UNITED STATES of America, Plaintiff-Appellee, v. Mary KINCAID-CHAUNCEY, Defendant-Appellant.
No. 06-10544.
United States Court of Appeals, Ninth Circuit.
Argued and Submitted Feb. 27, 2008. Filed Feb. 20, 2009.
556 F.3d 923
It is so ORDERED.
Daniel R. Schiess, Assistant United States Attorney, Las Vegas, NV, for appellee United States.
Before: ALEX KOZINSKI, Chief Judge, MARSHA S. BERZON and JAY S. BYBEE, Circuit Judges.
Opinion by Judge BYBEE; Concurrence by Judge BERZON.
BYBEE, Circuit Judge:
Mary Kincaid-Chauncey appeals her convictions for honest services wire fraud, aiding and abetting honest services wire fraud, conspiracy to commit honest services wire fraud, and Hobbs Act extortion under color of official right. Kincaid-Chauncey raises three claims of error: She claims that the district court precluded her from calling witnesses to support her defense and that the district court gave erroneous instructions on both the honest services fraud and the extortion counts. For the reasons that follow, we affirm the district court‘s judgment.
I
This case requires us to delve into the tawdry relationship between a Las Vegas strip club owner and several former Clark County elected officials. The Clark County Board of County Commissioners has jurisdiction over unincorporated Clark County, Nevada. Its territorial jurisdiction includes, importantly, the famous Las Vegas strip, with its lucrative hotels, casinos, and associated enterprises. The Clark County Commission has seven members, whose responsibilities include enacting ordinances and issuing permits governing the operation of businesses in Clark County. Mary Kincaid-Chauncey, the defendant-appellant in this case, held the elected office of Clark County Commissioner from 1997 to 2004.
Michael Galardi and his step-father operated a strip club named Cheetahs in the City of Las Vegas from 1991 to 2003. Business apparently was good, so, in 1999, Galardi made plans to expand his adult entertainment operations by opening two new strip clubs, Jaguars and Leopard Lounge. Galardi chose to open his new enterprises outside of the City of Las Vegas, in surrounding Clark County.
Galardi needed to obtain a variety of permits from the Clark County government to open his new strip clubs, including liquor licenses and business permits. Galardi also wanted the Commission to relax the ordinances governing strip clubs in Clark County. Specifically, Galardi sought an ordinance permitting dancers in strip clubs to dance completely nude and to permit clubs with all nude dancers to serve alcohol. He also sought to prevent passage of ordinances that would have required dancers in clubs serving alcohol to be at least 21 years old and forbidden dancers to touch their patrons. When it became difficult to work within the strictures of the county ordinances, Galardi
In 1999 Galardi began a corrupt relationship with Lance Malone, who was a Clark County commissioner from 1997 to 2000. After leaving office in 2000, Malone quickly gained employment with Galardi, working as a “lobbyist” of sorts. Malone‘s chief duties in his new job included establishing relationships with public officials—including his former colleagues on the county commission1—and delivering bribe money from Galardi to the officials. The scheme was to be short-lived, however, as the FBI began investigating Galardi‘s operations in 2000. The Bureau obtained wiretap authorizations to monitor the telephones of Galardi and Malone in June 2001, the wiretaps continued until December 2002. The FBI executed search warrants of Galardi‘s strip clubs and other locations on May 14, 2003. Federal agents simultaneously confronted several people involved in the bribery ring, including Galardi, Kincaid-Chauncey, and Kenny.
The FBI‘s investigation revealed that the bribery scheme worked as follows: Galardi would typically give cash—normally in $5,000 or $10,000 increments—to Malone to distribute to various public officials, usually county commissioners, in exchange for favorable action on ordinances, permits, and licenses affecting the operation of his two new strip clubs. Occasionally, Galardi would personally bribe the officials. The bribery payments occurred at various locations, including in restaurants, inside parked cars, and at the officials’ homes. To assure himself that the officials actually received the money Malone was instructed to give them, Galardi told Malone to have the officials call Galardi, using Malone‘s cell phone, to tell him “thanks” after they received the money.
On February 21, 2006, a second superseding indictment charged Kincaid-Chauncey, Herrera, and Malone with conspiracy, aiding and abetting, honest services wire fraud, and extortion under color of official right. See
The first payment alleged in the indictment occurred on August 2, 2001. Malone met with Kincaid-Chauncey in her car in the parking lot of a restaurant. After the meeting, Kincaid-Chauncey called Galardi using Malone‘s cell phone, and told him “thanks for all your help.” On that same day, Kincaid-Chauncey‘s son, who had been having financial difficulties, deposited $3,800 in cash to his bank account. About one hour after this meeting, Malone called Erin Kenny and said, “[W]e‘ve got Mary Kincaid on board.” Around this time, Kincaid-Chauncey voted on matters before the county commission that affected Galardi‘s business interests without disclosing any conflict of interest. Specifically, on August 29, 2001, she voted to approve a limited liquor license for the Jaguars strip club. On September 25, 2001, she voted to extend the Jaguars liquor license for an additional month. Tape-recorded telephone conversations introduced at trial also established that Kincaid-Chauncey was taking orders from Malone and Galardi. For example, on September 14, 2001, Malone said to Kincaid-Chauncey, “Mike has an item on the agenda on the nineteenth.... We also need you on the twenty-fifth.” Kincaid-Chauncey replied, “Yeah, I‘ll be there.”
The third payment alleged in the indictment occurred in February 2002. Malone called Kincaid-Chauncey on February 23, 2002, to set up a lunch meeting with Galardi on February 28. After Kincaid-Chauncey, Malone, and Galardi had lunch together, Malone and Kincaid-Chauncey got in Kincaid-Chauncey‘s car, where Malone allegedly gave her $5,000. On March 27 and April 30, 2002, Kincaid-Chauncey again voted on matters affecting Galardi‘s strip clubs without disclosing her conflict of interest.2
The fourth and final payment alleged in the indictment occurred in June 2002. Kincaid-Chauncey called Malone on June 3, 2002, to tell him that her grandson had been accepted into an Olympic ski school but needed $15,000 for the tuition. Galardi said that he gave Kincaid-Chauncey $5,000 through Malone sometime in June 2002. Kincaid-Chauncey admitted receiving $4,000—not $5,000—from Malone during a tour of Jaguars with her daughter. A series of recorded telephone conversations followed this payment in June and July 2002, in which Malone gave Kincaid-Chauncey explicit instructions on how Galardi wanted her to vote on ordinances governing nude dancing. For example, on July 30, 2002, discussing an upcoming hearing on the all nude dancing ordinance, Malone told Kincaid-Chauncey that “I‘m sure Mike‘s not gonna want you to... hang your head out there... and get it chopped off.” On July 31, 2002, Malone called Kincaid-Chauncey and told her to put her cell phone on vibrate during the hearing on the ordinance so he could call to tell her what to say if he needed to.3 Kincaid-Chauncey told Malone that she would be voting in favor of an ordinance that limited the touching between nude dancers and their patrons, even though Galardi opposed it, because she did not want to “be the only one voting against it.” On that same day, Kincaid-Chauncey voted for the limited touch ordinance. A few days later on August 5, 2002, without disclosing her relationship with Galardi, she submitted a memorandum to the county manager requesting that the County Commission reconsider the limited touch ordinance. In her memorandum, she said that she voted in favor of it because she thought the City of Las Vegas would be considering, and was likely to pass, a similar ordinance and she wanted the rules to
On the basis of those four payments, Kincaid-Chauncey was indicted for one count of conspiracy to deprive the Clark County Commission and the citizens of Clark County of their right to honest services in violation of
Kincaid-Chauncey stood trial jointly with Dario Herrerra in March 2006.6 During the eight week trial, Kincaid-Chauncey pursued two lines of defense. First, she argued that Malone had deceived Galardi into thinking that he had given the money to the county commissioners, but had really kept the money for himself (the Theft Theory). Second, she argued that Galardi exaggerated the extent of his bribery scheme, implicating numerous innocent public officials to gain a bargaining advantage with the prosecutors (the Liar Theory).
To pursue these theories, Kincaid-Chauncey questioned Galardi on cross-examination about whether he paid money to nine other public officials, including, in no particular order: Thom Reilly, the Clark County Manager; Mark Scofield, the Clark County Tax Assessor; Lynette Boggs-McDonald, a Las Vegas City Council member; Oscar Goodman, the mayor of the City of Las Vegas; Ardel Jorgensen, a Clark County business licensing official; David Roger, the Clark County District Attorney; Lee Gates and Donald Mosley, both Clark County District Court judges; and Yvonne Atkinson-Gates, a Clark County Commissioner and the wife of Judge Gates. Kincaid-Chauncey also introduced evidence of inconsistent statements regarding whether Galardi paid money to those officials, and she sought to call each of the nine officials to contradict Galardi‘s testimony.
The district court permitted Kincaid-Chauncey to call Thom Reilly and Mark Scofield. Thom Reilly was the Clark County Manager during the time period in question. Galardi testified on cross-examination that he had given $5,000 in cash to Thom Reilly as a bribe. The district court permitted Kincaid-Chauncey to call Reilly at trial because Galardi‘s testimony “directly concerned a payment which Galardi testified was made to Malone and that Galardi assumed... had been paid to Reilly.” Reilly testified that he never received any money from Galardi.
Mark Scofield was the Clark County Tax Assessor. Galardi testified on cross-examination that he gave Scofield $5,000 in cash. Galardi was impeached with prior
First, the district court ruled that the testimony was admissible to impeach by contradiction under United States v. Castillo, 181 F.3d 1129 (9th Cir. 1999). Second, the court ruled that the testimony was admissible, under
The district court ruled that Kincaid-Chauncey could not call any of the other seven witnesses. Again relying on Castillo, the court ruled that their testimony was not admissible to impeach by contradiction because it sought to contradict testimony elicited on cross-examination. The court also denied Kincaid-Chauncey‘s request to admit the testimony under
Kincaid-Chauncey advanced the Theft Theory at trial by calling Reilly, who testified that he never received money that Galardi allegedly gave to Malone to give to him and that Malone never offered him any money. Kincaid-Chauncey also introduced evidence of Malone‘s previous acts of fraud as well as a telephone call between Malone and his father. In the call, Malone‘s father tells Malone that it would not be a good idea to keep $20,000 that Galardi had given to Malone to bribe a public official. Kincaid-Chauncey advanced the Liar Theory at trial by calling various FBI agents and other government employees who Galardi claimed to have paid off. She also introduced numerous examples of Galardi‘s prior inconsistent statements.
As the trial drew to a close, Kincaid-Chauncey objected to the proposed jury instructions for the honest services fraud and Hobbs Act charges. She argued that the instructions for both the honest services fraud counts and the Hobbs Act counts should require the jury to find the existence of a quid pro quo as an element of the crime. The district court‘s final jury instructions did not incorporate the changes that Kincaid-Chauncey proposed.
On May 8, 2006, the jury found Kincaid-Chauncey guilty of all counts against her except the Hobbs Act charge based on the February 28, 2002, payment. At sentencing, the district court imposed a thirty-month term of incarceration to be followed by a two year period of supervised release.
II
Kincaid-Chauncey advances three claims. We address each in turn.
A
Kincaid-Chauncey first argues that the district court erred in refusing to permit her to call seven of nine proposed witnesses to advance her theories of defense.7 For the reasons explained below, we find that the district court did not deny Kincaid-Chauncey the opportunity to present a defense or abuse its discretion in refusing to admit the testimony of each of the seven contested witnesses. Because the determination of whether the evidence should have been admitted is particular to each witness, we briefly discuss each of
Lynnette Boggs-McDonald was a member of the Las Vegas City Council from June 1999 until April 2004. She served as a Clark County Commissioner from April 2004 until she lost reelection in 2006. Galardi testified on cross-examination that he had given a campaign contribution to Boggs-McDonald, but that he did not remember how much or whether he had paid with cash or a check. He also testified that he did not expect anything in return for the contribution. This testimony conflicted with previous statements that Galardi made to investigators before trial that Galardi paid Boggs-McDonald $10,000 in cash through Lance Malone. Kincaid-Chauncey called an FBI agent who testified that Galardi told the FBI prior to trial that he had paid $10,000 in cash to Boggs-McDonald. The government and Kincaid-Chauncey stipulated that Galardi told the FBI before trial that he had paid public officials, including Boggs-McDonald, “upwards of six figures.” The district court excluded Boggs-McDonald because Galardi‘s testimony about her was elicited on cross. Boggs-McDonald was expected to testify that she only received a $1,000 check as a campaign contribution from Galardi.
Oscar Goodman has been the mayor of the City of Las Vegas since June 1999. Galardi testified on cross-examination that he personally gave $10,000 to Oscar Goodman before Goodman began his original campaign for mayor. Goodman was expected to testify that he never received any money from Galardi.
Ardel Jorgensen was the Business Licensing Director for Clark County. On cross-examination, Galardi testified that he had Lance Malone give $20,000 in cash to Jorgensen at a meeting where Galardi was present. Galardi testified that he saw Malone put the money in Jorgensen‘s bag. Although Galardi did not consider the payment to be a bribe because he gave it to her in recognition of the help she had already provided, he acknowledged that it was illegal. Defense counsel impeached Galardi‘s testimony during cross-examination by asking about statements he made to his former attorneys indicating that he had not paid any money to Jorgensen. The defense expected that Jorgensen would testify that she never received any cash payment from Galardi.
David Roger has been the Clark County District Attorney since 2002. On cross-examination, Galardi testified that he gave a $20,000 check to Peter Christiansen, Galardi‘s attorney, to give to David Roger as a campaign contribution for Roger‘s bid to become the Clark County District Attorney. However, Galardi testified that Roger returned the check when it became public that he had accepted a campaign contribution from a strip club owner. Roger was expected to testify that he never received any illegal contributions from Galardi.
Donald Mosley has been a judge on the State of Nevada District Court since 1983. Galardi testified on cross-examination that he and his father gave about $50,000 to Mosley over a twenty year period but that they did not expect anything in return for those payments. Mosley was expected to testify at trial that he only received about $5,000 from Galardi during the twenty years in question.
Lee Gates has been a judge on the State of Nevada District Court since 1991. Galardi testified on cross-examination that he contributed to Judge Gates‘s campaign by giving money to Peter Christiansen, though he could not remember the precise amount. He testified that he made the contribution in the hope that Gates would exert pressure on his wife, Yvonne Atkinson-Gates, to change her position on up-
Yvonne Atkinson-Gates was a Clark County Commissioner from 1993 until March 2007. On cross-examination, Galardi testified that he never paid any money directly to Atkinson-Gates, but that he made a campaign contribution to her husband in the hope that it would influence Atkinson-Gates to reconsider her position on a matter before the Clark County Commission. Galardi further stated on cross-examination that Atkinson-Gates told Malone that “$100,000 would make any problems [with zoning issues] go away” while Atkinson-Gates was on a pre-opening tour of the strip club Jaguars. Atkinson-Gates was called as a witness but was not allowed to testify about whether she made that statement.
1
The district court ruled that the testimony of these seven witnesses was inadmissible because it constituted impeachment of cross-examination testimony by contradiction.8 Kincaid-Chauncey asserts that this was error.
Impeachment by contradiction “permits courts to admit extrinsic evidence that specific testimony is false, because contradicted by other evidence.” United States v. Castillo, 181 F.3d 1129, 1132 (9th Cir. 1999). Impeachment by contradiction is an exception to the collateral fact rule embodied in
Impeachment by contradiction comes with an important limitation. In general, a witness may be impeached by contradiction only if “the statements in issue [have] been volunteered on direct examination.” United States v. Green, 648 F.2d 587, 596 n. 12 (9th Cir. 1981) (emphasis added). In Castillo, we read our cases to hold that “extrinsic evidence may not be admitted to impeach testimony invited by questions posed during cross-examination.” 181 F.3d at 1133. We explained that when the testimony to be contradicted is offered under cross-examination, impeachment by
In this case, all nine of the witnesses offered by Kincaid-Chauncey—Reilly, Scofield, and the seven excluded witnesses—were expected to contradict testimony Galardi gave during cross-examination. Under Castillo, the district court could have excluded the testimony of all nine witnesses. Such a ruling would have been well within our statement in Castillo that “extrinsic evidence may not be admitted to impeach testimony invited by questions posed during cross-examination.” Id. at 1133. Nevertheless, after reviewing the transcript of Galardi‘s testimony carefully, the district court only excluded the testimony of seven of Kincaid-Chauncey‘s nine proffered witnesses. In an exercise of the discretion afforded in Castillo, the district court permitted Kincaid-Chauncey to call Reilly and Scofield. The district court explained that it did so because Galardi specifically testified that he gave money to Malone to give to those two individuals, and they were expected to testify that they never received any money. As the district court explained with respect to Reilly, although it was “a very close question” whether to permit his questioning, his testimony was “distinct from all of the others.”
The district court then reviewed name-by-name its reasons for excluding the other seven witnesses. None of Galardi‘s trial testimony about six of the seven witnesses stated that he definitely remembered giving unlawful money to them directly or through Malone.9 His testimony about three of them—Goodman, Roger, and Gates—concerned campaign contributions that were not alleged to have been given illegally. The testimony expected from Mosley would have simply disputed the aggregate amount of what apparently was a series of gifts over a twenty year period. Finally, Atkinson-Gates would have merely disputed making an entirely collateral statement during a tour of one of Galardi‘s strip clubs. Allowing the defendant to call the mayor, members of the city council, judges, and other public officials to testify about extraneous events would have created a huge sideshow to what was already a trial of notoriety. None of the proffered testimony was central to the core issues of the trial, and thus it is precisely the type of evidence that the collateral fact rule is designed to exclude.
The district court‘s decision to exclude the testimony of the seven witnesses is well within our rule in Castillo and thus was not an abuse of discretion. Nor did the district court abuse its discretion by admitting some of the defendant‘s witnesses and not others. The district court plainly could have excluded all nine of the witnesses; even if, in its discretion, the
2
Next, Kincaid-Chauncey argues that the testimony of the witnesses was admissible under
3
Finally, Kincaid-Chauncey makes an overarching argument that the district court‘s refusal to admit the testimony of these witnesses deprived her of her Fifth Amendment right to due process and her Sixth Amendment right to present a defense, claims that we review de novo. See United States v. Lynch, 437 F.3d 902, 913 (9th Cir. 2006) (en banc) (per curiam).
“The Constitution guarantees a criminal defendant a meaningful opportunity to introduce relevant evidence on his behalf.” Menendez v. Terhune, 422 F.3d 1012, 1033 (9th Cir. 2005) (citing Crane v. Kentucky, 476 U.S. 683, 690 (1986)). However, “[a] defendant‘s right to present relevant evidence is not unlimited, but rather is subject to reasonable restrictions” and may have to “bow to accommodate other legitimate interests” in criminal trials. United States v. Scheffer, 523 U.S. 303, 308 (1998) (quoting Rock v. Arkansas, 483 U.S. 44, 55 (1987)). Such interests include the orderly administration of the trial—governed by the rules of procedure—and the admission of reliable evidence. Our evidentiary rules do not violate the constitutional right to present a defense “so long as they are not ‘arbitrary’ or ‘disproportionate to the purposes they are designed to serve.‘” Id.; see also United States v. Valenzuela-Bernal, 458 U.S. 858, 867 (1982). To violate that standard, an evidentiary rule must “infringe[] upon a weighty interest of the accused.” Scheffer, 523 U.S. at 308.
None of the six witnesses proffered for the Liar Theory would have advanced that theory, either. As noted above, three of the witnesses would have disputed whether Galardi gave them campaign contributions (Goodman, Roger, and Gates); one would have disputed the amount of a series of gifts (Mosley); and one would have disputed whether she made a collateral statement (Atkinson-Gates). The final proffered witness, Jorgensen, would have directly contradicted Galardi‘s cross-examination testimony, but Kincaid-Chauncey was permitted to impeach Galardi with his prior inconsistent statement concerning the payment to Jorgensen. The marginal value that would have accrued to the defense from Jorgensen‘s testimony does not make the rule governing impeachment by contradiction “arbitrary” or “disproportionate to the purposes [it is] designed to serve.” Scheffer, 523 U.S. at 308.11
We are confident that no violation of Kincaid-Chauncey‘s constitutional right to present a defense occurred because she was permitted to advance these two theories through numerous other methods. The district court permitted her to call two witnesses to testify in support of the Theft Theory. She also introduced evidence of Malone‘s previous acts of fraud under
For these reasons, we conclude that the district court‘s exclusion of the seven witnesses did not deprive Kincaid-Chauncey of due process or her constitutional right to present a defense.
* * * *
In sum, we conclude that the district court did not err in excluding the testimony of the seven challenged witnesses.
B
Kincaid-Chauncey next challenges the jury instructions given on the Hobbs Act charges. She alleges that the district court erred by failing to instruct the jury that an explicit quid pro quo was necessary to convict her of violating the Hobbs Act.12 Although we agree that the government must prove the existence of a quid pro quo to obtain a conviction under the Hobbs Act for non-campaign related payments, we reject the notion that the quid pro quo needs to be explicitly stated.
The Hobbs Act, among other things, prohibits a wide variety of activities that fall under the general rubric of extortion. Specifically, it says:
Whoever in any way or degree obstructs, delays, or affects commerce or the movement of any article or commodity in commerce, by... extortion or attempts or conspires so to do, or commits or threatens physical violence to any person or property in furtherance of a plan or purpose to do anything in violation of this section shall be fined under this title or imprisoned not more than twenty years, or both.
To convict Kincaid-Chauncey of Hobbs Act extortion under a color of official right theory, the government was required to prove that she (1) was a government official; (2) who accepted property to which she was not entitled; (3) knowing that she was not entitled to the property; and (4) knowing that the payment was given in return for official acts; (5) which had at least a de minimis effect on commerce. See
In McCormick v. United States, the Supreme Court held that when the defendant is charged with color of official right extortion and the unlawfully gained property is in the form of a campaign contribution, the government must prove that there was an explicit quid pro quo. 500 U.S. 257, 271-74 (1991);
In Tucker, we assumed without deciding that a prosecution for extortion under color of official right in the non-campaign contribution context required a quid pro quo. 133 F.3d at 1215 (upholding against a sufficiency of the evidence challenge Hobbs Act color of official right extortion convictions). Today, we join our sister circuits and make explicit the Tucker assumption: We hold that a conviction for extortion under color of official right, whether in the campaign or non-campaign contribution context, requires that the government prove a quid pro quo.
That being said, it is well established that to convict a public official of Hobbs Act extortion for receipt of property other than campaign contributions, “[t]he official and the payor need not state the quid pro quo in express terms, for otherwise the law‘s effect could be frustrated by knowing winks and nods.” Evans, 504 U.S. at 274 (Kennedy, J., concurring). An explicit quid pro quo is not required; an agreement implied from the official‘s words and actions is sufficient to satisfy this element. See id. at 268 (majority opinion) (“[The] Government need only show that a public official has obtained a payment to which he was not entitled, knowing that the payment was made in return for official acts.“); Ganim, 510 F.3d at 143; Antico, 275 F.3d at 258; Giles, 246 F.3d at 972.
Applied to this case, these principles clearly demonstrate that the jury was properly instructed on the Hobbs Act counts. The district court instructed the jury as follows:
In order for a defendant to be found guilty of [violating
§ 1951 ], the Government must prove each of the following elements beyond a reasonable doubt:First, the defendant was a public official.
Second, the defendant obtained money, which the defendant knew he or she was not entitled to.
Third, the defendant knew that the money was given in return for taking some official action.
And, four, commerce or the movement of any article, commodity, or people in commerce from one state to another was affected in some way.
In the case of a public official who obtains money, other than a campaign contribution, the Government does not have to prove an explicit promise to perform a particular act made at the time of the payment. Rather, it is sufficient if the public official understands that he or she is expected as a result of the payment to exercise particular kinds of influence as specific opportunities arise.
Although “[n]o specific instruction to find an express quid pro quo was given,” Antico, 275 F.3d at 259, this instruction adequately stated the implicit quid pro quo element that Evans requires. The instruction tells the jury that it can only find a defendant guilty if it finds that she “knew that the money was given in return for taking some official action.” It then elaborates that the government does not have to show an express promise, but the public official must understand that “she is expected as a result of the payment to exercise particular kinds of influence as specific opportunities arise.” “[A]lthough the magic words quid pro quo were not uttered, a simplified version of the concept, the idea that ‘you get something and you give something,’ was.” Giles, 246 F.3d at 973.
The circuits that have considered similar language in jury instructions for Hobbs Act color of official right extortion charges have approved it. In United States v. Ganim, for example, the former mayor of Bridgeport, Connecticut, was charged with violating, among other statutes,
Accordingly, we find no error in the district court‘s jury instruction concerning non-campaign related payments received by Kincaid-Chauncey charged as Hobbs Act violations.
C
Finally, Kincaid-Chauncey asserts that the district court erred in failing to instruct the jury that the crime of honest services fraud requires proof of a quid pro quo. For the reasons that follow, we con-
1
The wire fraud statute states:
Whoever, having devised or intending to devise any scheme or artifice to defraud, or for obtaining money or property by means of false or fraudulent pretenses, representations, or promises, transmits or causes to be transmitted by means of wire, radio, or television communication in interstate or foreign commerce, any writings, signs, signals, pictures, or sounds for the purpose of executing such scheme or artifice, shall be fined under this title or imprisoned not more than 20 years, or both.
In McNally v. United States, the Supreme Court held that the mail fraud statute did not extend to cover honest services fraud. 483 U.S. 350, 359-60 (1987). Concerned about the ambiguity of the outer bounds of an honest services fraud theory and afraid to “involve[] the Federal Government in setting standards of disclosure and good government for local and state officials,” the McNally Court instructed Congress to “speak more clearly” if it wanted to make honest services fraud a crime. Id. at 360.
Congress “chose to ‘speak more clearly‘” the very next year by adding
“The intangible rights’ theory [of honest services fraud] has been a subject of controversy in the history of the federal mail
Playing off of this sentiment, Kincaid-Chauncey claims that, without a quid pro quo requirement, the honest services fraud statute “criminaliz[es] behavior which is not clearly wrongful and which the official could not know was wrongful.” She argues that McCormick and Evans, which established a quid pro quo requirement for Hobbs Act color of official right extortion prosecutions, require a similar result here; otherwise, numerous relatively innocuous acts would be swept into the statute‘s reach. We agree that a limiting principle needs to be identified for
McCormick and Evans, while instructive, are clearly not controlling. As we discussed in the previous section, those cases concerned prosecutions under the Hobbs Act for color of official right extortion. Importantly, Hobbs Act extortion is defined as “the obtaining of property from another, with his consent, induced by wrongful use of actual or threatened force, violence, or fear, or under color of official right.”
We have long recognized that the wire fraud statute requires proof of specific intent to defraud. See, e.g., United States v. Bohonus, 628 F.2d 1167, 1172 (9th Cir. 1980) (“The specific intent requirement [in
The political system functions because lobbyists and others are able to persuade elected officials of the wisdom or error of policy proposals. We echo the admonition that “[s]uch endeavors are
Although we have rejected Kincaid-Chauncey‘s invitation to read a quid pro quo requirement generally into honest services fraud, we find that her argument has merit in one important instance. The courts have recognized two principal theories of honest services fraud in cases involving public officials: fraud based on a public official‘s acceptance of a bribe and fraud based on a public official‘s failure to disclose a material conflict of interest. See, e.g., Weyhrauch, 548 F.3d at 1247 (“We are persuaded that Congress’ intent in reinstating the honest services doctrine after McNally was to bring at least the two core categories of official misconduct, [(1) taking a bribe or otherwise being paid for a decision while purporting to be exercising independent discretion and (2) non-disclosure of material information,] within the reach of
When the government‘s theory is that a public official accepted money in exchange for influence, we agree that at least an implicit quid pro quo is required. See Kemp, 500 F.3d at 281-82. This requirement is necessary to ensure that the defendant had the requisite intent to defraud and to avoid convicting people for having the “mere intent to curry favor.” Id. at 281. Without a link between the item of value received and an understanding that the public official receiving it is to perform official acts on behalf of the payor when called upon, there is no discernible way to distinguish between an elected official responding to legitimate lobbying and a corrupt politician selling his votes to the highest bidder. The Supreme Court has rejected such broad theories of criminal liability in a similar context. See Sun-Diamond Growers, 526 U.S. at 404-05, 408 (requiring a link between receipt of an illegal gratuity and an official act in order to sustain conviction for violating the gratuity statute,
Like the quid pro quo requirement for Hobbs Act extortion under color of official right charges, the quid pro quo necessary for a bribery honest services fraud conviction need not be explicit, and the district court need not use the words “quid pro quo” when it instructs the jury so long as the essential idea of give-and-take is conveyed. See Giles, 246 F.3d at 973. Nor need the implicit quid pro quo concern a specific official act. See Kemp, 500 F.3d at 282 (“[The] government need not prove that each gift was provided with the intent to prompt a specific official act.“); accord United States v. Jennings, 160 F.3d 1006, 1014 (4th Cir. 1998) (“The quid pro quo requirement is satisfied so long as the evidence shows a course of conduct of favors and gifts flowing to a public official in exchange for a pattern of official actions favorable to the donor.” (internal quotation marks omitted)).15 Other
2
We now apply these principles to the facts of this case. The district court instructed the jury on the wire fraud counts16 as follows:
In order for a defendant to be found guilty of [wire fraud], the Government must prove each of the following elements beyond a reasonable doubt.
First, the defendant made up or knowingly participated in a scheme or plan to deprive the Clark County Board of County Commissioners and the citizens of Clark County of their right to honest services.
Second, the defendant acted with the intent to deprive the Board of County Commissioners and the citizens of Clark County of their right to honest services.
And, third, the defendant transmitted, or caused someone to transmit, a wire communication in interstate commerce to carry out or to attempt to carry out the scheme or plan....
What must be proved beyond a reasonable doubt is that the defendant, with intent to defraud, knowingly and willfully devised, intended to devise, or participated in a scheme to defraud substantially the same as the one alleged in the indictment.
These instructions appropriately directed the jury‘s attention to the issue of intent to defraud. The instructions state that Kincaid-Chauncey could not be found guilty unless she “made up or knowingly participated in a scheme or plan” to deprive the County or its citizens “of their right to honest services.” The instructions repeat that Kincaid-Chauncey must have “acted with the intent to deprive the Board of County Commissioners and the citizens of Clark County of their right to honest services.” (emphasis added). The instructions go on to say that the government must prove beyond a reasonable doubt “that the defendant with intent to defraud, knowingly and willfully devised, intended to devise, or participated in a scheme to defraud.” (emphasis added).
The instructions then proceed to define what it means to intend to defraud the public of honest services:
Public officials inherently owe a duty to the public to act in the public‘s best interest. If, instead, the official accepts something of value with an intent to be influenced, the official has defrauded the public of the official‘s honest services even though no tangible loss to the public has been shown because the public official deprived the public of its right to honest and faithful government.
In addition, when an official acting with the intent to defraud, fails to disclose a personal interest in a matter over which he or she has decision-making power, the public is deprived of its right to honest services because it is deprived of its right either to disinterested decision making itself or full disclosure as to the official‘s motivation behind an official
act. It is not enough for the Government to prove that the defendant failed to disclose such a conflict of interest. Rather, the Government must prove that the defendant acted with the intent to defraud. The Government proves intent to defraud if it proves that the scheme was reasonably calculated to deceive persons of ordinary prudence and comprehension. A public official‘s duty to disclose material information need not be expressly imposed by statute or code because a public official inherently owes a fiduciary duty to the public to make governmental decisions in the public‘s best interest.
The focus of honest services fraud is on the fraudulent and deceptive conduct of the public official who abuses a position of trust, and the Government is not required to link any particular payment to a specific act on the part of the public official.
This instruction permitted the jury to find that Kincaid-Chauncey defrauded the public of her honest services on one of two theories: that she accepted something of value with the intent to be influenced or that she failed to disclose a conflict of interest and thereby intended to defraud the public. We must reverse Kincaid-Chauncey‘s convictions for honest services fraud if the instructions regarding either of those two theories stated the necessary elements inaccurately, Martinez v. Garcia, 379 F.3d 1034, 1040 (9th Cir. 2004), and the error was not harmless, Neder v. United States, 527 U.S. 1, 9 (1999).
The first theory permitted a finding of guilt only if the jury found that Kincaid-Chauncey “accept[ed] something of value with an intent to be influenced.” Because this is a bribery theory of prosecution, the intent to defraud must have been shown at least through an implicit quid pro quo. The intent element described in this instruction is rather thin; if given in isolation, this instruction might well be inadequate to ensure that the jury found that Kincaid-Chauncey had acted with the intent to defraud. Two factors, however, prevent us from reaching that conclusion.
First, the instructions do not permit the jury to convict a defendant simply for having the “intent to be influenced.” Instead, the defendant needed to “accept something of value” in conjunction with that intent. Though the district court specifically stated that “the Government is not required to link any particular payment to a specific act on the part of the public official,” this instruction is not very different from the implicit quid pro quo instruction we just approved in connection with the Hobbs Act charges against Kincaid-Chauncey. The Hobbs Act instruction stated: “[T]he Government does not have to prove an explicit promise to perform a particular act made at the time of the payment. Rather, it is sufficient if the public official understands that he or she is expected as a result of the payment to exercise particular kinds of influence as specific opportunities arise.” There is little distance between the knowledge that a payment creates an expectation to “exercise particular kinds of influence” and the intent to be influenced, motivated by the receipt of something of value.
The district court‘s instruction that “the Government is not required to link any particular payment to a specific act on the part of the public official,” contrary to Kincaid-Chauncey‘s argument, did not remove the necessary link between the receipt of the item of value and the intent to be influenced. The Third Circuit has used nearly identical language to describe the “stream of benefits” theory of honest services fraud. See Kemp, 500 F.3d at 282 (“[T]he government need not prove that
Second, we are required to review the jury instructions as a whole, Frega, 179 F.3d at 806 n. 16, and the instructions here contain numerous references to the specific intent to defraud the public, which strengthen the quid pro quo element in the instructions. For example, the district court cautioned the jury that “[a] public official does not commit honest services fraud if his or her intent was limited to the cultivation of a personal, business, or political friendship.” Rather, the official must have had an intent “to be improperly influenced in his or her official duties.” The jury was also instructed that “[a] public official‘s receipt of hospitality does not defraud the public of its right to honest services unless the public official accepts such hostility [sic] with the intent to be influenced or to deceive the public.” The instructions required that the jury focus on “the fraudulent and deceptive conduct of the public official who abuses a position of trust.” To satisfy the specific intent to defraud, the instructions required the government to prove beyond a reasonable doubt “that the scheme was reasonably calculated to deceive persons of ordinary prudence and comprehension.” The jury thus could not convict for mere influence or political friendships. Accord Kemp, 500 F.3d at 281-82 (approving an instruction that “left no danger that the jury would convict upon merely finding that[the defendants] provided benefits to [a public official] in a general attempt to curry favor or build goodwill“). Instead, conviction required “fraudulent and deceptive conduct.”
Thus, while the instructions stated that all a finding of guilt required was receipt of an item of value coupled with an intent to be influenced, the rest of the instructions prevented a conviction based on the type of legitimate “influence” that is necessary to the functioning of any political system. The district court did not use the words “quid pro quo,” but the instructions, on the whole, adequately conveyed “the idea that ‘you get something and you give something.‘” Giles, 246 F.3d at 973. Because the instructions, taken as a whole, contained an implicit quid pro quo requirement, they adequately stated the elements of honest services fraud on a bribery theory.
The second theory on which the jury instructions permitted a finding of guilt on the honest services fraud counts was the failure to disclose a conflict of interest. This portion of the instruction specifically notes that the mere failure to disclose a conflict of interest is inadequate, but that the government must also prove that Kincaid-Chauncey acted with the specific intent to defraud in her failure to disclose a conflict of interest. The instruction permitted conviction if “the public official participated in the matter without disclosing her conflict of interest, provided that the non-disclosure was coupled with an intent to defraud.” The instruction thus required that Kincaid-Chauncey satisfy the requisite mental state for an honest services fraud conviction based on a nondisclosure theory. As we stated above, this theory of honest services fraud does not require demonstration of a quid pro quo to prove the required intent to defraud.17
III
The judgment of conviction is AFFIRMED.
BERZON, Circuit Judge, concurring:
I agree with the majority‘s conclusion that a quid pro quo requirement is not necessary to all
A public official‘s failure to disclose a material interest in a matter over which the official exercises discretionary decision-making power may fall within the scope of
Although the need for a limiting principle is apparent in all
But other cases are much less clear-cut. Determining whether a particular relationship rises to the level of an improper conflict of interest can involve judgment calls that implicate subjective notions of morality and professional ethics. For this reason, statutes governing public employees and codes of professional ethics do not speak in general terms about the conflicts that can lead to the imposition of criminal liability or disciplinary sanctions. Rather, such requirements are spelled out in great detail. See, e.g.,
Naturally, because separating permissible conduct from impermissible conduct can be an exercise in line drawing, different jurisdictions reach varying conclusions with respect to conduct that triggers conflict of interest rules. For example, in some instances, regulations seemingly prohibit public officials from participating in actions that implicate any of their personal financial interests, whereas others provide a floor of permissible financial interest before liability attaches. Compare, e.g.,
The point is not to dwell on the minutia or merits of various conflict of interest regulations, but rather to illustrate that it is often not readily apparent whether a problematic conflict of interest exists and therefore whether an official‘s failure to disclose such information should or should not give rise to criminal liability. Without reference to some external disclosure standard,
Furthermore, resolving what constitutes an impermissible conflict of interest does not solve all of the ambiguity presented by
Without a reference to external disclosure standards, the conflict of interest theory of honest services fraud risks imposing a dangerously amorphous standard of criminal liability. Courts have long been concerned that the mail fraud statute‘s potentially broad scope could give insufficient notice of criminal liability and lead to the creation of federal common law crimes. See Sorich, 523 F.3d at 707-08 (“[G]iven the amorphous and open-ended nature of
The stakes are considerably higher in the case of public officials. The lack of statutory specification can give rise to selective prosecution and political misuse. See Thomas M. DiBiagio, Politics and the Criminal Process: Federal Public Corruption Prosecutions of Popular Public Officials Under the Honest Services Component of the Mail and Wire Fraud Statutes, 105 Dick. L.Rev. 57, 57-58 (2000) (“With no established standards, a federal public corruption prosecution, based on the intangible right to honest services, is particularly vulnerable to being snarled by politics.“); see also United States v. Margiotta, 688 F.2d 108, 143 (2d Cir. 1982) (Winter, J., dissenting) (“It may be a disagreeable fact but it is never-the-less a fact that political opponents not infrequently exchange charges of ‘corruption,’ ‘bias‘, ‘dishonesty,’ or deviation from ‘accepted standards of... fair play and right dealing.’ Every such accusation is now potentially translatable into a federal indictment.” (alteration in the original)). As the Third Circuit observed, “[d]eprivation of honest services is perforce an imprecise standard, and rule of lenity concerns are particularly weighty in the context of prosecutions of political officials, since such prosecutions may chill constitutionally protected political activity.” Panarella, 277 F.3d at 698. The conflict of interest theory, unhinged from an external disclosure standard, places too potent a tool in the hands of zealous prosecutors who may be
Finally, requiring a “specific intent to defraud” cannot always function as a sufficient limiting principle—one that would effectively prevent such political misuse—in the absence of a well-specified and commonly understood notion of when non-disclosure amounts to “fraud.” One can certainly intend to withhold a particular piece of information, but it is nearly meaningless to say that such a withholding was done with the specific intent to deceive if there is no extrinsic standard governing whether the disclosure was required in the first place. Requiring a “specific intent to defraud” is necessary to satisfy the mental state required under the mail fraud statute, but determining whether that element is satisfied also requires reference to some external source of disclosure obligations.
Our recent decision in Weyhrauch held only that the government need not prove a violation of a state law disclosure requirement to sustain an honest services fraud conviction. 548 F.3d at 1248. We declined to adopt a state law limiting principle out of concern that requiring a violation of state law would “limit[] the reach of the federal fraud statutes only to conduct that violates state law,” id. at 1245, and would thereby constrain Congress‘s ability to protect federal interests to the independent decisions of the states. Id. at 1246. That is, we rejected the idea that state law could supply the sole source of conflict of interest disclosure obligations. But because the conduct at issue in that case fell “comfortably within” either a bribery or conflict of interest theory of honest services fraud, including, notably, strong evidence of a quid pro quo arrangement, we had no occasion to define what an appropriate limiting principle would be. Id. at 1247.
I therefore concur in the majority opinion only because the challenge to the honest services fraud instruction did not encompass the concerns explored in this concurrence. Had the issue been raised, I would have agreed with the Third Circuit that the government must prove a violation of an externally established conflict-of-interest-based disclosure standard.
No. 07-16620.
United States Court of Appeals, Ninth Circuit.
Argued and Submitted Oct. 29, 2008. Filed Feb. 20, 2009.
