Opinion for the Court filed by Circuit Judge RANDOLPH.
Henry G. Cisneros, former Secretary of Housing and Urban Development, brings this appeal from an order of the district court denying his motion to dismiss Counts 1 through 18 of a 21-count indictment returned against him, two of his former employees (Sylvia Arce-Garcia and John D. Rosales) and Linda D. Medlar, his one-time girlfriend. Independent Counsel David M. Barrett prosecuted the case. Cisneros sought a dismissal on the ground that any adjudication of the charges against him 'would run afoul of the separation of powers doctrine. The first and, as it turns out, the only question we must decide is whether we have jurisdiction to hear the appeal despite its interlocutory nature.
I
The Presidential Transition Act of 1963 declared the purpose of Congress to promote “the orderly transfer of the executive power in connection with the expiration of the term of office of a President and the inauguration of a new President.” Presidential Transition Act of 1963, Pub.L. No. 88-277, 78 Stat. 153 (1964) (codified at 3 U.S.C. § 102 (notes)). One of the immediate tasks facing any newly-elected President is to begin forming a Cabinet. For a smooth transition, the selection of potential nominees, the investigations of their backgrounds, and the adjudications of their security clearances must begin well before thе President takes the oath on January 20th. U.S. Const, amend. XX, § 1.
*765 To these ends, President-elect Clinton and Warren Christopher, the head of his transition team, signed a Memorandum of Understanding with Attorney General Barr of the outgoing Bush Administration a few days after the November 1992 election. Indictment, Background, at p. 6, ¶¶ 5-6. The Memorandum stated that upon written requests of President-elect Clinton, the FBI would conduct background investigations of his prospective nominees. Memorandum of Understanding at 1. According to the Memorandum, the FBI would have two principal objectives in conducting its investigations. First, it should “ascertain facts and information relevant to the candidate’s suitability for Federal government employment ... in accordance with Executive Order 10450,” id. Second, it should compile information to “permit adjudication of the candidate for clearance for access to Sensitive Compartmented Information, when necessary, in accordance with the standards set forth in Director of Central Intelligence (DCI) Directive 1/14.” Id.
Executive Order No. 10450, relied upon in the Memorandum of Understanding, has been in effect since President Eisenhower issued it in 1953. In order to ensure that all officers and employees would be “reliable, trustworthy, of good conduct and character, and of complete and unswerving loyalty to the United States,” Executive Order No. 10450 directed investigators to develop information regarding the candidate’s “deliberate misrepresentations, falsifications, or omissions of material facts,” any “criminal” or “dishonest” conduct on the individual’s part, facts concerning the candidate’s susceptibility to “coercion, influence, or pressure which may cause him to act contrary to the best interests of the national security,” and other behavior by the candidate indicating that he is “not reliable or trustworthy.” Executive Order No. 10450, 18 Fed.Reg. 2489 (1953). The information developed by the FBI would be used, not only by the President-elect, but also by the Personnel Security Office of the Department of Justice in determining whether to grant the candidate a national security clearance.
After President-elect Clinton identified Cisneros as a potential nominee for HUD Secretary, Cisneros completed a “Questionnaire for Sensitive Positions (For National Security),” commonly known as an “SF-86.” Indictment, Background, at pp. 13-14, ¶ 19. Pursuant to the Memorandum of Understanding, Cisneros’s SF-86 and a written request from President-elect Clinton triggered the FBI’s full-field investigation. Although the consрiracy count (Count 1) of the Indictment stretches from the summer of 1992 through September 1994, the focus of this count and the other counts naming Cisneros (Counts 1 through 18) is the period between the election of President Clinton in November 1992 and the appointment of Cisneros as HUD Secretary in late January 1993.
According to the charges, Cisneros set out to deceive the FBI and the Department of Justice, all to the end of ensuring his nomination, confirmation, appointment and continuation in office. What Cisneros wrote in his SF-86 and what he said to FBI. special agents in two background interviews are at the heart of the case. It wоuld serve no useful purpose to recite each of the counts in detail. Suffice it to say that if the charges are proved, Cisneros repeatedly lied about and concealed the fact that he had paid large amounts of money to Medlar ($44,500 in 1990; $73,000 in 1991; $67,500 in 1992); that even during the FBI’s investigation of him from December 1992 through early January 1993, he continued to pay Medlar while denying that he was doing so; that although Cisneros stated on a supplemental SF-86 that he was not subject to blackmail and although he told the FBI that Medlar had not threatened or coerced him, he continued making payments because Medlar was still threatening to expose him; that Cisneros illegally structured some of these payments to avoid having a Currency Transaction Report filed, itself a felony
(see
31 U.S.C. §§ 5324, 5322(a);
Ratzlaf v. United
States,
*766 Count 1 charges conspiracy among Cisne-ros, Medlar, Arce-Garcia, and Rosales, in violation of 18 U.S.C. § 371. Counts 2 through 17 charge Cisneros with violating 18 U.S.C. § 1001. Count 18 charges him with obstruction of justice, in violation of 18 U.S.C. § 1505, by influencing and impeding the Justice Department’s inquiry into whether to grant him a security clearance.
II
A.
As to Counts 2 through 17, Cisneros’s argument on appeal, like his motion to dismiss, proceeds as follows. To prove the violation of 18 U.S.C. § 1001,
1
as alleged in each of these counts, the government would have to show that the facts Cisneros concealed or the false statements he made on his SF-86 and to the FBI were “material.”
See United States v. Hansen,
Cisneros stakes out a bold position indeed, and he admits as much. As to his specific situation, he maintains that the information he allegedly falsified and the facts he allegedly concealed did not influence President-elect Clinton’s decision tо nominate him. He backs this up with an off-the-record assertion. According to Cisneros, he made the President-elect and the Transition Team “fully aware” of the “information about which he allegedly deceived the FBI” and the President-elect nevertheless decided not to withdraw his nomination. Brief for Appellant at 25 n.13.
3
Apart from the particulars of his nomination, Cisneros believes that no potential Presidential appointee undergoing a background investigation has a judicially enforceable obligation to tell the truth in filling out forms or in talking with FBI agents. In other words, if such an individual falsified information about himself or сovered up his misconduct, no legal consequences could follow. Judge Sporkin thought that Cisneros’s “position would allow unqualified candidates for high public office to lie their way into extremely sensitive and important positions of government.” Memorandum Opinion and Order, Sept. 17, 1998, at 5 (denying appellant’s motion for reconsideration). Relying on our holding on the merits in
United States v. Durenberger,
*767
Whether Judge Sporkin ruled correctly is not our immediate concern, however. Without a judgment ending the case on the merits and leaving “nothing for the court to do but execute the judgment,”
Catlin v. United States,
Still, Cisneros insists that we have jurisdiction to review Judge Sporkin’s order refusing to dismiss Counts 2 through 17 because this was a “collateral order” of the sort mentioned in
Cohen v. Beneficial Industrial Loan Corp.,
In criminal cases, “the compelling interest in prompt trials” demands that courts apply thе
Cohen
doctrine “with utmost strictness” and confine its scope.
Flanagan v. United States,
The order Cisneros seeks to appeal, insofar as it refused to dismiss Counts 2 through 17, does not come within the collateral order doctrine for several distinct reasons. Each of these sixteen counts alleges that Cisneros’s false statements or his concealment of material facts — all of which occurred before he took office — related to “a matter within the jurisdiction of departments and agencies of the United States, that is, the Federal Bureau of Investigation and the United States Department of Justice____”
See, e.g.,
Indictment, Count 2, ¶ 5. With this in mind, the government suggests that the separаtion-of-powers issue Cisneros is raising here might never arise at trial. Brief for Appellee at 26 n.12. The point is well-taken. In § 1001 prosecutions, it is up to the jury to decide whether the materiality element has been proven.
United States v. Gaudin,
There is still another reason why Cisneros cannot fit his appeal into the collateral order doctrine. The “right” he claims is not one “which would be destroyed if it were not vindicated before trial.”
MacDonald,
After we called for supplemental briefing on the question of appellate jurisdiction, Cisneros reformulated his position. Now he tells us that “he is immune from prosecution on structural separation of powers grounds,” and that “he should not be forced to endure a criminal trial where the very conduct of the trial itself will violate the separation of powers by causing the courts to invade the exclusive constitutional province of coordinate branches.” Supplemental Brief for Appellant at 1-2. In other woi'ds, no longer is it the “adjudication” of materiality that will “violate the separation of powers”; it is the “very conduct of the trial.” “One must be careful,” the Supreme Court has reminded us, “not to play word gamеs with the concept of a ‘right not to be tried.’ In one sense, any legal rule can be said to give rise to a ‘right not to be tried’ if failure to observe it requires the trial court to dismiss the indictment or terminate the trial. But that is assuredly not the sense relevant for purposes of the exception to the final judgment rule.”
Midland Asphalt Corp.,
Nothing Cisneros .argues amounts to a right not to be tried. He cannot point to anything guaranteeing him an immunity from standing trial. What he alleges is a constitutional affront flowing from an adjudication of materiality. This is not an affront to Cisneros personally. His complaint is aimed at a supposed infringement of the President’s authority and of the Senate’s. Yet trying him would not itself interfere with the President’s nomination judgments or with the Senate’s advise-and-consent function. During Cisneros’s trial the President could continue. nominating whomever he pleased, and the Senate could continue confirming, or refusing to confirm, those nominees for whatever reasons it saw fit. The short of the matter is that neither the President’s nor the Senate’s constitutional powers would be forever lost if Cisneros could appeal only after the jury returned its verdict.
For these reasons and оthers, Cisneros cannot bring his appeal within the jurisdictional holding of
United States v. Rose,
Implicit in
Rose,
and in our later jurisdictional holdings in
Durenberger
and
Rostenkowski,
was our recognition that the Speech or Debate Clause of Article I, § 6, manifested the Constitution’s separation of powers. Designed to “prevent intimidation by the executive and accountability before a possibly hostile judiciary,” thе Speech or Debate Clause reinforces the separation of powers and protects legislative independence and integrity.
United States v. Johnson,
Cisneros obviously cannot rely on the analogy to Speech or Debate Clause immunity we found persuasive in Rose, Durenberger, and Rostenkowski. During the period covered by Counts 2 to 17, Cisneros was a member of no branch of government. 6 His separation-of-powers contention rests on the proposition that the President has the sole discretion to decide what is important in making nomination decisions. Try as he might, Cisneros cannot stretch that claim into an immunity for prospective nominees from being tried for lying to the FBI during their background investigations. The immunity, if any, is the President’s alone. And as we have said before, if there is merit to Cisneros’s claim about judicial infringement on the President’s (and the Senate’s) prerogatives, and if the issue is finally determined at his trial, *771 there will be time enough in an appeal from the final judgment to vindicate the separation of powers.
In short, the order refusing to dismiss Counts 2 through 17 is not a final decision under 28 U.S.C. § 1291 because it did not “conclusively determine” how the jury will be instructed on mаteriality and because Cisne-ros’s separation-of-powers claim would not “be effectively unreviewable on appeal from a final judgment.”
Coopers & Lybrand,
B.
The balance of the opinion discusses why the order, insofar as it refused to dismiss Count 1 and Count 18, also fails to come within the Cohen collateral order doctrine and thus may not be appealed prior to trial.
Count 1 charges Cisneros and others with having engaged in a conspiracy from the summer of 1992 through September 1994. The objects of the conspiracy were to defraud the United States by impeding the advise-and-consent function of the Senate, the funсtion of the FBI in conducting background investigations pursuant to Executive Order No. 10450, and the function of the Department of Justice Personnel Security Office in determining whether Cisneros warranted a top secret national security clearance; and to violate § 1001, to obstruct pending Senate and Justice Department inquiries in violation of 18 U.S.C. § 1505, and to structure payments to Medlar in order to evade the financial reporting requirements contained in 31 U.S.C. § 5313(a). Among the overt acts alleged were: Cisneros’s payments to Medlar during the conspiracy, including two separate cash payments of $8000 eaсh on December 16 and 18, 1992 (breaking down cash transactions totaling over $10,000 into smaller sums for the purpose of evading the reporting requirement constitutes impermissible structuring, even if the transactions are conducted over the course of several days, see 31 C.F.R. § 103.11(gg)); telephone calls between Cisneros and Medlar; his liquidation of an annuity account he maintained; a meeting between President-elect Clinton and Cisneros; Cisneros’s completion of the SF-86 and a supplement thereto; his meetings with the FBI; his testifying before the Senate Banking Committee, which held his confirmation hearing; and his issuance of a press relеase in July 1994 stating that he had made no payments to Medlar since becoming HUD Secretary in January 1993 (the Indictment alleged he had paid her more than $70,000 during this period). All told, 64 separate overt acts are alleged.
While it is simple enough to understand why Cisneros believes the § 1001 charges (Counts 2-17) violate the separation of powers, it is no small feat to figure out why he thinks the same argument entitles him to an immediate appeal of the order refusing to dismiss Count l. 7 It is true that one of the several objects of the conspiracy was to violate § 1001. Perhaps Cisneros believes he could be convicted of сonspiring only if materiality were proven. If this is the basis for his claim of a right not to be tried on Count 1, then what we have already written disposes of the contention. Still, it is worth adding that on the face of the Indictment it is far from clear that even this single object of the conspiracy would necessarily require proof that Cisneros’s false statements were material because they were capable of influencing the President and the Senate. Counts 19, 20, and 21 allege separate § 1001 violations by Cisneros’s co-conspirators Rosales and Med-lar. There is no contention that adjudicating the materiality of their false statements would impinge upon the prerogatives of the political branches. If the evidence showed that Cisneros conspired with Rosales and Medlar so that these two coconspirators would lie to the FBI, Cisneros would have no claim to separation-of-powers immunity, or at least no claim that he has made thus far. Furthermore, violating § 1001 is but one of many objects of the conspiracy alleged in the Indictment. With respect to some of the *772 other objects of the conspiracy — to violate the anti-structuring law, for instance — we cannot imagine any viable separation-of-powers objection. For all these reasons, there is no basis whatever for treating the court’s order refusing to dismiss Count 1 as a final decision. For all anyone knows, the evidence of conspiracy introduced at trial will have nothing whatever to do with anything Cisne-ros is attempting to have us decide in this appeal. See supra pp. 767-68.
To the extent the order refused to dismiss Count 18, it too is not appealable as a final decision. This count charges Cisneros with corruptly influencing and obstructing “the due and proper administration of the law under which any pending proceeding is being had before any department or agency of the United States,” 18 U.S.C. § 1505 — the pending proceeding being the adjudication by the Justice Department of his security clearance. Cisneros has presented no argument focusing on Count 18 to explain why the denial of his motion to dismiss this count comes within the collateral order doctrine. Given the nature of this charge, his materiality contentions regarding Counts 2 through 17 simply do not apply. His argument for dismissing Count 18 was that the executive branch has sole and unreviewable authority to decide whether to issue security clearances; that the judiciary cannot determine the criteria used to award security clearances; and hence, the court could not determine whether his alleged deceits corruptly obstructed the Justice Department’s determination.
See
Brief for Appellant at 42. The Executive Branch also “has exclusive authority and absolute discretion to decide whether to prosecute a case,”
United States v. Nixon,
For the reasons given, the district court’s order refusing to dismiss Counts 1 through 18 is not a “final decision” under 28 U.S.C. § 1291.
Appeal dismissed.
Notes
.During the period covered by the Indictment, 18 U.S.C. § 1001 read as follows:
Whoever, in any matter within the jurisdiction of any department or agency of the United States knowingly and willfully falsifies, conceals or covers up by any trick, scheme, or device a material fact, or makes any false, fictitious or fraudulent statements or representations, or makes or uses any false writing or document knowing the same to contain any false, fictitious or fraudulent statement or entry, shall be fined under this title or imprisoned not more than five years, or both.
The False Statements Accountability Act of 1996, Pub.L. No. 104-292, § 2, 110 Stat. 3459, revised this section.
. Cisneros also claims that the background investigation was not a "matter within the jurisdiction” of the FBI for purposes of § 1001 because, in conducting the investigation, the FBI acted pursuant to orders of President-elect Clinton, and the President-elect is not a "department or agency of the United States.” See Brief for Appellant at 34-35. We agree with a concession Cisneros makes elsewhere in his brief: "these issues are not directly before the Court.” Id. at 10 n. 6.
. Given our disposition of this appeal on jurisdictional grounds, we reach no judgment about the relevance of any of this.
. The government initially believed the same, but in post-argument supplemental briefing it altered its view;
. While
Rose
was a civil action,
Durenberger
and
Rostenkowski
were criminal proceedings. The court in
Rose
drew no distinction between the two types of proceedings.
. There is some irony in the fact that the argument about judicial interference with the powers of the executive branch is offered as a defense to a prosecution brought by the executive branch for crimes arising out of an investigation conducted by the executive branch.
. Count 1 is not separately discussed in Cisne-ros's supplemental brief. The caption heading in Cisneros's opening brief — "COUNTS 1-17 ARE NONJUSTICIABLE BECAUSE THE COURTS MAY NOT INQUIRE INTO THE CRITERIA OR PROCEDURES USED BY THE PRESIDENT AND SENATE TO EVALUATE PROSPECTIVE CABINET OFFICERS” — is followed by page after page of text arguing that “counts 2-17” must be dismissed for this reason. See, e.g., Brief for Appellant at 15, 24, 27, 32.
