Steven A. Kurowski and David H. Nicholls v. James J. Krajewski, Individually and in His Capacity as Judge of the Lake County Court, Division IIISteven A. Kurowski and David H. Nicholls v. James J. Krajewski, Individually and in His Capacity as Judge of the Lake County Court, Division III
After judge Orval Anderson of the Lake County Court was indicted, the Supreme Court of Indiana appointed James J. Kra-jewski in February 1985 to fill the position temporarily. Under Indiana law, Krajew-ski had the authority to appoint any necessary public defenders. The chief public defender had been indicted, but Krajewski asked Steven A. Kurowski and David H. Nicholls, the assistant public defenders, to stay on. Judge Anderson resigned in June 1985 following his conviction, see
United
Six months later he fired them. Kurow-ski and Nicholls, like the judge who hired them, are Democrats. Nicholls is a member of the Central Committee of Lake County’s Democratic Party; Kurowski is a Vice-Committeeman of his precinct. They campaigned for Judge Anderson’s retention in 1976, 1980, and 1984; Kurowski represented him in the criminal prosecution. Krajewski, like the Governor who appointed him, is a Republican. Although Krajewski appointed as chief public defender a friend who generally votes Democratic (but is not active in politics), he filled the assistants’ jobs with Republicans. The assistants responded with this suit under
The parties consented to final disposition by a magistrate,
I
Public defenders represent criminal defendants, and their loyalty as advocates runs to their clients, not to their employer. Although paid by the state, in their role as counsel they are not even “state actors”.
Polk County v. Dodson,
Branti
dealt with public defenders in New York. Krajewski tells us that public defenders in Indiana are different.
Judge Krajewski maintains that the duties of the office of public defender in Indiana therefore include functions in addition to those considered in Branti, and that because the judge pro tempore is a policymaker for the State of Indiana, political criteria may be applied to the job of public defender. The magistrate disagreed on the ground that judges pro tempore are not the instruments of the judge who appoints them; because judges pro tempore are free agents, the magistrate thought, and do not carry out the regular judge’s policy, it is inappropriate for the regular judge to employ political criteria in selecting a judge pro tempore.
A governmental officer holding the power of appointment may make any decision he pleases, unless the Constitution bars the way. The pertinent provision — the guarantee of free speech contained in the first amendment — disables the government from firing a person based on his speech and political beliefs (and thus penalizing the employеe for holding or advocating those beliefs) unless the beliefs are relevant to the job in question. They will be relevant, the Court said in Branti and Elrod, when the office involves making on the state’s behalf the sort of decisions about which there are political debates. That is to say, the first amendment does not remove political beliefs from politics; it would undermine the democratic process to hold that the winners at the polls may not employ those committed to implementing their political agenda.
So the right question is whether there may be genuine debate about how best to carry out the duties of the office in questiоn, and a corresponding need for an employee committed to the objectives of the reigning faction.
Shondel v. McDermott,
A judge both makes and implements governmental policy. A judge may be suspicious of the police or sympathetic to them, stern or lenient in sentencing, and political debates rage about such questions. In most states judges are elected, implying that the office has a political component. Holders of the appointing authority may seek to ensure that judges agree with them on important jurisprudential questions. The Governor of Indiana was entitled to consider Krаjewski’s views about the role of judges — or even simply Krajewski’s political affiliation — when making the appointment, just as the voters may consider these factors without violating the first amendment when deciding whether to retain Judge Krajewski in office. (We put aside all debate about whether recourse to politics in selecting judges is good or bad; we are concerned only with the constraints the first amendment imposes on the way the State of Indiana prefers to organize its government.) What is true about the office of judge is true about the office of judge pro tempore. It is the same job; only the tenure of the officeholder differs. Thе regular judge holds office for four years; the judge pro tempore holds office at the pleasure of the regular judge. Since the disposition under Elrod and Branti depends on the duties of the office rather than the tenure of the incumbent, it follows that political beliefs may be the basis for the appointment of a judge pro tempore. If Judge Krajewski wants a judge pro tempore committed to “law and order” or to sympathy for criminal defendants, the first amendment is no obstacle.
There is no material dispute, however.
II
After hearing the evidence at trial, the magistrate had to choose between competing stories. The plaintiffs insisted that Krajewski fired them to make room for Republicans, in order to maintain the support of the Republican Party in his campaign for retention in office. Judge Kra-jewski insisted that he fired Kurowski and Nicholls because they had been hired by his convicted predecessor and had worked closely with Lee J. Christakis, the convicted former chief public defender. Since Ku-rowski and Nicholls had the taint of their associations about them, Krajewski maintained, he removed them in order to improve the public standing of the court. Whether Kurowski and Nicholls were saints or sinners, Judge Krajewski contended, the court as a whole was better off without them. Since a public official may fire subordinatеs for a good, bad, or indifferent reason—any but an unconstitutional reason—the actual moral standards of Ku-rowski and Nicholls are irrelevant. It was enough that he had lost confidence in them. See
Livas v. Petka,
This presented the magistrate with the need to decide who to believe. If Judge Krajewski in fact thought Kurowski and Nicholls a blot on the court’s escutcheon, he could fire them, whether they were or not. If Krajewski just thought Kurowski and Nicholls two obstacles to patronage for the Republican Party, he could not fire them. The magistrate took the latter view. That finding is not clearly erroneous. See
Anderson v. Bessemer City,
Judge Krajewski’s conduct undercuts his сontention that he came to office with a broom and swept out the clutter he encountered. He retained Kurowski and Nicholls for eleven months and never inquired of the prosecutor or any other source whether there were grounds to suspect the two of misconduct. When Krajewski was given the permanent appointment in June 1985, he told Kurowski and Nicholls they had
Ill
A. Krajewski contends that as a judge he is immune from liability in damages for actions taken in a judicial capacity. Although the parties do not discuss our jurisdiction tо consider this question, we must consider the subject anyway. Judge Krajewski moved before trial for summary judgment on the grounds of absolute and qualified immunity. The magistrate denied Krajewski’s motion and granted partial summary judgment to plaintiffs on the issue. This decision was immediately appeal-able.
Mitchell v. Forsyth,
Mitchell
allows an immediate appeal on the theory that the rejection of a claim of absolute immunity is a “collateral order” disposing of rights separate from the merits, rights lost if appeal does not come until after trial. See
Cohen v. Beneficial Industrial Loan Corp.,
This neat little argument encounters a fundamental problem: only final judgments need be appealed. Until a judgment is rendered “final” by entry of a separate document under
B. Before the magistrate, and in his opening brief here, Krajewski relied principally on
Forrester v. White,
One would think that Forrester disposes of any claim of absolute immunity. Krajewski stubbornly clings to it, however, saying in his reply brief that
[wjhile [Forrester ] does indeed hold that a judge is not absolutely immune for terminating the employment of a probation officer, that does not answer the question of whether that judge is immune as to the decisions to hire and fire public defenders. That case should be limited to its facts and to cases where the person whose job is in question can only function through advice to the judge.
Litigants should take adverse decisions more gracefully. Forrester concludes that absolute immunity does not protect the judge, even when the employee in question “can only function through advice to the judge.” It would make no sense to hold the judge liable in a case such as Forrester but to excuse the judge in a case where the employee is farther removed from judicial duties. Forrester holds that the extent of immunity depends on the capacity in which the judge acts; judicial decisions are immune absolutely, while administrative decisions must be evaluated under principles of qualified immunity. Judge Krajewski played an administrative role when firing Kurowski and Nicholls.
C. Qualified immunity is the next question. Krajewski contends that he could not rеasonably have been expected to know when he fired Kurowski and Nicholls that his conduct was unconstitutional. Since Branti was decided in 1980, five years before Krajewski fired them, this is not a powerful submission. To the extent it has any substance, it rests on the proposition, which we have already rejected, that judges have greater freedom to fire assistant public defenders than do chief public defenders (the defendant in Branti). The proposition is no more persuasive now than it was a few pages ago.
True,
Branti
did not involve a judge as a defendant, but earlier cases need not be identical to the one at hand. The question is whether “the contours of the right [are] sufficiently clear that a reasonable official would understand that what he is doing violates the right.”
Anderson v. Creighton,
— U.S. -,
D. Krajewski was gambling that absolute immunity would protect him from the consequences of a clear constitutional wrong. The bet did not pay off. The Supreme Court’s reversal of our opinion in Forrester is, however, the basis of a last gasp. Krajewski contends that even if Branti clearly established the constitutional right in question, a judge acting in December 1985 could not reasonably have predicted that he would be held liable for such an act. Since principles of immunity have been clarified so recently, the argument concludes, Krajewski is entitled to avoid liability.
This is equivalent to the argument that
Forrester
should not be applied retroactively, despite the presumption that a court applies the law in force at the time of its decision.
Bradley v. Richmond School Board,
A case such as this illustrates that there may be “law” without a judicial remedy. Holmes’s law-as-prediction approach focuses on what judges do and is useful for that limited рurpose. Holmes had a “bad man” theory of the law and wanted to be able to tell that “bad man” the potential penalties, for these penalties determine the degree of compliance. The Constitution creates rules that apply to all governmental actors, however, no matter what judges will do to implement them. In some cases no one will have standing to sue.
United States v. Richardson,
The principle that law may exist independently of the antiсipated sanction has more general application. Changes in the probability of suit and the availability of defenses will affect the sanction but do not necessarily change “the law”. A would-be robber might think to himself that the expected penalty for theft is slight, because the local prosecutor has been focusing on drugs. If a new prosecutor cracks down on street crime, so that the expected penalty (the sentence on conviction times the probability of successful prosecution) rises dramatically after the crime has been committed, the robber has no legitimate beef. He has simply lost a gamble. Cf.
Prater v. United States Parole Commission,
So here. If Judge Krajewski thought that judicial immunity would allow him to get away with a violation of the Constitution, this expectation — factually reasonable though it may have been — is not one the judicial system is prepared to recognize as legitimate. Gamblers must be prepared to pay up if thеy lose; the gamble is not itself a source of immunity. Branti sets the standards to which public officials must conform; Forrester holds that judges should be treated like other officials to the extent they play administrative roles. Judges are supposed to look over their shoulders when making administrative decisions, just as other public officials must; that is the rationale of Forrester, which treated absolute immunity as a harsh medicament, to be administered sparingly.
Judge Krajewski might respond that to change an immunity rule retroactively would dissipate part of the benefit of immunity. Absolute immunity is designed not only to prevent erroneous decisions and spare judges the costs of discovery and trial, but also to promote fearless action. A judge concerned about the possibility of legal change would act as if at risk, even when the rule then in force was nominally “absolute” immunity. To preserve the benefits of truly absolute immunity, the argument would conclude, courts must enforce whatever rule prevailed at the time of the acts. This argument loses its punch, however, if we assume — as judges of inferior courts must — that the rule applied by the Supreme Court today is superior to the rule in force earlier. The possibility of change will induce judges and other public officials to behave more like they would have behaved under the “correct” rule. For example, if absolute immunity were the rule in 1985, and a judge feared that it would be replaced by qualified immunity, he would take some extra care. But we now know that this is a good thing. Similarly, if the rule in 1985 had been qualified immunity, only to be replaced by absolute immunity, a judge with his eye on the development of the law would have taken a little less precaution in 1985 than the prevailing rule seemed to require; and we would know from the adoption of the new rule that this, too, was a move in the right direction. Anticipation of change in rules of liability always induces improvements, if the “new” rules are better than the “old”.
For what it is worth, we doubt that a reasonаble judge would have believed in December 1985 that he had absolute immunity when firing public defenders. Six years earlier the Supreme Court had held that Members of Congress, whose general immunity is as absolute as that of judges, may be liable for employment discrimination.
Davis v. Passman,
IV
Kurowski and Nicholls recovered about $14,000 for their attorneys’ fees under
Krajewski challenges the аttorneys’ hourly rate ($100 per hour for the two lawyers, one of whom is a professor of constitutional law at Valparaiso University), the fact that two lawyers worked on the case, counsel’s dedication of a few hours’ research to ideas that did not pan out (one of which was not even raised at trial), and — apparently the crowning blow in defendant’s mind — the submission of a bill for 1.6 hours’ time to prepare the request for fees.
The bill in this case is an impressively low figure for taking a case through discovery, several rounds of motions for summary judgment, and trial. The request in
Kirchoff
for less work (ending in a lower recovery) was $50,000, and we held аn award of only $10,000 to be an abuse of discretion. In
Frantz v. United States Powerlifting Federation,
It is fair to judge a pudding by the eating, and fair to judge litigating decisions by their results. The use of two (or more) lawyers, which solvent clients commonly pay for because they believe extra help beneficial, may well reduce the total expenditures by taking advantage of the division of labor. The results in this case suggest that this benefit has been realized. The scholar did the research, the litigator the litigating. Awards of fees undеr
That the lawyers spent some time in blind alleys is irrelevant; this is inevitable, and the hourly rate reflects the fact that not all time is equally productive. It would be possible, but silly, to bill $150 for productive time and nothing for other time; the standard hourly rate reflects the standard productivity of time.
Hensley v. Eckerhart,
Counsel are entitled to full compensation under
Affirmed.