OPINION OF THE COURT
Helmant Lakhani appeals his conviction by a jury on five charges for his role in the attempted importation of shoulder-fired, surface-to-air missiles. 1 He received a sentence of 47 years in prison. Lakhani claims entrapment by the Government and a violation of constitutional due process stemming from its investigation. He also asserts error relating to juror misconduct during his trial as well as the unreasonableness of his sentence. We conclude that a reasonable juror could have found that Lakhani was not entrapped and that the District Court was correct in ruling that the Government’s law enforcement efforts did not offend due process. We also perceive no error in the Court’s ruling regarding juror misconduct or in the sentence it imposed.
I. Facts
Lakhani, now 71 years old, was born in India but resided in London. He was a trader (ie., a “middleman”) and didn’t limit himself in scope — groceries, rice, textiles, oil. In addition to these benign commodities, Lakhani also traded in weapons, which had become his primary business in recent years. Though arms trading carries sinister connotations, it can be a legitimate business. And indeed, Lakhani had previously engaged in legal arms transactions. In this case, however, he didn’t discriminate among customers, illegality notwithstanding.
Muhammad Habib Ur Rehman is a native of Pakistan and a professional informant. He began his informing career by working for the Pakistani government as it combated that country’s drug trade. Eventually, Rehman was introduced to the U.S. Drug Enforcement Agency and then served as one of its informants on international drug trading and terrorism. Along the way, Rehman informed on one-too-many people, and his U.S. handlers were forced to extract him and his family from Pakistan. In the United States, where Rehman received asylum, he continued working as an informant for the DEA and, then, the Federal Bureau of Investigation. Rehman estimates that he has received about $400,000 from the Government in his 19 years of informing. For reasons unclear, Rehman was deemed “untrustworthy” in July 2001 and let go from Government service. 2
*175 Abdul Qayyum is a suspected terrorist now living in Dubai, U.A.E., and is believed to have been involved in a series of 1993 bombings in India known as the “Mumbai blasts.” He apparently knew Lakhani from a run-in with one of Lakha-ni’s former officemates. Qayyum met Rehman in the early summer of 2001 through long-time family contacts. At the time, Rehman, who was still working as an informant for the FBI, told Qayyum that “in America I am a powerful person. And if you need any type of assistance or help I am ready to give [it to] you.”
Shortly after the September 11th attacks in 2001, Qayyum told Rehman about Lakhani. The subject of Lakhani’s arms trading was raised, but Qayyum did not ask Rehman to pursue anything in that regard. Shortly thereafter, though, Lak-hani spoke with Rehman. In their initial conversation, Lakhani explained that Qay-yum had told him Rehman “was a powerful person in America, [and] if you need any stuff, if you want to do any business[,] you can contact this man.” Rehman affirmed Qayyum’s statement and offered that if Lakhani “want[ed] to buy something from America ... [,] I can help you.” The two also discussed Lakhani’s many businesses, including arms trading.
Rehman communicated with the FBI that same day and was once again put into Government employ in an undercover operation. 3 Rehman held himself out to Lak-hani as a representative of the Ogaden Liberation Front. The OLF is an actual, Somalia-based terrorist group that operates in East Africa and the Middle East. If Lakhani did not know this fact already, Rehman made him aware of it in their conversations. Rehman told Lakhani that the OLF needed weapons and asked to use Lakhani’s services. Lakhani agreed, and thus began a 22-month odyssey spanning oceans and continents. Rather than recount the tale in tedium, we relate only the significant events and themes that emerge from the record. 4
In the -initial recorded meetings and conversations between Rehman and Lakhani, Rehman said that the OLF was interested in many types of armaments, and Lakhani always responded with assurances such as “They are available,” or “I will obtain it.” 5 Rehman eventually made known that the “main thing” the OLF needed from Lakha-ni was shoulder-fired (“Stinger”) missiles; At the inception of the scheme, Lakhani perhaps thought that Rehman wanted the missiles for use in Africa, but over time it became clear that an attack on civilian airliners in the United States was also one of Rehman’s goals. At no time could Lak-hani have reasonably thought that the proposed arms deal was legal, 6 and there was *176 never doubt that the missiles were to be shipped into the United States.
Lakhani endorsed the deal enthusiastically, often speaking about it as the beginning of a long-term, arms-trading relationship with Rehman. At first, though, Lakhani thought the requested quantity of missiles too low to be worth his while and pressed Rehman on the issue. The two eventually worked out an agreement whereby Lakhani would first import one missile as a sample, with the expectation that larger orders would follow.
Lakhani’s search for a missile supplier apparently began with a company called Ukrspetsexport, a state-owned arms manufacturer in Ukraine with which he previously had done legitimate deals. During the course of the investigation, Lakhani spoke often of his arms-related connections in the Ukraine and made about a dozen self-finaneéd trips to the country. Every time Rehman inquired about Lak-hani’s progress' — and it was regularly— Lakhani assured him that the missile would soon be available, often as soon as the next week. It never happened.
To be sure, though, something was happening on Lakhani’s end of the deal. Several times he faxed information to Rehman detailing the specifications for the IGLA missile system, which is the Russian counterpart to the American Stinger missile. One such fax was sent by Laberia Co., Ltd, and quoted a price of $87,000 per missile. Laberia is based in Cyprus and has offices in Kiev and Moscow. Lakhani was steered to Laberia by Ukrspetsexport because, he said, it is involved in the darker side of international arms trading. Lakhani reported that he saw “the merchandise” on one of his many visits to the Ukraine.
Lakhani eventually began to press Reh-man for a down-payment on the missile, but Rehman could not produce it because the FBI had not yet made money arrangements. This caused Lakhani obvious frustration: “If you want to leave it {the deal], I don’t mind.... Yes, I have spent too much time. How many times I went there.” The FBI finally gave Rehman the money, though, and Lakhani told him how to send it along so that it would look “clean” once it got to London. There were two such transfers, each involving an elaborate laundering scheme: Rehman was to give the money to Yehuda Abraham, a jeweler in Manhattan who also owned a money transfer business. Lakhani told Rehman that he would recognize Abraham upon the presentation of a bill with a specific serial number. Abraham then sent the money to accounts held in Hong Kong and Switzerland, which Lakhani’s associates could access in London. These machinations, though, apparently did nothing but earn Lakhani two money laundering charges, as the record does not indicate where the money actually went, and in the end Laberia did not provide Lakhani with a missile.
By January 2003, Lakhani’s trips to the Ukraine may not have been successful in finding a missile, but they certainly had attracted the attention of the Russian Federal Security Services. One of its informants reported that Lakhani had signed a contract with a representative of Laberia, Sergey Pyatak, for help in locating a missile. Rather than let the arrangement get too far — and, initially, unbeknownst to the FBI — the Russians decided to infiltrate the deal. Russian and American authorities soon began cooperating and designed a mock missile for Lakhani — -fully operational electronically, but filled with sand instead of explosives. They then arranged a meeting with Lakhani to complete the sale.
Lakhani, Rehman, and Pyatak all traveled to Moscow in July 2003 to meet with two Russians (undercover law enforcement *177 officials). During the discussions, Lakhani signed a promissory note (in his real name) in the amount of $70,000 for “goods and parts,” as well as a contract for “dental medical equipment” under the name “John Smith.” 7 The group then traveled to the port at St. Petersburg to see the fake missile onto a ship and off to the United States. In reality, even the box loaded onto the ship was not as it appeared: it did not contain the fake missile. Instead, a representative of the FBI took it to the United States by plane (a private flight, we trust).
The next time Lakhani saw the missile was at a meeting with Rehman at a hotel in New Jersey overlooking the Newark airport. The missile was sitting on a sofa in the middle of the room. Lakhani, in words truer than he knew, remarked, “I can’t believe how all of this came about.” Still the eager salesman, he offered to arrange training for up to 50 people on the missile’s operation and continued to make arrangements for additional shipments. As Rehman stood with the missile on his shoulder, pointed out the hotel window toward the airport tarmac, Lakhani remarked, “[I]f we strike fifty at one time, simultaneously, it will f— their mother.... It will shake them. Then they will run.... Strike simultaneously at ... whatever time you decide. All at once in different cities at the same time.... They will think the war has started.” Lakhani was arrested that day.
II. Discussion
Lakhani raises four arguments on appeal. First, he asserts that no reasonable juror could have concluded that he was not entrapped. Relatedly, Lakhani argues that the Government’s involvement in the crime was so outrageous as to violate the Due Process Clause of the Fifth Amendment to the Constitution. Third, he asserts that the District Court erred by not investigating alleged juror misconduct. Finally, Lakhani contests the reasonableness of his 47-year prison sentence.
A. Entrapment and Due Process
Entrapment and its related due process defense are based on the notion that it “serves no justifying social objective” for the Government to “creat[e] new crime for the sake of bringing charges against a person [it] had persuaded to participate in wrongdoing.”
United States v. West,
1. Entrapment
As noted above, “[t]he element of non-predisposition to commit the offense is
*179
the primary focus of an entrapment defense.”
United States v. Fedroff,
“the character or reputation of the defendant, including any prior criminal record; whether the suggestion of the criminal activity was initially made by the Government; whether the defendant was engaged in the criminal activity for profit; whether the defendant evidenced reluctance to commit the offense, overcome only by repeated Government inducement or persuasion; and the nature of the inducement or persuasion supplied by the Government.”
Fedroff,
“[A]lthough there may be instances where the undisputed facts establish the entrapment defense as a matter of law ..., [it] is generally a jury question.”
Jannotti
Given this, we can easily conclude that the jury’s rejection of Lakhani’s entrapment defense is supported by the evidence presented at trial. The Government’s evidence fits mostly into the third method of showing Lakhani’s predisposition: “a willingness to commit the crime for which he is charged as evidenced by the accused’s ready response to the inducement.”
Gam-bino,
But there is more. Repeatedly over the course of the investigation — including at their very first meeting — Lakhani eagerly told Rehman that the missile “is available .... You will get it. I will obtain it.” Not only that, but Lakhani pushed Reh-man to order more missiles in order to earn a higher profit: “[T]he quantity seems to be very small.... If I have to take this risk, better if a good quantity comes out.” This enthusiasm continued until the day Lakhani was arrested, when the missile had finally arrived on the hotel couch and he sought to arrange the next shipment. Moreover, other than the missile’s actual transportation and border crossing, Lakhani accomplished many technical aspects of the deal himself, without the suggestion or aid of the Government. This included, not insignificantly, the entire money laundering scheme and fraudulent bill of lading.
No piece of evidence indicates a reluctance on Lakhani’s part to complete the illegal arms deal; indeed, everything demonstrates the opposite. Therefore, a reasonable jury could have concluded that the Government proved Lakhani’s predisposition (ie., he showed a “willingness to commit the crime” by showing his “ready response to the inducement”). We will not disturb the jury’s determination that Lak-hani was not entrapped by the Government.
2, Due Process
“[T]he judiciary is extremely hesitant to find law enforcement conduct so offensive that it violates the Due Process Clause.”
United States v. Voigt,
Precedent in the three decades since
Hampton
indicates that courts have heeded these admonitions. As the First Circuit
*181
Court of Appeals has noted, “[t]he banner of outrageous misconduct is often raised but seldom saluted.”
United States v. Santana,
Still, the defense is available in this Circuit,
see Voigt,
“[although the requirement of outra-geousness has been stated in several ways by various courts, the thrust of each of these formulations is that the challenged conduct must be shocking, outrageous, and clearly intolerable .... The cases make it clear that this is an extraordinary defense reserved for only for the most egregious circumstances.”
Nolan-Cooper,
At Lakhani’s sentencing hearing, the District Court first ruled on his motion to dismiss the superseding indictment:
I am denying the motion and let me tell you why. Addressing the argument on the merits, it fails. The evidence does not establish the extent of outrageous government conduct that would be necessary to prevail. None of the conduct of the government agents was demonstrably outrageous or intolerable or even close to meeting the rigorous standards enunciated in United States v. Nolan[-]Cooper,155 F.3d 221 , at pages 230, 231. Which rigor[ous] standard is, *182 “shocking outrageous, and clearly intolerable.” Leaving aside the extremely high hurdle facing a defendant making the motion, this defendant’s efforts are defeated by evidence such as the fact that he initiated the contact with the government informant on the advice of terrorists; he promoted himself during the very first contact with the informant as someone in the weapons business whose source and supply was Ukraine and had information[ ] and details about all types of weapons; on his own he made innumerable phone calls and made numerous trips pursuing the deal with the informant; he was part of the world of arms trading before he contacted the informant; his efforts in the Ukraine, which amounted to unlawful brokering[,] were sufficient to pique the interests of Russian authorities who initiated contact with the FBI in response. The shock in this case has only one source: Mr. Lak-hani’s own words and deeds as exposed on video tapes played to the jury.
It is difficult to discern error (let alone clear error) in any of the District Court’s factual findings or legal error in its due process ruling.
Lakhani argues that the facts of this case are analogous to, if not “more compelling” than, those in
Twigg
— the only case in which the Government’s conduct has offended due process.
Twigg
involved an undercover investigation of two individuals by the DEA, Henry Neville and William Twigg. In that case, Robert Kubica, a pled-out defendant currying favor with prosecutors, “agreed to aid the [DEA] in apprehending illegal drug traffickers” and spoke with Neville to propose setting up a methamphetamine lab.
Twigg,
Lakhani argues many similarities between his case and Twigg. With only one such similarity do we agree: the evidence indicates that, as in Twigg, it was the Government agent, Rehman, who first suggested the criminal activity. Beyond that, however, significant dissimilarities abound. Rather than the Government agent being “completely in charge” and “furnishing] all of the [relevant] experience,” as in Twigg, here it was Lakhani who used his own knowledge of the arms business for the benefit of the illegal scheme. Lakhani traveled to Russia and the Ukraine on his own tab, communicated with no fewer than three separate arms companies, created fraudulent shipping documents, and deployed his own money laundering network. In addition, unlike in Twigg, where we saw little predisposition on the part of the defendants, there is much to suggest otherwise in Lakhani’s case, as explained above. See supra Part II.A.1.
The fact that the Government, as here, is on all sides of a transaction — both buyer and seller — does not a due process violation make.
See Jannotti,
B. Juror Misconduct
Though we have ruled both that a reasonable jury could have found that Lak-hani was not entrapped and that the Government’s conduct does not constitute a violation of the Fifth Amendment, the jury would have been free to conclude otherwise and return a “not guilty” verdict. Blackstone considered trial by jury to be “the most transcendent privilege which any subject can enjoy[ ] or wish for, that he cannot be affected either in his property, his liberty, or his person, but by the unanimous consent of twelve of his neighbors and equals.” 3 William Blackstone, Commentaries On The Laws Of England 379 (1769). As the Supreme Court has noted, the jury is the “circuitbreaker in the State’s machinery of justice.”
Blakely v. Washington,
It appears that Lakhani’s entrapment defense gave pause to at least one juror. How the guilty verdict eventually was reached is Lakhani’s third point on appeal.
Several months after the jury rendered its verdict, in July 2005, Lakhani’s prosecution was the subject of an hour-long report on This American Life, a weekly radio program produced at WBEZ in Chicago and broadcast nationally on National Public Radio stations. 13 In the course of the report, a woman identified as juror number nine from Lakhani’s trial gave her views on his prosecution: “As far as I’m concerned, it was entrapment if he didn’t actually do anything.” The reporter indicated that the other jurors believed Lak-hani could have acquired a missile if he had tried long enough. But juror number nine retorted:
But did he try for 22 months and didn’t get one? And after offering all this millions of dollars? And he couldn’t get a missile? No, he ... wasn’t gonna never get no missile. And they knew he wasn’t gonna get one either. That’s why they bought it and set it right there in his lap.
Such strongly held views might have been expected to produce a hung jury, if not an eventual acquittal. On the radio report, juror number nine recounted the jury deliberations:
From day one, I can’t understand it. They [the other jurors] came in and they sat down and they says this man is guilty, guilty, guilty, guilty, guilty, guilty. They didn’t even think about it. Hey wait a minute, let’s analyze these things. Let’s go over ‘em one by one.
Juror number nine held her ground for several hours. Another juror, identified in the report as juror number six, described the scene:
So I says he’s guilty. Someone says he’s not guilty. And I’d say but he’s guilty because look at page 48. And then someone else will say, well look at page 52. So everyone [was] trying to make themselves heard. Voices started ... to rise so you could be ... heard over the crowd. The juror who felt that he was not guilty, I think, felt over *184 whelmed by probably a good 6, 7, 8 jurors talking loudly at the same time, that actually turned into screaming to be heard. It was probably very intimidating for her.... ‘Cause she [juror number nine] was the only one that thought that he was not guilty.
Juror number nine, though, eventually voted to return a guilty verdict. She explained:
Now this is how that happened. I just closed on a house in Virginia, and everybody [in the] juror room knew it ‘cause the court was closed down on April 25th so I could go close on the house. So when we came back, I think we started deliberating on a Wednesday, and when we got to [t]hat count and I said the man [is] not guilty, and there ain’t nobody gonna change my mind. And the jury foreman said [that] if I didn’t go along with them, I wouldn’t see the inside of my house until December. So, I said aw, what the hell. He don’t mean nuthin’ to me. The man guilty. But I know it was wrong. It wasn’t right to do that man like that. It wasn’t right. But it’s over now.
When asked whether she regretted her decision, juror number nine answered, “I don’t know. Yeah, yeah, I really do. Because as far as I’m concerned the man was entrapped. I shoulda held out.”
On the basis of this report, Lakha-ni moved for further investigation of the jury deliberations and for a new trial. The District Court denied the motion — a decision we review for abuse of discretion.
United States v. Richards,
The above-quoted juror statements are not competent evidence to impeach the jury verdict. Rule 606(b) of the Federal Rules of Evidence provides that,
[u]pon an inquiry into the validity of a verdict or indictment, a juror may not testify as to any matter or statement occurring during the course of the jury’s deliberations or to the effect of anything upon that or any other juror’s mind or emotions as influencing the juror to assent to or dissent from the verdict or indictment or concerning the juror’s mental processes in connection therewith, except that a juror may testify on the question whether extraneous prejudicial information was improperly brought to the jury’s attention or whether any outside influence was improperly brought to bear upon any juror. Nor may a juror’s affidavit or evidence of any statement by the juror concerning a matter about which the juror would be precluded from testifying be received for these purposes.
The origin of this rule is attributed to the 1785 decision of Lord Mansfield in
Vaise v. Delaval.
99 Eng. Rep. 944 (K.B.1785). Our slightly more recent decision in
Gov’t of the V.I. v. Gereau,
The alleged facts of these jury deliberations are so clearly within the rule and outside the exception as to make it difficult to give an explanation beyond stating the rule itself: “we do not permit jurors to impeach their own verdicts.”
United States v. Lloyd,
If intra-jury comments “carried the coercive force of threats or bribery,” only then “would we be justified in treating them, factually, as ‘extraneous influences.’ ”
Gereau,
C. Sentencing
After the Supreme Court’s decision in
United States v. Booker,
Here, the statutory maximum for the crimes of conviction was 67 years in prison. See 18 U.S.C. § 2339A (count I, 15 years); 22 U.S.C. § 2778 (count II, 10 years); 18 U.S.C. § 1956 (counts III and IV, 20 years each); 18 U.S.C. § 542 (count V, 2 years). The District Court first calcu *186 lated the advisory Sentencing Guidelines range, which yielded a recommended life sentence. Lakhani does not dispute the Guidelines calculation. There being no motions for departure, the District Court then proceeded to impose a sentence pursuant to 18 U.S.C. § 3553(a). The Judge explained:
Based on Section 3553 factors that require that I consider the nature and circumstances of the offense, I believe it would be a dereliction of my duty to the public to impose anything other than the statutory maximum for the reprehensible conduct for which the jury convicted Mr. Lakhani. The history and circumstances of this defendant, while he indicated [a] crime-free life, illustrates well a single-minded greed and determination to profit in the illegal arms trade that countervail consideration of the first offender status.
The statute requires that the sentence be sufficient but not greater than necessary to promote the purposes of sentencing. And as indicated, I do not believe that the harsh sentence that the statutory maximum call[s] for under these circumstances would be greater than necessary to promote these purposes.
And looking at those purposes, the statutory maximum [of the] counts of conviction accomplishes those purposes, which are to reflect the seriousness of the offense, promote respect for the law, and provide just punishment. I think everything I said supports those purposes. The next purpose (B), to afford adequate deterrence to criminal conduct, without a question is supported by a sentence of a statutory maximum. The next purpose, the need to protect the public from further crimes by this defendant is arguably less relevant given his age and given his health, 14 but I repeat his age and the state of his health do not offer mitigation.
His crimes are such that the other purposes, including the final factor (D) to provide the needed, in this case medical care, or other correctional treatment [in the] most effective manner[,] combine[] to support imposing the maximum punishment under the statutes.
The Judge then sentenced Lakhani to the statutory maximum on each count, the sentences to be served consecutively (with the exception of the two money laundering counts, which are to be served concurrently). This yielded a total term of imprisonment of 47 years.
We cannot say that this sentence is unreasonable. Though Lakhani admits to the seriousness of his offenses, he continues to assert entrapment as a mitigating factor. We do not deny that the District Court at sentencing would have been entitled to consider the Government’s pervasive role in this case — even if not amounting to a due process violation or entrapment per se. But in the end, the Court (like the jury) was not persuaded by Lakhani’s defense. Our deferential review puts us in no position to second guess that conclusion.
Lakhani also argues that the District Court’s general deterrence justifications are inapt. He states that “no sentence would be long enough” to deter a true terrorist and that the only thing his sentence may have accomplished is the deterrence of “charlatans and con-artists from suggesting they can provide weapons • to terrorists.” That may be so, but accepting Lakhani’s argument would require criminal courts to abandon their sworn duty in *187 the face of an irrational enemy. Section 3553(a) requires no such thing. Moreover, even if potential terrorists are unlikely to be undeterrable, their necessary aiders and abetters — such as Lakhani believed he was — may be. Moreover, aside from general deterrence, the penological goal of specific deterrence provides ample reason for Lakhani’s sentence: he will never again seek to provide material support to terrorists. Despite the role the Government played in his crime, we have no doubt that if Lakhani had actually stum-, bled into a willing provider of a real missile, he would eagerly have arranged to smuggle it into the United States all the same. 15
Therefore, we conclude, in light of the factors set forth in 18 U.S.C. § 3553(a), that a sentence of 47 years — 20 years less than what was available to the District Court — is reasonable in this ease.
$ $ $ $ ^ $
For the foregoing reasons, we affirm both Lakhani’s conviction and his sentence.
Notes
. 18 U.S.C. § 2339A (count I, attempting to provide material support to terrorists); 22 U.S.C. § 2778 (count II, illegal brokering of controlled munitions); 18 U.S.C. § 1956 (counts III and IV, money laundering); 18 U.S.C. § 542 (count V, attempted importation by means of false statements).
. Lakhani’s attorney correctly noted during closing arguments that, in order to convict Lakhani, the jury had to credit Rehman’s tes
*175
timony. By their guilty verdict, they did. And therefore, so do we.
See United States
v.
Jackson,
. The Government recorded hundreds of phone conversations and several face-to-face meetings between Lakhani and Rehman from January 2002 through August 2003. These recordings made up much of the evidence against Lakhani and were the subject of significant portions of the trial testimony.
. As we reviewed the twelve-volume record in this cáse, we increasingly agreed with one of the foreign witnesses who remarked at one point, "[M]uch of this has become- incomprehensible even more.” Nevertheless, we do our best to set out the facts in the light most favorable to the jury verdict, as we must.
Jackson,
. Incredibly, Lakhani even responded in the same manner to an inquiry about acquiring submarines.
. Some months into the operation, an Israeli tourist flight in Kenya was fired upon at takeoff with a shoulder-fired missile of similar make to the ones Lakhani sought for the OLF. He congratulated Rehman (even though the attack was unsuccessful), apparently thinking that the OLF was responsible.
. Accompanying all international shipments— mainly for tax purposes, but also for security reasons—is a bill of lading that states the contents of the cargo. After considerable discussion as to how the missile might be slipped past U.S. customs officials and border security, the bill of lading for the missile prepared by Lakhani said simply "dental equipment.” According to the agreement between Lakhani and Rehman, the former would be in charge of shipping the missile to the United States, and the latter would make arrangements to clear it through customs. Lakhani did suggest, though, that Rehman use a particular importer and advised that customs officials would need to be bribed.
.
See also United States v. Archer,
. The concept of "entrapment” is not of ancient pedigree.
See
Jonathan C. Carlson,
The Act Requirement and the Foundations of the Entrapment Defense,
73 Va. L. Rev. 1011, 1013 (1987) (referring to the entrapment defense as "remain[ing] at a formative stage”). The Supreme Court first recognized entrapment as a valid defense in
Sorrells v. United States,
Some, led by Justice Owen Roberts, argued that the defense of entrapment should be grounded in the inherent power of a court to "protect[] ... its own functions” and “pre-serv[e] ... the purity of its own temple.”
Id.
at 457,
It was not until two 1970s cases,
Russell
(cited in the text) and
Hampton v. United States,
This statement indicated a possibility that if the Government's actions were sufficiently outrageous, then due process would step in where entrapment could not. That possibility was confirmed in
Hampton.
Justice Powell, writing for himself and Justice Blackmun (providing two necessary votes for the Court’s judgment), explained that he did not believe the law to preclude the notion that "fundamental fairness inherent in the guarantee of due process [might] prevent the conviction of a predisposed defendant.”
Hampton,
It is Justice Powell's conception of the doctrine and terms that our Court has employed since
Hampton:
"entrapment” focuses on the predisposition of the defendant to commit the crime, whereas "due process” focuses on the Government’s conduct.
See United States v. Nolan-Cooper,
. To do so, a defendant must produce sufficient evidence of inducement on the part of the Government and a lack of predisposition on his own part.
See Mathews v. United States,
. The Government also argues that it proved Lakhani’s predisposition by showing a prior course of similar criminal conduct.
See Gambino,
. The Government argues, citing
United States v. Pitt,
. A free, streaming-audio recording of the program is available at www.thislife.org.
. At the time of sentencing, Lakhani was 70 years old and suffered from multiple ailments, including coronary disease. His prognosis is "poor.” During the course of Lakhani’s trial, proceedings were delayed at least twice for his hospitalization.
. As to Lakhani's argument for mitigation based on his age and health, we note that the District Court was reasonable to conclude that those factors did not entitle him to leniency. Nothing about Lakhani's age or health hindered his criminal pursuits in this case, and it is not unreasonable to think that the same would hold in the future.
