UNITED STATES of America, Plaintiff-Appellee, v. William Samuel CHESTER, Jr., Defendant-Appellant.
No. 09-4084
United States Court of Appeals, Fourth Circuit.
Decided: Dec. 30, 2010.
628 F.3d 673
Argued: Dec. 4, 2009.
Our holding that possession of a sawed-off shotgun constitutes a “crime of violence” for purposes of
Unlike the provision found in the ACCA, the career offender enhancement at issue here, through its Application Notes, specifically defines the term ‘crime of violence’ to include unlawful possession of a sawed-off shotgun. We stated in Amos that, ‘if Congress had wanted the ACCA to cover offenses for possession of firearms as predicate offenses, it could easily have done so explicitly (i.e., the definition of violent felony could have included ‘possession of a firearm in violation of state or federal law‘).’ In its Application Notes to
U.S.S.G. § 4B1.2 , the Sentencing Commission has done just that.
Hawkins, 554 F.3d at 617 (internal citations omitted).5
III.
For all of these reasons, the judgment of the district court is
AFFIRMED.
Edward Henry Weis, Office of the Federal Public Defender, Charleston, West Virginia, for Appellant. Elizabeth Dorsey Collery, United States Department of Justice, Washington, D.C., for Appellee. ON BRIEF: Mary Lou Newberger, Federal Public Defender, Jonathan D. Byrne, Appellate Counsel, Office of the Federal Public Defender, Charleston, West Virginia, for Appellant. Charles T. Miller, United States Attorney, Gerald M. Titus, III, Assistant United States Attorney, Office of the United States Attorney, Charleston, West Virginia, for Appellee.
Before TRAXLER, Chief Judge, and AGEE and DAVIS, Circuit Judges.
Vacated and remanded by published opinion. Chief Judge TRAXLER wrote the majority opinion, in which Judge AGEE joined. Judge DAVIS wrote a separate opinion concurring in the judgment.
ON REHEARING
TRAXLER, Chief Judge:
The sole issue presented in this appeal is whether William Samuel Chester‘s conviction for illegal possession of a firearm under
I.
The Second Amendment provides: “A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed.”
The debate with respect to the right to keep and bear arms, as with other guarantees in the Bill of Rights, was not over whether it was desirable (all agreed that it was) but over whether it needed to be codified in the Constitution... It was understood across the political spectrum that the right helped to secure the ideal of a citizen militia, which might be necessary to oppose an oppressive military force if the constitutional order broke down.
It is therefore entirely sensible that the Second Amendment‘s prefatory clause announces the purpose for which the right was codified: to prevent elimination of the militia. The prefatory clause does not suggest that preserving the militia was the only reason Americans valued the ancient right; most undoubtedly thought it even more important for self-defense and hunting. But the threat that the new Federal Government would destroy the citizens’ militia by taking away their arms was the reason that right—unlike some other English rights—was codified in a written Constitution.
The other type of limitation identified in Heller involved what the Supreme Court termed “presumptively lawful regulatory measures,” id. at 2817, n. 26, although Heller did not explain why the listed regulations are presumptively lawful:
[N]othing in our opinion should be taken to cast doubt on longstanding prohibitions on the possession of firearms by felons and the mentally ill, or laws forbidding the carrying of firearms in sensitive places such as schools and government buildings, or laws imposing conditions and qualifications on the commercial sale of arms.
Although the Court expressly declined to “undertake an exhaustive historical analysis ... of the full scope of the Second Amendment,” id. at 2816, it clearly staked out the core of the Second Amendment. Indeed, Heller explained that “whatever else [the Second Amendment] leaves to future evaluation, it surely elevates above all other interests the right of law-abiding, responsible citizens to use arms in defense of hearth and home.” Id. at 2821.
In light of these principles, the Supreme Court invalidated two District of Columbia statutes at issue in Heller. First, Heller invalidated the District‘s total ban on the possession of handguns, concluding that such a complete ban—which extended “to the home, where the need for defense of self, family, and property is most acute[,]“—was incompatible with the Second Amendment “[u]nder any of the standards of scrutiny that we have applied to enumerated constitutional rights.” Id. at 2817-18. Although the Court acknowledged that rational-basis scrutiny would be inappropriate, see id. at 2817, n. 27, it declined to choose the proper level of scrutiny for Second Amendment challenges. Second, Heller concluded that the District‘s requirement that citizens keep their firearms in an inoperable condition “[made] it impossible for citizens to use [firearms] for the core lawful purpose of self-defense.” Id. at 2818.
II.
In October 2007, officers from the Kanawha County, West Virginia, Sheriff‘s Department responded to a 911 call reporting a domestic disturbance at Chester‘s residence. Chester‘s wife reported to the officers that Chester grabbed her throat and threatened to kill her after she caught him receiving the services of a prostitute on their property. In a subsequent search of the home, officers recovered a 12-gauge shotgun in the kitchen pantry and a 9mm handgun in the bedroom. Chester admitted both firearms belonged to him.
Chester moved to dismiss the indictment, arguing that
Chester then filed this appeal. In February 2010, we vacated the judgment and remanded in an unpublished opinion. See United States v. Chester, 367 Fed.Appx. 392 (4th Cir.2010) (per curiam). We declined to find
Under intermediate scrutiny, the government need not establish a close fit between the statute‘s means and its end, but it must at least establish a reasonable fit. The government has done almost nothing to discharge this burden. Instead, it has premised its argument almost entirely on Heller‘s reference to the presumptive validity of felon-dispossession laws and reasoned by analogy that
§ 922(g)(9) therefore passes constitutional muster. That‘s not enough.
Id. at 805-06. Similarly, we remanded Chester‘s appeal for clarification of the precise contours of his Second Amendment claim—a necessary step in determining the appropriate standard of constitutional scrutiny to apply—and for development of the record under the appropriate means-end framework. See Chester, 367 Fed.Appx. at 398-99. We stopped short, however, of identifying the proper level of scrutiny, leaving that task to the district court on remand.
After we issued the unpublished Chester opinion, the government filed a petition for panel rehearing in light of the fact that the Skoien panel decision had been vacated by the Seventh Circuit en banc. While Chester‘s petition for rehearing was pending, the Seventh Circuit issued its en banc decision in Skoien, rejecting the Second Amendment challenge to
III.
We turn first to the question of how to evaluate Chester‘s Second Amendment challenge to
Having acknowledged that the scope of the Second Amendment is subject to historical limitations, the Court cautioned that Heller should not be read “to cast doubt on longstanding prohibitions” such as “the possession of firearms by felons and the mentally ill, or laws forbidding the carrying of firearms in sensitive places such as schools and government buildings.” Id. at 2816-17. Heller described its exemplary list of “longstanding prohibitions” as “presumptively lawful regulatory measures,” id. at 2817, n. 26, without alluding to any historical evidence that the right to keep and bear arms did not extend to felons, the mentally ill or the conduct prohibited by any of the listed gun regulations. It is unclear to us whether Heller was suggesting that “longstanding prohibitions” such as these were historically understood to be valid limitations on the right to bear arms or did not violate the Second Amendment for some other reason. See United States v. Rene E., 583 F.3d 8, 12 (1st Cir.2009) (concluding that Heller “identified limits deriving from various historical restrictions on possessing and carrying weapons,” including the felon dispossession provision, that “were left intact by the Second Amendment“). Federal felon dispossession laws, for example, were not on the books until the twentieth century, and the historical evidence and scholarly writing on whether felons were protected by the Second Amendment at the time of its ratification is inconclusive. But even if the listed regulations were not historical limitations on the scope of the Second Amendment, the Court could still have viewed the regulatory measures as “presumptively lawful” if it believed they were valid on their face under any level of means-end scrutiny applied.5
Some courts have treated Heller‘s listing of “presumptively lawful regulatory measures,” for all practical purposes, as a kind of “safe harbor” for unlisted regulatory measures, such as
Thus, a two-part approach to Second Amendment claims seems appropriate under Heller, as explained by the Third Circuit Court of Appeals, see Marzzarella, 614 F.3d at 89, and Judge Sykes in the now-vacated Skoien panel opinion, see 587 F.3d at 808-09. The first question is “whether the challenged law imposes a burden on conduct falling within the scope of the Second Amendment‘s guarantee.” Id. This historical inquiry seeks to determine whether the conduct at issue was understood to be within the scope of the right at the time of ratification. See Heller, 128 S.Ct. at 2816. If it was not, then the challenged law is valid. See Marzzarella, 614 F.3d at 89. If the challenged regulation burdens conduct that was within the scope of the Second Amendment as historically understood, then we move to the second step of applying an appropriate form of means-end scrutiny. See id. Heller left open the issue of the standard of review, rejecting only rational-basis review. Accordingly, unless the conduct at issue is not protected by the Second Amendment at all, the Government bears the burden of justifying the constitutional validity of the law.
A.
Under this approach, the first question is whether
In this case, the government has not taken the position that persons convicted of misdemeanors involving domestic violence were altogether excluded from the Second Amendment as it was understood by the founding generation. Moreover, it appears to us that the historical data is not conclusive on the question of whether the founding era understanding was that the Second Amendment did not apply to felons. See Williams, 616 F.3d at 692 (noting that “[t]he academic writing on the subject of whether felons were excluded from firearm possession at the time of the founding is inconclusive at best” (internal quotation marks omitted)); Skoien, 614 F.3d at 650-51 (Sykes, J., dissenting) (“[S]cholars disagree about the extent to which felons—let alone misdemeanants—were considered excluded from the right to bear
Of course, we are dealing in this appeal not with felons but people who have been convicted of domestic-violence misdemeanors. If the historical evidence on whether felons enjoyed the right to possess and carry arms is inconclusive, it would likely be even more so with respect to domestic-violence misdemeanants. The federal provision disarming domestic-violence misdemeanants is of recent vintage, having been enacted in 1996 as part of the Lautenberg Amendment to the Gun Control Act of 1968. See
The government has not contended that
B.
Heller left open the level of scrutiny applicable to review a law that burdens conduct protected under the Second Amendment, other than to indicate that rational-basis review would not apply in this context. See Heller, 128 S.Ct. at 2817, n. 27 (“If all that was required to overcome the right to keep and bear arms was a rational basis, the Second Amendment would be redundant with the separate constitutional prohibitions on irrational laws, and would have no effect.“). Our task, therefore, is to select between strict scrutiny and intermediate scrutiny. Given Heller‘s focus on “core” Second Amendment conduct and the Court‘s frequent references to First Amendment doctrine, we agree with those who advocate looking to the First Amendment as a guide in developing a standard of review for the Second Amendment. See Marzzarella, 614 F.3d at 89 n. 4; Skoien, 587 F.3d at 813-14.
Chester urges us to adopt a strict scrutiny standard because
The Second Amendment is no more susceptible to a one-size-fits-all standard of review than any other constitutional right. Gun-control regulations impose varying degrees of burden on Second Amendment rights, and individual assertions of the right will come in many forms. A severe burden on the core Second Amendment right of armed self-defense should require strong justification. But less severe burdens on the right, laws that merely regulate rather than restrict, and laws that do not implicate the central self-defense concern of the Second Amendment, may be more easily justified.
Although Chester asserts his right to possess a firearm in his home for the
We cannot conclude on this record that the government has carried its burden of establishing a reasonable fit between the important object of reducing domestic gun violence and
IV.
For the foregoing reasons, we vacate the order of the district court and remand for further proceedings consistent with this opinion.
VACATED AND REMANDED
DAVIS, Circuit Judge, concurring in the judgment:
I concur in the judgment.
In light of the highly persuasive decision of the Seventh Circuit in United States v. Skoien, 614 F.3d 638 (7th Cir.2010) (en banc), pet. for cert. pending, sustaining the constitutionality of
I.
On April 26, 2004, Chester savagely attacked his 22-year-old daughter, Meghan Chester (“Meghan“). Apparently, their dispute arose over what Meghan had eaten for lunch that day. In this attack, Chester slammed his daughter on the kitchen table. Meghan attempted to leave but Chester followed her, threatened her, and punched her in the face. Meghan fell to the floor in pain, but Chester continued to attack her. He began kicking her as she lay on the ground, and also dumped buckets of water over his daughter‘s head. After her father “beat her up and assault[ed] her” for some time, J.A. 41, Meghan escaped from her father and locked herself in the bathroom. Eventually, Chester left the residence and Meghan‘s mother took Meghan to the hospital. Meghan had a swollen nose and a knot on her forehead. Based on his physical abuse of his daughter, on February 4, 2005, Chester was convicted in state court in Kanawha County, West Virginia for the misdemeanor crime of domestic battery and domestic assault in violation of
On October 10, 2007, the Kanawha County police returned to the Chester family home in response to a second domestic violence call. This time, the call was placed by Mrs. Linda Guerrant-Chester (“Guerrant-Chester“), Chester‘s then-wife. When the officers arrived, Guerrant-Chester told them that she awoke at 5:00 a.m. and discovered her husband outside the house, receiving oral sex from a prostitute. When Chester realized that Guerrant-Chester had seen him, he yelled, “[s]o you fucking caught me” and proceeded to drag Guerrant-Chester inside the house. Once inside, Chester grabbed Guerrant-Chester‘s face and throat and strangled her while repeatedly shouting “I‘m going to kill you!” Chester‘s daughter, Samantha Chester, heard Chester repeatedly threaten to kill Guerrant-Chester and came to the kitchen. She attempted to calm Chester down, and while she distracted him, Guerrant-Chester called the police. When the police arrived, they located a loaded 12-gauge shotgun in the kitchen pantry and a 9mm pistol in the defendant‘s bedroom. Both firearms belonged to Chester.
II.
On May 6, 2008, a federal grand jury indicted Chester for violating
The thrust of the majority opinion in Heller leaves ample room for the government to control the possession of firearms by misdemeanants found guilty of domestic violence. Indeed, the need to bar possession of firearms by domestic violence misdemeanants in order to protect family members and society in general from potential violent acts of such individuals is quite often far greater than that of the similar prohibition of
§ 922(g)(1) on those who commit non-violent felonies.
J.A. 61.
Chester then entered a conditional guilty plea, preserving his right to appeal
III.
A.
The majority holds that, “[a]lthough Chester asserts his right to possess a firearm in his home for the purpose of self-defense, we believe his claim is not within the core right identified in Heller—the right of a law-abiding, responsible citizen to possess and carry a weapon for self-defense.” Maj. Op. at 682-83. I agree. The majority further notes, however, “We cannot conclude on this record that the government has carried its burden of establishing a reasonable fit between the important object of reducing domestic gun violence and
B.
Section
(g) It shall be unlawful for any person—
....
(9) who has been convicted in any court of a misdemeanor crime of domestic violence, to ship or transport in interstate or foreign commerce, or possess in or affecting commerce, any firearm or ammunition; or to receive any firearm or ammunition which has been shipped or transported in interstate or foreign commerce.
(A) Except as provided in subparagraph (C), the term “misdemeanor crime of domestic violence” means an offense that—
(i) is a misdemeanor under Federal, State, or Tribal law; and
(ii) has, as an element, the use or attempted use of physical force, or the threatened use of a deadly weapon, committed by a current or former spouse, parent, or guardian of the victim, by a person with whom the victim shares a child in common, by a person who is cohabiting with or has cohabited with the victim as a spouse, parent, or guardian, or by a person similarly situated to a spouse, parent, or guardian of the victim.
(B)(i) A person shall not be considered to have been convicted of such an offense for purposes of this chapter, unless—
(I) the person was represented by counsel in the case, or knowingly and intelligently waived the right to counsel in the case; and
(II) in the case of a prosecution for an offense described in this paragraph for which a person was entitled to a jury trial in the jurisdiction in which the case was tried, either
(aa) the case was tried by a jury, or
(bb) the person knowingly and intelligently waived the right to have the case tried by a jury, by guilty plea or otherwise.
(ii) A person shall not be considered to have been convicted of such an offense for purposes of this chapter if the conviction has been expunged or set aside, or is an offense for which the person has been pardoned or has had civil rights restored (if the law of the applicable jurisdiction provides for the loss of civil rights under such an offense) unless the pardon, expungement, or restoration of civil rights expressly provides that the person may not ship, transport, possess, or receive firearms.
C.
As has been amply discussed, in Heller, the Supreme Court invalidated a gun ban in the District of Columbia, holding that the Second Amendment guarantees to law-abiding citizens the right to possess handguns for the purposes of self-defense. The Court identified the right to self-defense as “the central component of the right itself,” Heller, 128 S.Ct. at 2802, and it declared that the “core right” preserved by the Second Amendment was the right for “law-abiding, responsible citizens to use arms in defense of hearth and home.” Id. at 2821. Heller failed, however, to identify the proper standard of scrutiny for analyzing whether a statute that regulates gun possession infringes on Second Amendment rights, instead finding that the D.C.‘s outright ban on possession would fail to survive under any “of the standards of scrutiny that we have applied to enumerated constitutional rights.” Id. at 2817.
The Court acknowledged the existence of limits on the scope of the individual right protected by the Second Amendment, and explained that certain so-called “longstanding prohibitions” were “presumptively lawful regulatory measures.” Id. at 2816-17 & n. 26; id. at 2816 (“From Blackstone through the 19th-century cases, commentators and courts routinely explained that the right was not a right to keep and carry any weapon whatsoever in any manner whatsoever and for whatever purpose.“). The Court provided a non-exclusive, illustrative list of such “presumptively lawful” exceptions, including but not limited to “longstanding prohibitions on the possession of firearms by felons and the mentally ill,” id. at 2816-17, but did not explain how lower courts were to identify other such “presumptively lawful” exceptions. More recently, the Court restated its belief in the existence of “presumptively lawful” regulations but again declined to provide any guidance to lower courts in our efforts to identify them. McDonald v. Chicago, — U.S. —, 130 S.Ct. 3020, 3047, 177 L.Ed.2d 894 (2010) (holding that the Second Amendment constrains state and local laws through its incorporation under the Fourteenth Amendment Due Process Clause).1 Post-Heller, and now, post-McDonald, lower
D.
The majority, on the basis of “the [Heller] Court‘s frequent references to First Amendment doctrine, ... look[s] to the First Amendment as a guide” in its analysis. Maj. Op. at 682. To be sure, Heller does refer to the First Amendment, but only for several quite limited purposes: (1) to compare its language, along with that of other amendments in the Bill of Rights, to the language of the Second Amendment, see, e.g., Heller, 128 S.Ct. at 2790; (2) to establish that constitutional rights are not limited to the use of equipment available at the time of ratification, but extend to modern analogues, see id. at 2791 (citing to First Amendment‘s protection of “modern forms of communication“); (3) to make the simple point that unqualified constitutional language does not imply an “unlimited” right, id. at 2799; (4) to note that initial recognition of a right sometimes comes long after ratification, see id. at 2816; and finally, (5) to remind its audience that our constitutional rights are “the very product of an interest-balancing by the people” and thus that balancing them away in the manner ascribed to Justice Breyer would be inappropriate, id. at 2821. Certainly the First Amendment, as a fount of rights the dissenting Justices have frequently championed, was a useful source for the Heller majority. But these limited references are hardly an invitation to import the First Amendment‘s idiosyncratic doctrines wholesale into a Second Amendment context, where, without a link to expressive conduct, they will often appear unjustified. To the extent some commentators and courts, frustrated with Heller‘s lack of guidance, have clung to these references and attempted to force unwieldy First Amendment analogies, they muddle, rather than clarify, analysis.
1.
Most problematic is the majority‘s suggestion that the government must show “a reasonable fit between the important object of reducing domestic gun violence and
This “second type of facial challenge,” United States v. Stevens, — U.S. —, 130 S.Ct. 1577, 1587, 176 L.Ed.2d 435 (2010), which presumes “a species of third party (jus tertii) standing,” City of Chicago v. Morales, 527 U.S. 41, 55 n. 22, 119 S.Ct. 1849, 144 L.Ed.2d 67 (1999) (Stevens, J., concurring), has not been permitted outside of the First Amendment context, see Salerno, 481 U.S., at 745 (“The fact that [a statute] might operate unconstitutionally under some conceivable set of circumstances is insufficient to render it wholly invalid, since we have not recognized an ‘overbreadth’ doctrine outside the limited context of the First Amendment.“). As the Supreme Court
Embedded in the traditional rules governing constitutional adjudication is the principle that a person to whom a statute may constitutionally be applied will not be heard to challenge that statute on the ground that it may conceivably be applied unconstitutionally to others, in other situations not before the Court.... [These principles] rest on more than the fussiness of judges. They reflect the conviction that under our constitutional system courts are not roving commissions assigned to pass judgment on the validity of the Nation‘s laws.
One of the only exceptions to this rule is the First Amendment‘s overbreadth doctrine, which is justified on grounds unique to the regulation of expressive conduct. Concerned about the chilling effect of overly broad regulations—the fear that a “statute‘s very existence may cause others not before the court to refrain from constitutionally protected speech or expression,” id. at 612—the Supreme Court has “long ... recognized that the First Amendment needs breathing space,” id. at 611; and the overbreadth doctrine is the Court‘s solution to this speech-specific problem, id. at 611-12. With free expression, the classes of protected speech that are unduly burdened may be quite particularized—e.g., unpopular expression that has “serious literary, artistic, political, or scientific value,” Miller v. California, 413 U.S. 15, 24, 93 S.Ct. 2607, 37 L.Ed.2d 419 (1973). And as expression is, by its very nature, so mutable, overbroad regulations can easily encourage speakers to modify their speech, shifting it away from controversy. No analogous arguments obtain in the Second Amendment context. As there can be little doubt that advocates of a robust individual right to bear arms will continue to challenge all firearm regulations, importing the over-breadth doctrine, an “extraordinary” exception to prudential standing requirements, Ward v. Rock Against Racism, 491 U.S. 781, 794, 109 S.Ct. 2746, 105 L.Ed.2d 661 (1989), into the Second Amendment context would be inappropriate.
2.
As for the majority‘s observation that here “we are seeking to determine whether a person, rather than the person‘s conduct, is unprotected by the Second Amendment,” Maj. Op. at 680, I am dubitante. This seems to invite a comparison to the First Amendment‘s application to expressive conduct and to suggest that, because here we would exclude a “person, rather than the person‘s conduct,” from constitutional immunity, the government should bear a heavier burden in establishing that Chester‘s claim is outside the purview of the Second Amendment. Again, however, the First Amendment analogy breaks down. The law has long believed that “no danger flowing from speech can be deemed clear and present, unless the incidence of the evil apprehended is so imminent that it may befall before there is opportunity for full discussion,” and that “the remedy to be applied is more speech, not enforced silence.” Whitney v. California, 274 U.S. 357, 377, 47 S.Ct. 641, 71 L.Ed. 1095 (1927) (Brandeis, J., concurring). This principle has no application to gun violence, and prohibiting violent criminals from owning guns cannot fairly be compared to permanently silencing some class of persons.
E.
Heller has left in its wake a morass of conflicting lower court opinions regarding the proper analysis to apply to challenged
Recognizing that an attempt to operationalize the Heller Court‘s “longstanding” language would lead to “weird” results unconnected even to any court‘s divination of the ratifiers’ original intent, the Seventh Circuit simply read this language to acknowledge that “exclusions [from Heller‘s qualified right to bear arms] need not mirror limits that were on the books in 1791.” Id. at 641, 128 S.Ct. 2783. I, too, find this the most persuasive interpretation of that passage in Heller.
The Skoien court then conducted a further analysis to determine whether the statute was constitutional. The court did not explicitly adopt a level of constitutional scrutiny, however. Instead, the court embraced the government‘s concession that “some form of strong showing (‘intermediate scrutiny,’ many opinions say) is essential, and that
IV.
Despite its hesitation to do so explicitly (in contrast to the majority in this case), the Seventh Circuit correctly applied intermediate scrutiny in Skoien and correctly sustained
A.
Intermediate scrutiny is the proper level of scrutiny for
Intermediate scrutiny queries whether a statute is substantially related to an important governmental interest. See Craig v. Boren, 429 U.S. 190, 197, 97 S.Ct. 451, 50 L.Ed.2d 397 (1976) (“To withstand constitutional challenge, previous cases establish that classifications by gender must serve important governmental objectives and must be substantially related to achievement of those objectives.“); see also Lehr v. Robertson, 463 U.S. 248, 265-66, 103 S.Ct. 2985, 77 L.Ed.2d 614 (1983) (“The sovereign may not draw distinctions between individuals based solely on differences that are irrelevant to a legitimate governmental objective.... when there is no substantial relation between the disparity and an important state purpose“) (internal citations omitted); Adkins v. Rumsfeld, 464 F.3d 456, 468 (4th Cir.2006) (for facially neutral gender-based
The government contends that the governmental interests at stake here, and, indeed, the very purpose of
More specifically, the government argues that the purpose of
Under intermediate scrutiny, the governmental purpose must be important. But who could possibly dispute the importance of the governmental interest in keeping firearms away from individuals with a demonstrated history of actual or attempted assaultive violence? The need to protect victims of assaultive domestic violence from further, more lethal harm from gun violence is unquestionable; its unfortunate and horrifying effects are well-documented. As the government argues:
Domestic violence misdemeanants, even more so than most convicted felons, have demonstrated a specific propensity for violence and thus pose and unacceptable risk of firearm misuse. Such persons have demonstrated an unwillingness or inability to resolve domestic disputes without threats of physical violence. Just because a domestic abuser does not employ a firearm in this first instance does not mean he will refrain from using a firearm the next time. Further, because victims of domestic violence often seek assistance from law
enforcement agencies, domestic violence misdemeanants are likely to encounter law enforcement officers. The United States interest includes eliminating firearm possession by domestic violence misdemeanants during adverse encounters with law enforcement officers.
Appellee‘s Br. at 12. And sound research of unquestionable reliability (much of it empirical) indicates that the presence of firearms greatly increases the risk of death for women suffering from domestic abuse. For example, in 2006, 1,905 women were murdered with guns and 4,772 women were treated in emergency rooms for gunshot wounds stemming from an assault.4 On average, more than three women in the United States are murdered by their husbands or boyfriends every day.5 Abused women living in homes with firearms are six times more likely to be killed than other abused women.6 Women are more than twice as likely to be shot to death by their male partner as killed in any way by a stranger.7 And women living in homes with guns are more than three times as likely to be victims of homicide.8 Although it is the government‘s role to provide these data, courts have long taken judicial notice of dispositive facts in constitutional cases; judicial notice of the data underlying the government‘s interests is entirely appropriate.
It is also quite clear that
V.
I can foresee no difficulty for the district court in sustaining the constitutional validity of the application of
Notes
McDonald, 130 S.Ct. at 3047 (internal citations omitted).We made it clear in Heller that our holding did not cast doubt on such longstanding regulatory measures as “prohibitions on the possession of firearms by felons and the mentally ill,” “laws forbidding the carrying of firearms in sensitive places such as schools and government buildings, or laws imposing conditions and qualifications on the commercial sale of arms.” We repeat those assurances here.
We have also previously analogized between perpetrators of domestic violence and felons. United States v. Bostic, 168 F.3d 718, 722 (4th Cir.1999). There, Bostic challenged the constitutionality of his conviction under
We disagree, however, with Bostic‘s premise that he remained an “ordinary citizen” after the [final protection] Order was entered against him. By engaging in abusive conduct toward Kelly and Ryan which led to the entry of the Order, Bostic removed himself from the class of ordinary citizens we discussed in Langley. Like a felon, a person in Bostic‘s position cannot reasonably expect to be free from regulation when possessing a firearm.
Id. at 722 (emphasis added).
Other federal courts have upheld
