Lead Opinion
In this case we must determine if appellants established a prima facie case of purposeful discrimination in jury selection by the prosecution under Batson v. Kentucky,
I.
On May 27, 1983, a federal grand jury in the District of Maryland returned a two count indictment against Anthony Grandi-son, Vernon Evans, Jr., Janet Patricia Moore, and Rodney Kelly, charging them with conspiracy to violate civil rights resulting in death, 18 U.S.C. § 241, and witness tampering, 18 U.S.C. § 1512. Voir dire commenced on September 12, 1983, and lasted approximately three weeks. Jury selection then began on October 3, 1983.
The parties agreed that jury selection was to be conducted by a process of striking veniremen from the box. Under this procedure, twelve veniremen are seated in the jury box and the defendants and government alternate strikes. The parties can strike any of the veniremen in the box, regardless of when they are seated. As a venireman is stricken, a new potential juror is added to the box. The parties also agreed that the defendants would have seventeen peremptory challenges and the government would have ten. The defense exercised fifteen strikes and the government exercised nine. The defense exercised all but one of its strikes against white veniremen. The government struck six black veniremen. The government stated several times during selection that the jury as constituted was acceptable, and on one occasion the jury contained three black members. The jury, as finally composed, consisted of ten white and two black jurors.
Before the jury was sworn, defendants made a motion for mistrial based on the government’s alleged use of peremptories to strike blacks. The district court denied the motion. On November 3, 1983, all four defendants were convicted of both charges. The convictions were affirmed on December 23, 1985. United States v. Grandison,
On February 23, 1987, the Supreme Court vacated the convictions of Grandison, Evans, and Kelly,
On January 22, 1988, the district court held a hearing to determine if defendants could establish a prima facie case of purposeful discrimination by the prosecution in jury selection. On May 27, 1988, the court issued an order denying defendants’ motion for a new trial and directing that the judgments be reinstated. The court concluded that the combination of facts and circumstances “reveal[ed] an inference opposite to that of racial discrimination.” Because no prima facie case of discrimination was established, the court did not require the government to explain the reasons for its strikes.
Defendants appeal.
II.
We will review at the outset the law as it relates to racial discrimination in the exercise of peremptory challenges, and the critical role of the trial judge in its implementation.
In Batson v. Kentucky,
If a defendant makes out a prima facie case, the burden shifts to the prosecutor to come forward with a neutral explanation for challenging black veniremen. Batson,
The trial judge plays a “pivotal role ... in determining a prima facie case.” United States v. Clemons,
The circumstances of this case illustrate why deference to district courts is so appropriate in this context. Here, the trial court was intimately familiar with the selection of the jury. It conducted individual voir dire in its chambers, asking each potential juror the same series of questions. Following this initial questioning, it asked follow-up questions of the potential jurors prepared by the parties. After all questioning had been completed, the court heard argument and ruled on the parties’ motions to strike jurors for cause. Finally, it observed the parties’ use of their peremptory challenges.
Thus, the district court’s findings stemmed from first-hand knowledge and observation of the critical events. The fact-finder was in an even more advantageous position, vis-a-vis an appellate court, than in a Title VII case, where substantial deference to factual determinations on discrimination is routinely accorded. In assessing appellants’ prima facie case, the district court relied on its “memory of” voir dire as well as its “evaluation of credibility.” Batson,
III.
Appellants contend that the facts of this case support an inference of racial discrimi
No per se rule exists to establish a prima facie case of purposeful discrimination. Lane,
While the racial composition of the actual petit jury is not dispositive of a Batson challenge, neither was the district court precluded from considering it. Here two of the twelve petit jurors were black. Although the presence of minorities on the jury does not mean that a Batson prima facie case cannot be made, Lane,
The government’s consideration of each potential juror further supports the district court’s conclusion. See Batson,
Appellants’ contention that the government did not carefully consider each venireman because it did not present “meaningful” follow-up questions to at least four of the stricken black veniremen is without merit. We refuse to require the government to ask follow-up questions to every stricken venireman during voir dire in order to defeat a Batson challenge. A balance must be struck between fair jury selection procedures and the need to move promptly toward trial. The decision not to ask follow-up questions is a matter of trial strategy; failure to do so is not dispositive of the thoughtfulness of the prosecution’s exercise of its peremptory strikes. Indeed, no genuine need for follow-up questions may exist. Here, in fact, the government was already familiar with every potential juror. Each individual had responded to general questions, appeared in chambers for individual questioning, and completed a questionnaire.
Three additional facts support the district court’s conclusion. First, the government accepted, during the selection process, a jury that included three black jurors. Appellants argue that this should not be considered because after the government passed on a jury with three black members, the government exercised a peremptory challenge against a black juror it had earlier accepted. We disagree. The point is that had the defendants accepted the jury as the government did, the jury would have included three black members.
Finally, the government did not exercise any strikes during the selection of six alternates, three of whom were black. The alternates were important. The jury was to be sequestered and the trial was expected to last at least four weeks. Both parties had every expectation that some of the alternates would end up on the main jury panel. The fact that no alternates actually served does not undercut the fact that the government agreed to three black alternates whose prospects of serving were substantial.
Appellants contend that statistical analysis supports an inference of purposeful discrimination. They argue that while the jury pool began with a greater representation of blacks (27.45%) than exists in the Maryland population (22.7%), the government’s use of peremptory challenges reduced black representation to 16.67% on the petit jury. Such a reduction, they assert, “cut[s] in favor of a prima facie showing of purposeful discrimination.”
We disagree. To begin with, appellants’ statistical analysis falls of its own weight. First, the government accepted a jury with three black members, or 25% black representation, in excess of the state average. Additionally, although only two of the twelve petit jurors were black, three of six alternates were black. When the alternates are included in the statistical analysis, then five out of eighteen jurors were black, for a black representation of 27.7%, a figure which again exceeds the state average.
Such statistical comparisons are, however, a poor way to resolve a Batson challenge. While several courts have employed statistical analysis as one factor in determining whether a Batson prima facie case exists, Sanqineto-Miranda,
Appellants contend finally that the fact both the victims in this case and many of the witnesses were white suggests that the government would have reason to want few black jurors, raising an inference of discriminatory purpose. Appellants argue that the obvious racial overtones of this case are underscored by a letter, admitted into evidence, in which Grandison referred to an intended victim as a “white bitch.”
Appellants’ contentions are factually suspect. Of the more than thirty witnesses
More fundamentally, to infer prosecutorial discrimination because of the race of government witnesses has serious implications. To a considerable extent, any party is forced to take its witnesses as it finds them. Much the same is true of other evidence; the government was not remiss in introducing the letter in Grandison’s own handwriting, which operated as an advance confession to the crime for which he was charged. We do not think it proper to discourage prosecutors from calling relevant witnesses and introducing relevant evidence for fear it may compromise their defense to a Batson challenge. This trial concerned the killing of two federal witnesses; the victims and defendants could have been of any race or national origin, and the issues would have been no different. Absent some evidence that the prosecution has taken the racial identities of the victims or witnesses into account in jury selection, we decline to indulge in speculation about its incentive to do so.
IV.
A prima facie case of discrimination does not arise “every time a prosecutor strikes a black prospective juror.” Lane,
AFFIRMED.
Dissenting Opinion
dissenting:
Disproportionate striking of jury men or women on racial grounds cannot be excused or ignored because the offense was heinous. Conviction should be affirmed only if correctly achieved.
It, therefore, is of no importance and irrelevant, for present purposes, what the jury, which may have been improperly selected, found as crimes, however outrageous, that Anthony Grandison et al were responsible for. It is imperative to ascertain whether the jury should have been allowed, as constituted, to have sat in judgment at all.
With the number of peremptory strikes of black members of the venire disproportionate when measured against almost any criteria, it becomes incumbent upon the prosecution to justify its strikes as not racially motivated. The prosecutors may well succeed in doing so. No doubt they feel they can. But “maybe” is not “is”. If they cannot do so, the convictions should not stand. It is not too much to require satisfactory proof instead of mere sur
The burden on the government, after all, is not great. Recognizing the established role of peremptory jury strikes in our criminal system, but also recognizing that jury selection is a process particularly susceptible to discrimination “by those who are of a mind to discriminate,” Batson v. Kentucky,
Of course, the trial judge is in a unique position to evaluate any prima facie claim. Indeed, the district court and majority opinions are well-reasoned and certainly persuasive on this score. But both reflect a confusion over the court’s proper role at each stage of the Batson proceeding. We need not measure the defendant’s prima facie case against the evidentiary burden ultimately required to prove intentional discriminatory strikes. The real question presented is the quantum of evidence necessary to support a prima facie Batson showing — an inference that even one peremptory strike was utilized to exclude a member of a cognizable racial group from the venire.
As the majority acknowledges, case law in this rapidly developing area is very fact specific and appellate courts have been reluctant to lay down any bright line test or per se rules. United States v. Sanqineto-Miranda,
Yet such an explanation is called for here. The spectre of racial discrimination is clearly apparent. Six of the nine strikes employed by the government were used against blacks.
A predominant number of the government witnesses at the trial were white, including, in particular, the main identification witness. A letter written by Grandi-son, which was a prominent part, indeed a cornerstone, of the government’s case, referred to one of the intended victims of a cruel and wanton murder as a “white bitch,” making race a matter of heightened importance by emphasizing a legal irrelevance more likely to repel white jurors than it would blacks.
The fifty-one possible jurors remaining after the parties excused a number by agreement amounted to 27.45% black. Peremptory challenges reduced black representation to 19%. The Maryland black population in the 1980 census was 22.7%. The main jury panel, after the government’s peremptory challenges, consisted for Gran-dison et al of 3 blacks out of a total of 30, or 10%.
In light of those facts, the case of prima facie discrimination, not arduous to establish and correspondingly not difficult to dispel,
Notes
. Harmlessness of error, which is used on rare occasion to uphold a conviction, is not available here. Racial discrimination, with the outrageous impression it establishes for anyone subjected to it, and its message of exclusion from a just society of one so mistreated, render any error due to it harmful.
. If whether a door was locked was pertinent, it would be preferable to go and see than merely to assume that users of the door following use regularly turned the key.
. For example, many of the cases cited by the majority involve a district court determination conducted after a prima facie defense showing and an assessment of the government’s explanation. See, e.g., United States v. Tindle,
. In addition, one of the three whites peremptorily struck by the prosecution was the wife of a black.
. As stated, rebuttal of a prima facie case of racial discrimination is not difficult if reasonable grounds are adduced. Leaving the question totally unanswered, in the presence of factors suggesting more than a tinge of racial prejudice, contributes precisely to the appearance of injustice that Batson was in large measure designed to prevent.
