The defendant was sentenced to 12 years in prison for raising marijuana and for a related firearm offense. He contends that some of the evidence used against him had been obtained by Indiana law enforcement officers in violation of an Indiana law governing telephone warrants and had been turned over to federal prosecutors. He points out that a federal officer who obtains evidence in violation of federal law can be enjoined from using the evidence in a state criminal prosecution,
Rea v. United States,
Appealingly symmetrical as Delaporte’s argument is, it has been repeatedly, and we think rightly, rejected.
Gordon v. Degelmann,
*1120
Comity between the federal government and the states has been a ground on which, for example, federal courts have declined to interfere with state criminal prosecutions.
Younger v. Harris,
The
Sutherland
ease, which we cited earlier, noted, while rejecting, earlier decisions which suggest that “in an extreme case of flagrant abuse of the law by state officials,” evidence obtained by that abuse might be excludable in federal court.
Delaporte’s second ground of appeal concerns the sentence. He was found with 411 marijuana plants in his possession, and under the applicable sentencing guideline each counted as one kilogram for purposes of computing his sentence. U.S.S.G. § 2D1.1(e). But of the 411 “plants,” 195 were mere cuttings, although all had roots, at least incipient ones, described by the government’s expert witness as comprising “visible white growth and fiber hairs growing from the edge of the clipping” — growing toward full-fledged roothood. Are cuttings so scantily accoutered “plants”? The guidelines do not define “plant.” But all the circuits that have addressed the issue (our court is not one of them) define a plant as a cutting that has roots,
United States v. Burke,
Karl Marx, in “The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Napoleon,” said that all world-historic facts and personages appear twice, the first time as tragedy, the second time as farce. Viability is, of course, a great issue in the debates over the legality of laws restricting abortion. See, e.g., Laurence H. Tribe, *1121 Abortion: The Clash of Absolutes 113-39 (1990); Michael W. McConnell, “How Not to Promote Serious Deliberation about Abortion,” 58 U.ChiL.Rev. 1181, 1197-1200 (1991). There the issue is the age at which the fetus can live outside its mother’s womb. Here we are asked to explore the issue in the setting not of a mother and her fetus but of a plant and its cutting.
The cuttings are the clipped-off tips of mature plants. The cutting or shoot is stuck into soil or a soil substitute. It “takes root,” sending roots down into the soil to obtain nourishment. As the root structure develops, the above-ground plant grows and eventually sprouts leaves, at which point there is a full-fledged marijuana plant. At what point in the progress from the initial planting of the cutting to the attainment of maturity the cutting becomes a plant is as metaphysical as the question at what point between conception and birth a fetus becomes a person.
But of course the values, the considerations, that enter into decision are vastly different in the two eases. There is no cutting right to life or plant freedom of choice. The idea is to punish people who grow marijuana as well as those who distribute it, and to punish the larger growers more heavily than the smaller because the former pose a greater danger to the achievement of the goals of the drug laws. The proxy for scale is number of plants. If “plant” is defined too broadly, the relation between the dangerousness of the grower and the number of his plants frays. No doubt many cuttings fail to take root and as a result never produce marijuana. They are harmless. On the other hand it would be absurd to have a punishment scheme that gave the drug enforcement authorities an incentive lovingly to nurture to maturity any cuttings that they happened to seize, in order to maximize the grower’s sentence. The compromise position that law enforcement authorities hit upon was to count a cutting as a plant if but only if it had sprouted roots (even if only rudimentary ones), indicating that it was on course to becoming a full-fledged marijuana plant. It strikes us a reasonable position. We adopt it.
A paradox remains. Only female marijuana plants actually produce marijuana, just as only female cattle produce milk. If the rationale for counting “rooting” cuttings as plants is that they are sufficiently well on the way to maturity to pose a potential danger, then it might seem to follow that the male plants, posing no such danger, should not count in sentencing. But Congress can make it count if it wants to (the reason for its wanting to might be that the male plants are used for the sexual reproduction, as distinct from reproduction by cloning, of female plants, and thus contribute indirectly to the production of marijuana), and the only cases that have addressed the issue have held that it does want to.
United States v. Proyect,
The conviction and sentence are
AFFIRMED.
