The United States seeks to strip defendant-appellant Jack Reimer (“Reimer” or “defendant”) of his citizenship. The government argues that Reimer’s conduct during World War II should have rendered him ineligible to receive the visa upon which he entered the country in 1952,
see
Displaced Persons Act of 1948 (“DPA”), Pub.L. No. 80-774, 62 Stat. 1009 (1948),
as amended by
Pub.L. No. 81-555, 64 Stat. 219 (1950), and that his subsequent naturalization in 1959 was “illegally procured,”
see
Immigration and Nationality Act (“INA”), 8 U.S.C. § 1451(a). Specifically, the government contends that, pursuant to section 13 of the DPA, Reimer was ineligible for a visa, because during the war he assisted the Nazis in persecution, or alternatively, because he was a member or participant in a movement hostile to the United States.
See
DPA § 13,
Following a bench trial, the United States District Court for the Eastern District of New York (McKenna, J.) found that the government had met its burden of proving by clear, unequivocal, and convincing evidence,
see Fedorenko v. United States,
BACKGROUND
In the aftermath of World War II, Congress passed the DPA in an effort to permit at least some of the hundreds of thousands of people displaced by the war to
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seek refuge in the United States, without regard to previous immigration quotas.
Fedorenko,
any person who is or has been a member of or participated in any movement which is or has been hostile to the United States or the form of government of the United States, or ... any person who advocated or assisted in the persecution of any person because of race, religion, or national origin, or ... any person who has voluntarily borne arms against the United States during World War II.
DPA § 13,
Among the throngs of refugees and survivors of the death and work camps who entered the United States on visas issued under the DPA, was Jack Reimer.
Although Reimer is of German descent, he was born in 1918 in the Ukraine and grew up in the Soviet Union. 3 Prior to the war, Reimer studied at a state school to become a librarian. He spoke both German and Russian. In January 1940, Reimer was drafted into the Russian army. When the Germans invaded the Soviet Union on June 22,1941, Reimer was deployed into combat. He was captured not long after and held by the Germans as a prisoner-of-war. After two months in a camp at Biala-Podlaska, Poland, Reimer was transferred to the infamous training camp at Trawnicki.
The purpose of the camp at Trawnicki was to train guards, who were then placed under the control of the German Schutz-staffel (“SS”). Although the guards provided a variety of logistical support to the German army, they played a key role in furthering the Nazis’ plan — dubbed “Operation Reinhard” — to exterminate Poland’s Jews. Thus, for example, the guards — who were collectively referred to as “Wachmannschaften” or “Trawnicki men” — policed concentration camps and cleared Poland’s Jewish ghettos. The Wachmannschaften, including Reimer, typically were uniformed, paid, given leave, occasionally armed, and given the possibility of promotion.
Reimer’s exact role in the Wachmanns-chaften was very much disputed at trial. Reimer conceded in his testimony that he not only received guard training but also assisted in the training of other Trawnicki men. He was promoted four times, and awarded a medal for outstanding service to the German forces by a non-German. Reimer maintained, however, that his responsibilities were largely administrative and confined to accounting, translating, and keeping track of supplies.
The government asserted that Reimer was in the thick of the Waehmannschaf-ten’s operations. For example, the government presented evidence that placed Reimer in Lublin, Czestochowa, and Warsaw when those cities’ Jewish ghettoes were cleared, and tens of thousands of Jews were forced into concentration and labor camps. The government’s expert *459 witness testified that these Waehmanns-chaften operations were customarily manned with no more guards than were absolutely necessary to effectuate the mission’s objective of forcibly deporting the ghetto residents to concentration camps. The government argued that this gave rise to an inference that Reimer’s role in these events could not merely have been limited to administrative support.
The district court largely refused to draw such inferences, instead confining much of its factual findings to the version of events to which Reimer testified at trial. 4 The district court, however, found that even these facts were sufficient to support the conclusion that Reimer assisted the Nazis in persecution. Reimer testified to providing logistical support to other Waehmannschaften during the ghetto clearings at Czestochowa and Warsaw, standing guard while armed outside empty buildings in Lublin after the buildings had been cleared of Jewish inhabitants, and being present when civilians were thrown into a pit and murdered. Reimer was armed at the pit killing, and he admitted to having fired on command when one of those in the pit was observed to be still alive, although the district court credited Reimer’s account that he fired over the victim’s head. Reimer also testified to witnessing the SS carry out mass killings of Jews.
Near the end of the war, when the German army was in retreat, the Trawnieki men, including Reimer, were consolidated into the “SS Battalion Streibel.” Around that time, Reimer applied for and was given German citizenship. Although the record is sparse as to Reimer’s precise conduct during the final months of the war, we know he entered Germany around the same time that the war was declared over. Seven years later, in 1952, Reimer applied for and was granted a visa pursuant to the DPA. He acquired United States citizenship in 1959.
DISCUSSION
Of the questions presented to us, we answer only whether Reimer can, as a matter of law, be said to have “assisted in the persecution of any person because of race, religion, or national origin.” DPA § 13,
The leading case on the interpretation of the DPA is
Fedorenko v. United States,
The Supreme Court, however, found that Fedorenko’s conduct during the war would have rendered him ineligible to receive a visa, because the DPA “made
all
those who assisted in the persecution of civilians ineligible for visas.”
Id.
at 512,
[A]n individual who did no more than cut the hair of female inmates before they were executed cannot be found to have assisted in the persecution of civilians. On the other hand, there can be no question that a guard who was issued a uniform and armed with a rifle and a pistol, who was paid a stipend and was regularly allowed to leave the concentration camp to visit a nearby village, and who admitted to shooting at escaping inmates on orders from the commandant of the camp, fits within the statutory language about persons who assisted in the persecution of civilians.
Id.
at 512 n. 34,
As an initial matter, Reimer argues that it would be unjust to consider his wartime conduct “assistance” in persecution, contending that he was obliged either to go along with the commands of his superiors, or to face death himself. This argument, however, is plainly foreclosed by Fedoren-ko. There, the Supreme Court rejected the argument that those forced into the Nazis’ service should not be held responsible for their conduct, reasoning that, if Congress had intended for visas to be withheld from only those who voluntarily assisted in persecution, it would have so stated in the DPA. Id. (noting Congress’s deliberate use of the word “voluntary” elsewhere in the statute). Following Fe-dorenko, the voluntariness of Reimer’s conduct is therefore not determinative of whether he assisted in persecution.
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Rather, our task is to decide where Reimer’s conduct falls “between the extremes of the death camp barber and the weapon wielding guard.”
United States v. Sprogis,
Reimer contends, however, that the similarities end there. Reimer argues that while Fedorenko went on to serve as an armed guard at camps in which the prisoners were systematically worked or put to death, he was relegated to the role of a low-level bureaucrat, merely doling out pay and supplies to other guards. The facts, and indeed much of Reimer’s own testimony at trial, belie this purported passivity.
Reimer not only went through military training at Trawnicki but also then trained other Wachmannschaften. He was, moreover, dispatched from Trawnicki on a number of missions, and was present in Lublin, Czestochowa, and Warsaw when the Wach-mannschaften forcibly cleared those cities’ Jewish ghettos. Although the district court found that Reimer’s responsibilities in both Czestochowa and Warsaw were confined to feeding and paying those Wachmannschaften more directly responsible for clearing the ghettos, Reimer was armed in Lublin and stood guard outside expropriated Jewish property.
Perhaps most damning to Reimer’s argument, however, is that on at least one occasion he stood, armed, at the edge of a pit into which people — some alive and others dead — had been thrown. When one of the men who lay in the pit moved slightly, Reimer was ordered to fire. He did. The man in the pit was killed. Reimer maintains that the fatal bullet did not come from his gun, but from that of one of the other armed guards who fired from the pit’s edge. He testified that he deliberately fired over, and not into, the pit. Even crediting such a self-serving assertion, as the district court did, we do not think that whether Reimer assisted in persecution turns on such a distinction. We find it no less an act of assistance in persecution that Reimer, whose presence just as much as that of the other armed guards forced the victim to remain in the pit waiting to be murdered, ultimately fired over the victim’s head. 6
We also reject Reimer’s argument, relying on this Court’s decision in
Sprogis,
that his conduct does not constitute assistance in persecution because he did not “personally carry[] out Nazi-ordered oppression.”
Sprogis,
Lastly, although Reimer’s papers on appeal fail to make the point, Reimer argued below and at oral argument that he was unaware that the man in the pit who was killed in his presence was being persecuted
“because of
race, religion, or national origin.” DPA § 13,
We hold that the government has met its burden, and has shown that Reimer was not in possession of a valid visa when admitted for permanent residence.
See 8
U.S.C. § 1427(a)(1). Because we find Reimer “failed to comply with ... ‘the congressionally imposed prerequisites to the acquisition of citizenship,’ ”
Sokolov,
Because we affirm the decision below on the ground that Reimer assisted in persecution, we need not consider whether the district court was right to conclude that Reimer’s membership and participation in the Wachmannschaften, and later in the SS Battalion Streibel, did not make him a “person who is or has been a member of or participated in a movement which is or has been hostile the United States.”
8
DPA § 13,
CONCLUSION
For the foregoing reasons, we Afferm the judgment of the district court ordering the revocation of defendant’s citizenship, setting aside the April 28, 1959 order admitting defendant to citizenship, and can-celling defendant’s certificate of naturalization.
Notes
. The district court also ruled against the government on its claim, brought under section 10 of the DPA, that Reimer’s citizenship should be revoked because he "willfully ma[de] a misrepresentation for the purpose of gaining admission into the United States as an eligible Displaced Person.” DPA § 10,
. These facts are taken from the thorough opinion of the district court.
See United States v. Reimer,
. We are more than satisfied that the district court held the government to a sufficiently high burden to satisfy the "clear, unequivocal, and convincing” standard of review the Supreme Court has held applicable in cases seeking revocation of citizenship.
Fedorenko,
. Although the government's claim against Fedorenko was somewhat different than the
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claim asserted against Reimer in this appeal,
Fedorenko
is nevertheless the appropriate starting point for our analysis. The claim asserted against Fedorenko was that he unlawfully made material misrepresentations in procuring his visa and naturalization.
Fedorenko,
. It is noteworthy that the Supreme Court concluded that Fedorenko had assisted in persecution, even absent a finding that Fedoren-ko made contact with any of the escaping prisoners upon whom he fired. Although the Supreme Court characterized Fedorenko as having shot
"at
escaping inmates,”
Fedorenko,
. We note that in a case decided after
Sprogis,
we found that a defendant who merely authored anti-Semitic articles for Nazi propaganda illegally procured his visa under the DPA, even though "there was no showing of actual persecution of Jews.”
United States v. Sokolov,
Nor, in light of our finding that Reimer personally participated in persecution, do we need to address Reimer's attempts to distinguish this case from those in which courts have found that a defendant’s service as an armed guard obviates the need to show the defendant’s personal participation in persecution.
See United States v. Szehinskyj,
. We, however, do note that the only decision upon which the district court relied in reaching its conclusion was withdrawn and revised subsequent to entry of the district court's judgment in this case.
See United States v. Kwoczak,
