State v. JanssenState v. Janssen
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¶1. On June 14,1777, the Continental Congress resolved “[t]hat the flag of the thirteen United States be thirteen stripes, alternate red and white: that the union be thirteen stars, white in a blue field, representing a new constellation.” 8 Journal of the Continental Congress 1774-1789 at 464 (W. Ford ed. 1907). For the more than 220 years since that day, our “Stars and Stripes” has endured as one symbol that Americans may look to with quiet reflection upon who we are as a nation, what our ancestors have done for us, and what it is that we wish to accomplish for our future generations.
¶ 2. It should come as no surprise that in a country of such great pride, honor and tradition, disrespect
The American flag. . .has come to be the visible symbol embodying our Nation. It does not represent the views of any particular political party, and it does not represent any particular political philosophy. The flag is not simply another “idea” or “point of view” competing for recognition in the marketplace of ideas. Millions and millions of Americans regard it with an almost mystical reverence regardless of what sort of social, political, or philosophical beliefs they may have.
Texas v. Johnson, 491 U.S. 397, 429 (1989) (Rehnquist, C.J., dissenting). The flag is a world-wide symbol of freedom; it is symbolic of the sacrifices we have made in our lives as Americans, and for most of us, it deserves respect and honor.
¶3. Although the flag‘s significance to most Americans may be readily apparent, one critical and indispensable fact which may exist only in the most distant recesses of our internal thought process may not reveal itself so willingly: we must also honor and respect the United States Constitution by carrying out its commands. As a court, this is not only our primary function in this case, it is our only function.
¶ 4. This is a review of a published decision of the court of appeals,
State v. Janssen,
213 Wis. 2d 471, 570 N.W.2d 746 (Ct. App. 1997), which affirmed an order of the circuit court for Outagamie County, John A. Des Jardins, Judge. The circuit court dismissed the state of Wisconsin‘s (State) charge of flag desecration against the defendant Matthew C. Janssen (Janssen). The flag
946.05 Flag desecration. (1) Whoever intentionally and publicly mutilates, defiles, or casts contempt upon the flag is guilty of a Class E felony.
(2) In this section “flag” means anything which is or purports to be the Stars and Stripes, the United States shield, the United States coat of arms, the Wisconsin state flag, or a copy, picture, or representation of any of them.
¶ 5. We are presented with two issues upon review: (1) is
¶ 7. On approximately June 9,1996, Janssen and his friends returned to the golf course and noticed that a new flag had been hung on the flag pole. After lowering and removing the flag, Janssen defecated on the flag and left it on the steps to the golf course clubhouse. Janssen and his friends did not return until approximately June 26,1996.
¶ 8. At that time, Janssen and his friends returned to the golf course to find that the flag had been cleaned and put back on the flag pole. Once again, Janssen and his friends lowered and stole the flag. This time, however, the group left a handwritten note at the golf course, which was eventually recovered by the Appleton Police Department.
¶ 9. The note read as follows:
Golf Course Rich Fucks:
When are you dumb fucks going to learn? We stole you‘re [sic] first flag and burnt [sic] it, then we used your second flag for a shit-rag and left it on yourdoorstep with a peice [sic] of shit. The ANARCHIST PLATOON HAS INVADED Appleton and as long as you put flags up were [sic] going to burn them you yuppie fucks. Shove you‘re [sic] cluB [sic] up your ass.
¶ 10. Approximately one month later, Janssen was arrested by the Appleton Police Department. Upon his arrest, Janssen confessed to various flag thefts in the city of Appleton, including those at the Reid Municipal Golf Course. Janssen also confessed to defecating on the flag. As a result of his confessions, he was charged with two counts of theft, and one count of “intentionally and publicly defil[ing] the United States flag.”
¶ 11. On February 5, 1997, the circuit court held a hearing to address Janssen‘s motion to dismiss the flag desecration charge on grounds that his act of defecating on the flag was constitutionally protected expression.
See
¶ 12. On March 13,1997, following an additional hearing to address the issues of overbreadth and vagueness, the circuit court entered an order dismissing the count of flag desecration on grounds that
¶ 13. Upon the State‘s appeal, Janssen presented three arguments in his defense: (1)
¶ 14. The court of appeals first concluded that Janssen lacked standing to assert a vagueness challenge against
¶ 15. Having affirmed the circuit court‘s order on these grounds, the court of appeals did not address Janssen‘s argument that his act of defecating on the flag was expression protected by the First Amendment. See id. at 476. We granted the State‘s petition for review on November 20,1997, and now affirm. 6
STANDARD OF REVIEW
¶ 16. Janssen‘s challenge to the constitutionality of
¶ 17. Ordinarily, a statute is presumed constitutional, and the party seeking to overcome the presumption must prove the statute unconstitutional beyond a reasonable doubt.
See id.
at 18. The burden
THE OVERBREADTH DOCTRINE
¶ 18. In his overbreadth analysis, Janssen argues that
¶ 19. In the First Amendment arena, however, courts have altered their traditional rules of standing to permit “attacks on overly broad statutes without réquiring that the person making the attack demonstrate that in fact his specific conduct was protected.”
Bates v. State Bar of Arizona,
433 U.S. 350, 380 (1977).
¶ 20. “The use of overbreadth analysis reflects the conclusion that the possible harm to society from allowing unprotected speech to go unpunished is outweighed by the possibility that protected speech will be muted.” Bates, 433 U.S. at 380. Overbroad statutes may undesirably dissuade persons from exercising their rights by “chilling” their protected speech or expression. See New York v. Ferber, 458 U.S. 747, 768 (1982); Bates, 433 U.S. at 380; Broadrick, 413 U.S. at 612. 8
¶ 21. Thus, we are more likely to review the constitutionality of a sweeping statute on overbreadth
¶ 22. The overbreadth doctrine does not, however, give a court unfettered discretion to invalidate statutes in their entirety. Because application of the doctrine is “strong medicine,” it is to be “employed by the Court sparingly and only as a last resort.” Broadrick, 413 U.S. at 613. Particularly where, as here, conduct and not merely speech is involved, the overbreadth of a statute must be both “real” and “substantial,” “judged in relation to the statute‘s plainly legitimate sweep.” Id. at 615. See also Thiel, 183 Wis. 2d at 521. Stated differently, we will not invalidate the flag desecration statute “because in some conceivable, but limited, circumstances the regulation might be improperly applied.” City of Milwaukee v. K.F., 145 Wis. 2d 24, 40, 426 N.W.2d 329 (1988). 9
¶ 23. We now turn our attention to
¶ 24. “A statute is overbroad when its language, given its normal meaning, is so sweeping that its sanctions may be applied to constitutionally protected conduct which the state is not permitted to regulate.”
Bachowski v. Salamone,
139 Wis. 2d 397, 411, 407 N.W.2d 533 (1987). We have little doubt that
¶ 25. Because the State asks this court to sever all but the term “defiles” from
“CASTS CONTEMPT UPON”
¶ 26. In
Street v. New York,
394 U.S. 576 (1969), the defendant, Street, was convicted of a New York law which made it a misdemeanor to “publicly mutilate, deface, defile, or defy, trample upon, or cast contempt upon either by words or act [any United States flag].”
Id.
at 577-78. After hearing a news report that civil rights leader James Meredith had been shot by a sniper in Mississippi, the defendant walked outside to a city intersection, stood on the corner and burned the flag. While doing so, he disparaged the flag by shouting “we don‘t need no damn flag,” and “if they let that
¶ 27. Reserving the question of whether Street‘s conviction for burning the flag was constitutionally permissible, the Court held that the New York law had been unconstitutionally applied to Street because it permitted him to be punished merely for speaking defiant or contemptuous words about the flag. See id. at 580-81. In so holding, the Court stated:
We have no doubt that the constitutionally guaranteed “freedom to be intellectually.. .diverse or even contrary,” and the “right to differ as to things that touch the heart of the existing order,” encompass the freedom to express publicly one‘s opinions about our flag, including those opinions which are defiant or contemptuous.
Id. at 593 (citations omitted).
¶ 28. Wisconsin Stat.
¶ 29. Some twenty years after Street, the Supreme Court again had occasion to assess the constitutional validity of a flag desecration statute. See Johnson, 491 U.S. 397. In Johnson, the Court was faced with the questions it had explicitly left unaddressed in Street-. (1) whether the act of burning the flag is “sufficiently imbued with elements of communication,” Spence v. Washington, 418 U.S. 405, 409 (1974), so as to warrant First Amendment protection; and (2) to what extent that act could be regulated by the government.
¶ 30. The defendant, Johnson, participated in a political demonstration and march to protest, among other things, the policies of the Reagan administration. See Johnson, 491 U.S. at 399. When the protesters arrived at the Dallas City Hall, Johnson doused a United States flag with kerosene and set it on fire. See id. Johnson‘s acts led to his arrest and conviction for desecration of a venerated object pursuant to Texas law, which made it a misdemeanor to “deface, damage, or otherwise physically mistreat” a national flag “in a way that the actor knows will seriously offend one or more persons likely to observe or discover his action.” Id. at 400 n.l.
¶ 31. Under the circumstances presented in Johnson‘s case, the Court concluded that Johnson‘s burning of the flag constituted expressive communication which implicated the First Amendment.
See id.
at 406. After rejecting Texas’ two asserted interests in regulating this expression — preventing breaches of the peace and preserving the flag as a symbol of nationhood and national unity — the Court upheld the reversal of Johnson‘s conviction.
See id.
at 420. In doing so, the Court stated, “[w]e do not consecrate the flag by
¶ 32. This decision was reaffirmed a year later when the Court held that the Flag Protection Act of 1989, an act passed in the wake of the Johnson decision, was unconstitutionally applied to defendants charged with burning the flag. See United States v. Eichman, 496 U.S. 310 (1990). Similar to the statute at issue in Johnson, the Flag Protection Act provided for fines and imprisonment of anyone who “knowingly mutilates, defaces, physically defiles, burns, maintains on the floor or ground, or tramples upon any flag of the United States.” Id. at 314.
¶ 33. The Court stated:
Although Congress cast the Flag Protection Act of 1989 in somewhat broader terms than the Texas statute at issue in Johnson, the Act still suffers from the same fundamental flaw: It suppresses expression out of concern for its likely communicative impact.
Government may create national symbols, promote them, and encourage their respectful treatment. But the Flag Protection Act of 1989 goes well beyond this by criminally proscribing expressive conduct because of its likely communicative impact.
Id. at 317-18.
¶ 34. Wisconsin Stat.
¶ 35. The State argues that the real and substantial overbreadth of
SEVERABILITY PRINCIPLES
¶ 36. Statutes that are challenged as overbroad may be preserved if a limiting and validating construction of the statute‘s language is readily available. Courts may also sever the unconstitutional provisions of the statute, leaving the remainder of the legislation
¶ 37. “Whether an unconstitutional provision is severable from the remainder of the statute in which it appears is largely a question of legislative intent, but the presumption is in favor of severability.” Regan v. Time, Inc., 468 U.S. 641, 653 (1984). “Unless it is evident that the Legislature would not have enacted those provisions which are within its power, independently of that which is not, the invalid part may be dropped if what is left is fully operative as a law.” Id. (quoting Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U.S. 1, 108 (1976)).
¶ 38. These general rules of construction have been codified in Wisconsin by
990.001 Construction of laws; rules for. In construing Wisconsin laws the following rules shall be observed unless construction in accordance with a rule would produce a result inconsistent with the manifest intent of the legislature:
(11) Severability. The provisions of the statutes are severable. . . .If any provision of the statutes or of a session law is invalid, or if the application of either to any person or circumstance is invalid, such invalidity shall not affect other provisions or applications which can be given effect without the invalid provision or application.
THE LANGUAGE OF WIS. STAT.
¶ 40. Consistent with the command of
¶ 42. One might also defile the flag when conveying a message by dyeing, painting or writing upon the flag for artistic purposes. Under the appropriate circumstances, we are again confident that
¶43. In our assessment, the Supreme Court‘s holdings in
Johnson
and
Eichman
command this conclusion. Certainly if one is protected by the First Amendment when he or she conveys a message by
¶ 44. The State argues that a construction of the word “defile” which limits it to purely physical acts which make the flag physically unclean or dirty would preserve the constitutionality of
¶ 45. Legislative history is of little comfort to the State‘s argument. Wisconsin Stat.
¶ 46. The revision of the criminal code in 1955, which moved the statute to its present location at
This section penalizes a person who intentionally and publicly mutilates, defiles or casts contempt upon the flag. “Intentionally. . .mutilates, defiles or casts contempt upon” implies something grossly contemptuous. It does not include, without more, a refusal on religious grounds to salute the flag. See Johnson v. State, 204 Ark. 476, 163 S. W. 2d 153 (1942); Miller v. State, 75 Okla. Crim. 428, 133 P. 2d 223 (1943). “Publicly” is used in the sense of “in public“; it requires more than merely doing the prohibited acts in the presence of another person. See State v. Peacock, 138 Me. 339, 25 A. 2d 491 (1942).
Id. (emphasis added).
¶ 47.. This comment illustrates that the legislature intended to prohibit “grossly contemptuous” conduct only — a clear attempt to ban speech and conduct based on its expressive content. Such an approach runs contrary to now well-established principles of First Amendment law.
See, e.g., Johnson,
491 U.S. at
¶ 48. The legislature‘s stated intent satisfies us that a prolonged search for a constitutionally-rehabilitated version of
¶ 49. The State argues that we need not strike the statute down in its entirety because there are instances in which a person may be prosecuted under
¶ 50. In our assessment, the real and substantial overbreadth of
¶ 51. Our approach, however, does not require that we endorse Janssen‘s “all flag desecration is protected expression” argument. 17 We leave for another day the question of whether an appropriately drafted flag desecration statute might be applied constitutionally to certain non-expressive conduct, recognizing that the United States Supreme Court has suggested that such possibilities exist. See generally Eichman, 496 U.S. 310; Johnson, 491 U.S. 397.
¶ 52. In sum, we hold that
¶ 53. Having reached this conclusion, we pause to note the extreme difficulty inherent in writing a decision such as this. Ordinarily, the members of this
The hard fact is that sometimes we must make decisions we do not like. We make them because they are right, right in the sense that the law and the Constitution, as we see them, compel the result. And so great is our commitment to the process that, except in the rare case, we do not pause to express distaste for the result, perhaps for fear of undermining a valued principle that dictates the decision. This is one of those rare cases.
Johnson, 491 U.S. at 420-21 (Kennedy, J., concurring).
¶ 54. Our final assessment of Janssen‘s behavior is no different from our initial, instinctive reaction to the facts of this case: we are deeply offended. Janssen‘s conduct is repugnant and completely devoid of any social value. To many, particularly those who have fought for our country, it is a slap in the face.
¶ 55. Our own sense of personal anguish does not end with the words of this opinion. Though our disquieted emotions will eventually subside, the facts of this case will remain a glowing ember of frustration in our hearts and minds. That an individual or individuals might conceivably repeat such conduct in the future is a fact which we acknowledge only with deep regret.
¶ 56. But in the end, to paraphrase Justice Frankfurter, we must take solace in the fact that as members of this court we are not justified in writing our private notions of policy into the Constitution, no matter how deeply we may cherish them or how mischievous we may deem their disregard.
See Barnette,
By the Court. — The decision of the court of appeals is affirmed.
Notes
All future statutory references are to the 1995-96 volume of the statutes unless otherwise noted.
The State presents only one issue for our review: can the constitutionality of
On January 7,1998, Janssen filed a motion in this court to strike from the State‘s brief and appendix an affidavit which does not appear in the appellate record. This court held the motion in abeyance pending the court‘s consideration of the
The First Amendment states that “Congress shall make no law.. .abridging the freedom of speech....” It applies to the states via the Fourteenth Amendment. See Bigelow v. Virginia, 421 U.S. 809, 811 (1975); Schneider v. New Jersey, 308 U.S. 147, 160 (1939).
Even if he did have standing, the court of appeals concluded that Janssen‘s vagueness challenge would fail because the word “defile” has a specific and well understood meaning.
See State v. Janssen,
213 Wis. 2d 471, 477, 570 N.W.2d 746 (Ct. App. 1997). Additionally, although Janssen was not charged under the portion of
Because we affirm on grounds of overbreadth, we need not address, and indeed express no opinion on, Janssen‘s arguments that
As the Broadrick court explained, “[t]hese principles rest on more than the fussiness of judges. They reflect the conviction that under our constitutional system courts are not roving commissions assigned to pass judgment on the validity of the Nation‘s laws.” Broadrick v. Oklahoma, 413 U.S. 601, 610-11 (1973).
The overbreadth doctrine also serves to prevent selective enforcement of a statute against unpopular causes, see Spence, 418 U.S. at 414 n.9; NAACP v. Button, 371 U.S. 415, 433 (1963), and to give legislatures more “incentive to stay within constitutional bounds in the first place.” Massachusetts v. Oakes, 491 U.S. 576, 586 (1989) (Scalia, J., concurring in part and dissenting in part). For a thorough review of the overbreadth doctrine, see Richard H. Fallon, Jr., Making Sense of Overbreadth, 100 Yale L.J. 853 (1991); Note, The First Amendment Overbreadth Doctrine, 83 Harv. L. Rev. 844 (1970).
The requirement of substantial overbreadth is tied to the “chilling effect” rationale: “While a sweeping statute, or one incapable of limitation, has the potential to repeatedly chill the exercise of expressive activity by many individuals, the extent of deterrence of protected speech can be expected to decrease with the declining reach of the regulation.” New York v. Ferber, 458 U.S. 747, 772 (1982).
As the State also concedes, the “casts contempt upon” language is constitutionally infirm on vagueness grounds. See generally Smith v. Goguen, 415 U.S. 566 (1974) (holding provision of Massachusetts flag misuse statute that subjects to criminal liability anyone who “publicly. . .treats contemptuously the flag of the United States” void for vagueness under the due process clause).
Of course, certain conditions must be met before one‘s conduct becomes “sufficiently imbued with elements of communication,” Spence, 418 U.S. at 409, as to fall within the First Amendment‘s protective embrace. See Texas v. Johnson, 491 U.S. 397, 404 (1989) (courts must examine the context in which the conduct occurred and ask whether “an intent to convey a particularized message was present, and [whether] the likelihood was great that the message would be understood by those who viewed it“) (quoting Spence, 418 U.S at 410-11). We assume here, as we assume in all hypothetical in this opinion, that these conditions have been met.
The Eichman court utilized a similar definition of the word “defile” when examining the Flag Protection Act of 1989. See United States v. Eichman, 496 U.S. 310, 317 n.7 (citing Webster‘s Third New International Dictionary 592 (1976)).
Although these accepted definitions of “defile” would appear to encompass conduct which also forms the basis for liability under
We note that a construction which by its very language limits the statute‘s application to speech and conduct that is not protected by the First Amendment is both impractical and constitutionally suspect. See Laurence H. Tribe, American Constitutional Law § 12-29, at 1031 (2d ed. 1988). Tribe notes that such a statute “is guaranteed not to be overbroad since, by its terms, it literally forbids nothing that the Constitution protects. . . .The problem with that solution is that it simply exchanges overbreadth for vagueness.” Id.
With the first state flag desecration statutes being enacted in 1897, Wisconsin‘s 1901 statute made it one of the first to regulate the proper treatment and use of the United States flag.
See
Note,
Flag Burning, Flag Waving and the Law, 4
Val. U. L. Rev. 345 app. (1970) (compilation of state flag desecration statutes). Currently, every state in the Union, with the exception of Alaska, has a statute banning flag desecration.
See
The first federal flag legislation appeared in 1917: an “improper use” statute which applied only to the District of Columbia.
See
Michael W. Hoge,
Recent Development,
50 Wash. L. Rev. 169,176 n.43 (1974).
See also
The statute was undoubtedly recreated to mirror the Uniform Flag Law, approved in 1917 by the National Conference of Commissioners on Uniform State Laws.
See
Rosenblatt, 1972 Wash. U. L.Q. at 196-97.
Compare
Wis. Laws, ch. 113 (1919)
Several hypotheticals were discussed at oral argument in this case, including the oft-quoted footnote three of the Johnson decision, in which the Court noted that the Texas statute at issue in that case might apply to conduct that is not protected by the First Amendment. The Court noted:
A tired person might, for example, drag a flag through the mud, knowing that this conduct is likely to offend others, and yet have no thought of expressing any idea; neither the language nor the Texas courts’ interpretations of the statute precludes the possibility that such a person would be prosecuted for flag desecration. Because the prosecution of a person who had not engaged in expressive conduct would pose a different case, and because this case may be disposed of on narrower grounds, we address only Johnson‘s claim that § 42.09 as applied to political expression like his violates the First Amendment.
Johnson, 491 U.S. at 403 n.3.
Several commentators have advanced different versions of this argument. See, e.g., Steven G. Gey, This is Not a Flag: The Aesthetics of Desecration, 1990 Wis. L. Rev. 1549 (1990) (asserting that it will never be possible to formulate a “content-neutral” flag desecration law because the flag is a pure symbol and any interaction with it is symbolic speech); Gregory Herbert, Note, Waiving Rights and Burning Flags: The Search fora Valid State Interest in Flag Protection, 25 Harv. C.R.-C.L. L. Rev. 591 (1990) (arguing that no flag protection legislation could be constitutional). Cf. Geoffrey R. Stone, Flag Burning and the Constitution, 75 Iowa L. Rev. Ill (1989) (concluding that it might be possible to draft legislation that prohibits flag burning without running afoul of the First Amendment).
We note that the Wisconsin legislature recently adopted a resolution urging Congress to amend the Constitution so as to grant states the authority to prohibit desecration of the flag. See Assem. J. Res. 52, Subst. Amend. 2 (Wis. 1997). The resolution reads in part:
be it Resolved by the assembly, the senate concurring, That the members of the Wisconsin legislature respectfully urge the Congress of the United States to begin the process of amending the constitution to specify that Congress and the states have the power to prohibit the physical desecration of the flag of the United States....