecuted in Greece had any *1285 specific link to Greece, such as it being the site of the offense or the residence of the victims. But international law recognizes stopping terrorism and piracy on (or above) the high seas as an interest of all nations, an interest strong enough to give the Greek courts jurisdiction. Restatement (Third) of the Foreign Relations Law of the United States, §§ 404, esp. comment a, and 423 (1987). Further, Greece had an interest in abiding by its treaty obligations — here the requirement of the Montreal Convention, in the event of a refusal of extradition, to prosecute Rashed “without exception whatsoever and whether or not the offense was committed in its territory.” Montreal Convention, art. 7, 24 U.S.T. at 571.
The government suggests — and Rashed accepts — that one possible sign that the United States was using the Greek prosecution as its “tool” would be an indication that it was able, through the Greek prosecution, to achieve something it could not under the U.S. Constitution. Cf.
United States v. Liddy,
All Rashed has to offer on this account is a law, passed by Greece just before his trial, that had the effect of allowing him to be tried to a panel of three judges rather than a mixed jury of three judges and four lay jurors. Greek Law 1897/1990, art. 12, ¶ 1 (Aug. 11, 1990). Rashed does not claim that the United States pressured Greece into adopting the law, or that the United States saw Rashed’s right to a jury trial as a hurdle to prosecution at home. Further, the bedrock fact that the United States sought extradition over a Greek prosecution is completely inconsistent with an intent to bypass the U.S. Constitution.
Ultimately we find that Rashed has failed to identify evidence that would place his case within the Bartkus “sham prosecution” exception. It is possible that, because terrorist acts committed anywhere are criminal in all countries, Rashed might find himself confronted with a Sisyphean challenge: defeating the claims against him in one country only to have them brought against him in another. As this is only his second prosecution, the hazard is speculative. We leave the solution to another day.
As a corollary to his double jeopardy claim, Rashed seeks discovery of information related to his “sham prosecution” allegation. We see no reason to disturb the district court’s denial of his request. Because Rashed’s defense here relates not to refutation of the government’s case in chief but to establishment of an independent constitutional bar to the prosecution, Rule 16(a)(1)(C) of the Fed.R.Crim.P. is inapplicable.
United States v. Armstrong,
In any case, Rashed has not met either the Armstrong or the Rule 16(a)(1)(C) test. He doesn’t claim that the United States preferred prosecution to extradition, or that further discovery would uncover evidence of such a preference. He certainly cannot deny that the Montreal Convention required prosecution once Greece refused extradition to the United States. The most that Rashed suggests would be uncovered in discovery is evidence that the United States, upon learning that Greece would refuse extradition, encouraged that government to prosecute rather than release Rashed. But such evidence, as we have explained, would not sustain a conclusion that Greece was a tool of the United States.
The district court’s decision to deny Rashed’s motion to dismiss on grounds of double jeopardy is
Affirmed.
