In accordance with the mandate of the Supreme Court in
Austin Independent School District v. United States,
1976,
After restudy of our two earlier decisions and the record, we again hold that the evidence overwhelmingly supports the conclusion that the Austin School Board, Austin Independent School District (AISD), engaged in acts showing a pervasive intent to segregate Mexican-Americans.
Dayton Board of Education v.
Brinkman, - U.S. -,
I.
Seven years after the Attorney General of the United States initiated this tri-ethnic school desegregation suit under the Civil Rights Act of 1964, 42 U.S.C. § 2000c-6, it comes to this Court for the third time, this time on remand from the Supreme Court.
In
United States
v.
Texas Education Agency,
5 Cir. 1972,
With respect to Mexican-American students, we held that the district court was clearly erroneous in finding that the AISD had not practiced segregation against that identifiable ethnic minority. We held that through various actions AISD officials “caused and perpetuated the segregation of Mexican-American students within the [Austin] school system”.
On remand, the district court was at a disadvantage in carrying out the mandate in
Austin I
in view of the decision of a majority of our Court rejecting a motion to clarify the remedy (the vote was nine to five).
1
5 Cir.,
The unique limitation on desegregation to the sixth grade in black schools, which the AISD proposed and was approved by the district court, raises a fair inference that the AISD intended to continue extensive segregation of Mexican-Americans. The AISD suggests that the 1974 Education Amendments, 20 U.S.C. § 1701 et seq. (1976 Supp.), somehow support this blanket exclusion. There are two answers to this contention. First, as the AISD in its own brief correctly observes:
“the provisions of this chapter are not intended to modify or diminish the authority of the courts of the United States to enforce fully the fifth and fourteenth amendments to the Constitution of the United States.” 20 U.S.C. § 1702(b).
Second, the 1974 amendments do not support the wholesale exclusion of entire grades from a desegregation plan. They merely “find” that “the risks and harms created by
excessive
transportation are particularly great
for
children enrolled in the first six grades”. 20 U.S.C. § 1702(a)(5)
*165
(emphasis added). This legislation does not purport to prohibit desegregation of children at such grade levels, but points out the obvious; as the Supreme Court said in
Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg Bd. of Ed.,
In
United States
v.
Texas Education Agency,
5 Cir. 1976,
The AISD petitioned for a writ of certiorari. The United States, in its brief on certiorari, had doubts about this Court’s rationale in Austin II, but contended that the judgment was correct in holding “that the AISD engaged in pervasive acts of discrimination against Mexican-Americans”. The Supreme Court granted certiorari, vacated our decision, and remanded the case to us “for reconsideration in light of Washington v. Davis.” We now review our decision in Austin II in light of this mandate.
II.
We note at the outset, our determination that the AISD practiced intentional discrimination against black students is not in issue; the AISD did not appeal the district court’s finding to this effect in
Austin II.
In
Washington v. Davis
the Supreme Court held that otherwise neutral state action does not violate the fourteenth amendment’s equal protection clause “solely” because it has a disproportionate impact on a racial minority. Instead, courts must “adhere to the basic equal protection principle that the invidious quality of a law claimed to be racially discriminatory must ultimately be traced to a racially discriminatory
*166
purpose
3
”.
Necessarily, an invidious discriminatory purpose may often be inferred from the totality of the relevant facts, including the fact, if it is true, that the law bears more heavily on one race than another. It is also not infrequently true that the discriminatory impact . . . may for all practical purposes demonstrate unconstitutionality because in various circumstances the discrimination is very difficult to explain on nonracial grounds. . Disproportionate impact is not irrelevant, but it is not the sole touchstone of invidious racial discrimination forbidden by the Constitution.
More recently, in
Village of Arlington Heights v. Metropolitan Housing Development Corp.,
1977,
The impact of the official action — whether it ‘bears more heavily on one race than another,’ Washington v. Davis,426 U.S. at 242 [96 S.Ct. 2040 ]—may provide an important starting point. Sometimes a clear pattern, unexplainable on grounds other than race, emerges from the effect of the state action even when the governing legislation appears neutral on its face.
The historical background of the decision is [another] evidentiary source, particularly if it reveals a series of official actions taken for invidious purposes. . The specific sequence of events leading up the challenged decision also may shed some light on the decisionmaker’s purposes. . . . Departures from the normal procedural sequence also might afford evidence that improper purposes are playing a role. Substantive departures too may be relevant, particularly if the factors usually considered important by the decisionmaker strongly favor a decision contrary to the one reached.
In Austin II, as will be discussed more fully, we referred to the neighborhood assignment system as neutral on its face, but observed that all of the evidence showed that the AISD resorted to that system only when it would produce the maximum feasible separation of Anglos from Mexican-Americans. When it did not, the AISD resorted to gerrymandering, dual-overlapping zones, discriminatory school siting and capacity decision (tailoring the design, location, and size of a school to fit only a racial or ethnic group), and other discriminatory devices. The package demonstrated a pervasive intent to discriminate against Mexican-Americans.
The principle that plaintiffs challenging official action as racially or ethnically discriminatory must show the existence of a purpose or intent to discriminate was foreshadowed in
Keyes v. School District No. 1, Denver, Colorado,
1973,
We understand the difficulties inherent in employing a subjective intent test to determine whether school board authorities practiced impermissible
de jure
segregation against minority students.
6
In
Austin II,
therefore, we adopted an objective test for ascertaining discriminatory intent and “incorporat[ed] in school segregation law the ordinary rule of tort law that a person intends the natural and foreseeable consequences of his actions”.
In neither Washington v. Davis nor Arlington Heights did the Supreme Court directly confront the issue of what type of official intent — subjective or objective — a plaintiff must show to present a prima facie case of impermissible racial or ethnic discrimination or segregation under the fourteenth amendment’s equal protection clause. Washington v. Davis and Arlington Heights did establish that the disproportionate racial impact of the neutral application of a long-standing neutral policy, by itself, will rarely constitute a constitutional violation. Those decisions thus partly answered in the affirmative, one of the questions left open in Keyes —“whether a neighborhood school policy of itself will justify racial or ethnic concentrations, in the absence of a finding that school authorities have committed acts constituting de jure segregation”. 8 We are well aware that some official actions on which a plaintiff hinges an allegation of unconstitutional discrimination have historically been motivated by racially and ethnically neutral bona fide concerns, such as the desire to have children attend the school closest to their home, and no showing is made that those concerns were actually subordinate to, or a subterfuge for, unconstitutional discrimination. In those circumstances, that a discriminatory result was the natural and foreseeable consequence of the actions is insufficient to infuse the challenged acts with the type of discriminatory intent required by Washington v. Davis and Arlington Heights. Nevertheless, we emphasize that we do not read Washington v. Davis and Arlington Heights as banishing from the law of racial and ethnic discrimination the venerable common law tort principle that a person intends the natural and foreseeable consequences of his actions. When the official actions challenged as discriminatory include acts and decisions that do not have a firm basis in well accepted and historically sound non-discriminatory social policy, discriminatory intent may be inferred from the fact that those acts had foreseeable discriminatory consequences. As a practical matter, in school desegregation cases we can envision few official actions, other than the decision to use a neighborhood school policy for student assignment, that would not be subject to the “natural foreseeable consequences” rule. 9 *169 The presumption is especially probative in assessing the official intent behind such affirmative school board decisions as those concerning school locations, the construction and renovation of schools, the closing of schools, the drawing of student attendance zones, and the assignment of faculty and staff. 10
There is language in our Austin II opinion that an official discriminatory intent adequate to support a finding of de jure segregation could be inferred solely from the school board’s use of a neighborhood school policy for student assignment. 11 To the extent that Austin II can be so read, it is inconsistent with Washington v. Davis and Arlington Heights. The Supreme Court recognized this ambiguity in vacating our decision and remanding the case to us.
In
Austin II,
however, we analyzed the cause and effect test used in
Austin I,
which was the same test applied in our earlier decision in
Cisneros v. Corpus Christi Independent School District,
5 Cir. 1972,
Our finding of discriminatory intent in Austin II was not predicated “solely” on the AISD’s use of a neighborhood student assignment policy. We thought that we had made this clear in concluding:
As articulated in Austin I, the case before us presents not only the use of a neighborhood assignment policy in a residentially segregated school district, but also the taking of an extensive series of actions dating back to the early twentieth century that had the natural, foreseeable, and avoidable result of creating and maintaining an ethnically segregated school system.
III.
A. The segregation of Mexican-Americans in the AISD schools.
We observed in Austin II that “[t]he statistics paint a clear picture of the extensive segregation that still exists in the Austin schools”.
The AISD’s report to the district court for the period ending January 15, 1977, indicates that the “clear picture of . extensive segregation” we discerned in Austin II has not faded. Of the 58,664 students attending all of Austin’s schools, 60 percent (35,342) are Anglo, 16 percent (9,378) are black, and 24 percent (13,933) are Mexican-American. Almost 40 percent of the AISD’s Mexican-American students attend schools that have a minority enrollment of greater than 90 percent. On the high school level, 65.2 percent of the district’s 17,973 students are Anglo, 14.4 percent (2,584) are black, and 20.4 percent (3,668) are Mexican-American. While 54 percent of the Mexican-American high school students attend schools that are greater than 58 percent minority, nearly two-thirds of the Anglo high school students attend schools that are greater than 78 percent Anglo. Mexican-American students fare no better in the junior high schools. Forty-seven percent of them attend either Allan Jr. High or Martin Jr. High, which are 99 percent minority and 97 minority respectively. Of the AISD’s 30,275 elementary school students, 58 percent (17,692) are Anglo, 17 percent (5,122) are black, and 25 percent (7,461) are Mexican-American. Over 46 percent of the Mexican-American elementary school children attend elementary schools that have minority enrollments ranging from 91 to 100 percent; and 55 percent of the Anglo elementary school children attend schools that are over four-fifths Anglo. Of the school district’s 61 elementary schools, only 23 have enrollments that are not over 80 percent Anglo or 80 percent minority.
Admittedly, the AISD’s neighborhood school policy played no small part in creating and maintaining this pattern of Mexican-American segregation in the Austin schools. This is not a case, however, in which “the ‘neighborhood school concept’ has . . . been maintained free of manipulation”.
Keyes v. School District No. 1, Denver, Colorado,
1973,
B. The historical background of official actions taken for segregative purposes.
Pre-Brown, 16 the AISD established “Mexican” schools, just as it established “black” schools. The AISD now says that Mexicans are whites and, of course, they usually are. But the Mexican schools had all Mexican-American enrollments; few Mexican-Americans were assigned to Anglo schools. The AISD maintained the segregated identity of the schools through the use of dual-overlapping attendance zones, student assignment policies, teacher assignment policies, school site selection, and gerrymandering. The evidence clearly showed the school board’s intent to segregate Mexican-American students. 17 In dual-overlap *172 ping zones Anglos attended Anglo schools; Mexican-Americans attended Mexican schools. The AISD built new schools deep inside Mexican-American neighborhoods, with a capacity keyed to serving only the Mexican-Americans. We recount those actions as they were set forth in Austin I.
Evidence at trial . . . reveals the existence of an all-Mexican-American school, West Avenue, as early as 1916. West Avenue shared a dual-overlapping zone with Pease, an all-white school. Whites within the zone went to Pease, and Mexican-Americans attended West Avenue. West Avenue continued to operate as a Mexican-American school until it was closed in 1947. Canal [Comal] Street School was opened in 1924. School Board minutes reflect that the school was built to accommodate Mexican-American students attending three other schools. These three schools were the only schools in the district with more than twenty Mexican-Americans.
In 1934, West Avenue and Canal [Comal] Street enrolled 45 percent of the district’s Mexican-American students; Bickler had about 25 percent and Metz about 15 percent. After the passage of a bond issue Zavala school opened. The site for the new school was three blocks from the Mexican-American Canal [Comal] Street school which was then closed. Zavala shared a dual-overlapping zone with Metz, one of two predominately white schools with significant numbers of Mexican-American students. Mexican-Americans were expected to and did attend Zavala; whites attended Metz. This is unadulterated segregation. West Avenue and Zavala, predominately Mexican-American, were the only schools in the district which shared zones with other schools. By 1940, West Avenue and Zavala enrolled 56 percent of the AISD’s Mexican-American students. Also at the time Zavala was built in 1935, Bickler, the other predominately white school with a significant number of Mexican-American students, was discontinued as an elementary school, and Bickler students were sent to other schools. It is unclear as to where these students went, although some were reassigned to Winn, Palm, and Metz (Zavala). In 1939, a committee from Winn complained of the assignment of Mexican-American students from Bickler to Winn. Soon thereafter, some of these students were reassigned to Bickler.
C. The post-Brown sequence of events indicating intentional racial discrimination.
Post-Brown
decisions by the AISD pertaining to school construction and abandon
*173
ment and teacher assignment further evince the existence of a segregative intent on the part of the school board. “In ascertaining the existence of legally imposed school segregation, the existence of a pattern of school construction and abandonment is a factor of great weight.”
Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg Board of Education,
1971,
In Austin I we observed the following discriminatory pattern which infected both elementary and secondary public schools:
In 1953, O’Henry Junior High School opened in the western section of Austin. At that time the zone line for Allan Junior High School, a predominately Mexican-American facility, was moved so that many whites were zoned out of Allan and into O’Henry. In 1956, Allan Junior High burned down. The new Allan Junior High School was built on the same site as the old school and opened in 1957 with 75 percent Mexican-American enrollment. In addition, the Allan Zone line was moved so that fewer whites were included in the new zone.
In 1960, the new Johnston High School was opened in East Austin [the predominately Mexican-American section of Austin]. The suggestion for a central location for this facility was rejected, and the school was built deep in a Mexiean-American area. It opened with a 78 percent Mexican-American enrollment. In 1967, University Junior High School was closed because the University of Texas reclaimed the property where the school was located. Martin Junior High School was built in the heart of the Mexican-American community. Again, centrally-located sites for the new facility were considered and rejected. Martin opened with 77 percent Mexican-American enrollment. White students who had formerly attended University Junior High School were zoned to predominately-white junior high schools rather than to Martin.
The elementary school zone lines have remained static in East Austin during the years following Brown. As a result, the schools have become increasingly overcrowded as the school population increased. Several new elementary schools have been built to relieve overcrowded conditions in areas outside of East Austin. In the seven predominately-Mexican-American schools in East Austin portable classrooms have been supplied, instead.
The AISD further demonstrated its intent to segregate Mexican-Americans by assigning the district’s small number of Mexican-American teachers and other professional staff to schools with predominately Mexican-American student enrollments. In
Swann,
the Supreme Court cautioned that, “[independent of student assignment, where it is possible to identify a ‘white school’ or a ‘Negro school’ simply by reference to the racial composition of teachers and staff ... a prima facie case of violation of substantive constitutional rights under the Equal Protection Clause is shown”.
*174
We found in
Austin I
that, in 1971, “[s]ixty-five percent of the Mexican-American high school teachers, 36 percent of the Mexican-American junior high school teachers, and 77 percent of the Mexican-American elementary teachers [were] assigned to predominately Mexican-American schools”.
The plans adopted in 1955 and in the 1960’s for the desegregation of black schools primarily allowed black students to transfer to Mexican-American schools but not to Anglo schools. Mexican-Americans were invariably assigned to black schools but not to Anglo schools. Ironically, the AISD argues that this policy was benign; it was to allow Mexican-Americans to be with their Spanish-speaking friends and their neighbors. But the teachers, by law, were forbidden to speak Spanish; instruction was only in English!
We find that the evidence demonstrates that the segregation of Austin’s Mexican-American students was pervasive and intentional. We find it unnecessary, therefore, to determine whether absent this evidence the plaintiffs could nevertheless have made out a prima facie case of ethnic discrimination by relying on one or both of the presumptions announced by the Supreme Court in
Keyes.
20
See Austin II,
IV.
We have concluded for the third time, that the AISD intentionally discriminated against Mexican-Americans; that the district court applied an erroneous legal standard in assuming that there could not be discriminatory intent when the actions were prompted by what was thought at the time to have been a benign motive; that the district court’s finding as to intent was erroneous. Our reconsideration of the case in light of Washington v. Davis complies with the mandate of the Supreme Court.
The Supreme Court’s recent decision in
Dayton Board of Education v. Brinkman,
- U.S. -,
the District Court in the first instance, subject to review by the Court of Ap *175 peals, must determine how much incremental segregative effect these violations had on the racial distribution of the . school population as presently constituted, when that distribution is compared to what it would have been in the absence of such constitutional violations. The remedy must be designed to redress that difference, and only if there has been a systemwide impact may there be a systemwide remedy. (Emphasis added.)
- U.S. at -,
Assessing the incremental segregative impact of a school board’s discriminatory actions and policies is not an easy task. The district court, on remand, must take into account that
[p]eople gravitate toward school facilities, just as schools are located in response to the needs of people. The location of schools may thus influence the patterns of residential development of a metropolitan area and have important impact on composition of inner-city neighborhoods.
Swann
v.
Charlotte-Mecklenburg Board of Education,
1971,
“[T]he burden of state officials is that set forth in
Swann
— to take the necessary steps ‘to eliminate from the public schools all vestiges of state-imposed segregation’.
The district court should give the hearing on remedy a high docket priority. All parties should be free to introduce such additional testimony and other evidence as the district court may consider appropriate. All remedial measures currently in effect shall remain in effect pending the district court’s decision on remedy.
Notes
. The record shows that the district judge said to the attorneys, in regard to the majority’s opinion on remedy: “I assume that all of you have read the opinion. I hope that you know more about it than I do . . . [t]hen you, Judge Bell or the majority opinion coming along saying that the only way you can proceed under Swann is to ferret out by schools the proscribed segregation. If you can help out any, I sure would appreciate it, about that sort of thing, what they mean by that thing”.
. Such statutory dual educational systems are unconstitutional per se under
Brown v. Board of Education,
1954,
. This principle seems to be the key to an understanding of
Washington v. Davis.
It is a key, however, that does not readily turn in all locked school doors. As Justice Stevens observed in his concurring opinion, “the line between discriminatory purpose and discriminatory impact is not nearly as bright, and perhaps not quite as critical, as the reader of the Court’s opinion might assume”.
. As one commentator has observed:
Some of the language in the Keyes majority opinion can be read to endorse the interpretation that ‘segregative intent’ refers to the subjective motivation of individual school officials. According to the Keyes majority, the Denver school authorities’ actions were ‘deliberate’ and ‘purposeful’; ‘purpose or intent ’ was said to distinguish de jure from de facto segregation. Similarly, the Court held that proof of segregative intent with respect to one area of Denver left the school authorities with the burden of showing that their actions in other areas of the city ‘were not also motivated by segregative intentions’.
Note, Reading the Mind of the School Board: Segregative Intent and the De Facto/De Jure Distinction, 86 Yale L.J. 317, 321-322 (1976) (emphasis in original).
. The principle that an actor is held to intend the reasonably foreseeable results of his actions is firmly rooted in the common law of torts. See, e. g., W. Prosser, The Law of Torts § 8 (4th ed. 1971); Restatement (Second) of Torts § 8A, Comment b (1965).
. In Austin II we observed:
[I]t is difficult — and often futile — to obtain direct evidence of the official’s intentions. Rather than announce his intention of violating antidiscrimination laws, it is far more likely that the state official “will pursue his discriminatory practices in ways that are devious, by methods subtle and illusive — for we deal with an area in which ‘subtleties of conduct . . . play no small part’ ”.
Frequently the most probative evidence of intent will be objective evidence of what actually happened rather than evidence describing the subjective state of mind of the actor. For normally the actor is presumed to have intended the natural consequences of his deeds. This is particularly true in the case of governmental action which is frequently the product of compromise, of collective decisionmaking, and of mixed motivation. It is unrealistic, on the one hand, to require the victim of alleged discrimination to uncover the actual subjective intent of the decisionmaker or, conversely, to invalidate otherwise legitimate action simply because an improper motive affected the deliberation of a participant in the decisional process. A law conscripting clerics should not be invalidated because an atheist voted for it.
. This result was further compelled, we reasoned, by the fact that
in Monroe v. Pape, 1961,365 U.S. 167 , 187,81 S.Ct. 473 , 484,5 L.Ed.2d 492 , 505, the Supreme Court rejected the argument that specific intent is a necessary element of the cause of action under 42 U.S.C. § 1983, the statute under which many school desegregation cases are brought. The Court held that § 1983 “should be read against the background of tort liability that makes a man responsible for the natural consequences of his actions”.
*168 We went on to
find no inconsistency between the rule applied in Monroe v. Pape and that applied in Keyes, nor . . . any reason for applying a standard different from Monroe v. Pape in school desegregation cases.
Austin II,
.
Keyes v. School District No. 1, Denver, Colorado,
1973,
. As this Court recognized in
United States v. Jefferson County Board of Education,
5 Cir. 1966,
*169 The neighborhood system is in wide use throughout the nation and has been for many years the basis of school administration. This is so because it is acknowledged to have several valuable aspects which are an aid to education, such as minimization of safety hazards to children in reaching school, economy of cost in reducing transportation needs, ease of pupil placement and administration through the use of neutral, easily determined standards, and better home-school communication.
In his separate opinion in
Keyes
v.
School District No. 1, Denver, Colorado,
1973,
Neighborhood school systems, neutrally administered, reflect the deeply felt desire of citizens for a sense of community in their public education. Public schools have been a traditional source of strength to our Nation, and that strength may derive in part from the identification of many schools with the personal features of the surrounding neighborhood. Community support, interest, and dedication to public schools may well run higher with a neighborhood attendance pattern: distance may encourage disinterest.
. Nothing in
Washington v. Davis
or
Arlington Heights
is inconsistent with inferring a discriminatory intent from a school board’s
refusal
to take action to ameliorate segregation.
See Austin II,
. We had in mind the misuse of a neighborhood school policy:
At least in the Texas schools, where we have held that Mexican-American students are entitled to the same benefits of Brown as are blacks, school authorities may not constitutionally use a neighborhood assignment policy that creates segregated schools in a district with ethnically segregated residential patterns. A segregated school system is the foreseeable and inevitable result of such an assignment policy. When this policy is used, we may infer that the school authorities have acted with segregative intent.
It has been the AISD’s policy to assign students to the schools closest to their homes. The City of Austin, with the exception of the strip between East and West Austin, has ethnically segregated housing patterns. Hence, the natural, foreseeable, and inevitable result of the AISD’s student assignment policy has been segregated schools throughout most of the city. Moreover, as we found in Austin I, “[affirmative action to the contrary would have resulted in desegregation”.467 F.2d at 863 . The inference is inescapable: the AISD has intended, by its continued use of the neighborhood assignment policy, to maintain segregated schools in East and West Austin. The plaintiffs have therefore established a prima facie case of de jure segregation of Mexican-Americans in all portions of the school district except the residentially integrated central city area.
. We held [the en banc decision]
“that the AISD has, in its choice of school site locations, construction and renovation of schools, drawing of attendance zones, student assignment and transfer policies, and faculty and staff assignments, caused and perpetuated the segregation of Mexican-American students within the school system.”
. In so finding, we confirmed the district court’s finding that there was substantial segregation of Mexican-Americans in the Austin school system,
Austin II,
.
Village of Arlington Heights v. Metropolitan Housing Development Corp.,
1977,
.
Village of Arlington Heights v. Metropolitan Housing Development Corp.,
.
Brown v. Board of Education,
1954,
. The district court, in its decision of August 1, 1973, that was the subject of our review in
Austin II,
concluded that these actions were not indicative of a segregative intent on the part of the AISD because “the existence of these schools represented no more than a humane and compassionate attempt by the School District, using educational techniques then accepted as proper and progressive, to meet the special educational needs of children who would otherwise have been much more severely handicapped in their efforts to obtain an education”. The district court, however, erred in assuming that there could be no discriminatory intent where segregative actions were prompted by what at the time was thought to be benign motive. As we held in
Austin I,
we are not convinced that, to meet the special educational needs of Mexican-American children, the AISD had to keep these children in separate schools, isolate them in Mexican- *172 American neighborhoods, or prevent them from sharing in the educational, social, and psychological benefits of an integrated education. ... A benign motive will not excuse the discriminatory effects of the school board’s actions.
Accord: Keyes v. School District No. 1, Denver, Colorado,
10 Cir. 1975,
Because the district court’s misapprehension of the law infected its ultimate conclusion that the AISD did not intentionally subject Mexican-American students to discrimination with an erroneous legal standard, our review of the district court’s findings is not governed by the “clearly erroneous” standard of Fed.R.Civ.P. 52(a).
Manning
v.
M/V “Sea Road”,
5 Cir. 1969,
. At the time of
Austin I,
“[t]he 39 predominately white elementary schools outside of East Austin [had] a total of 44 portable classrooms; the seven Mexican-American schools in East Austin [had] a total of 24 portables”.
Austin I,
. Although the Swann Court spoke only in terms of “Negro” and “white” schools, it is established “that Hispanos [Mexican-Americans] constitute an identifiable class for purposes of the Fourteenth Amendment”.
Keyes v. School District No. 1, Denver, Colorado,
1973,
. The first presumption is that “proof of state-imposed segregation in a substantial portion of the district will suffice to support a finding by the trial court of the existence of a dual system”.
. - U.S. at -,
. The standard set by
Swann
is “that the scope of the remedy is determined by the nature and extent of the constitutional violation.”
. In devising an appropriate plan, it seems to us important for the AISD and the district court to bear in mind that in the setting of a school case the plaintiffs are not just aggrieved individuals; they represent the “collective will.”
Hart v. Community School Board,
2 Cir. 1975,
. See citations in fn. 1. “[T]his Court has, with limited exceptions, disapproved of school board plans which exclude a certain age grouping from school desegregation.”
Arvizu v. Waco Independent School District,
5 Cir. 1974,
