Defendant was convicted of murder. On appeal, he contends that the trial court erred in permitting two eyewitnesses to make in-court identifications. Because of “serious questions concerning the reliability of the identification evidence admitted at defendant’s trial,” and “[d]ue to the novelty and complexity” of newly-articulated rules and guidelines governing the admissibility of eyewitness identifications, State v. Lawson/James,
On New Year’s Eve 2007, two young women—D, 19, and N, 18, friends since their freshman year in high school— took public transportation from their suburban West firm homes to Portland, where they met N’s boyfriend, who lived there. D felt “out of [her] element”; N, evidently, had been in the neighborhood before. After visiting one of N’s boyfriend’s relatives, the young women joined three other people (two men and a woman) and drove to another house, where they planned to attend a New Year’s Eve party. D and N were in the back seat. When they arrived at the house at around 11:30 p.m., they noticed a group of some 25 to 50 men, all African-American, gathered outside. D and N (who are white) then noticed that some of the men were engaged in a fight. The two men in the car with D and N got out and, according to D, “vanished into the crowd.” Remaining in the car with a third woman, D and N “didn’t feel comfortable at the place” and “want[ed] to leave.” At that point, they heard a loud noise that sounded like fireworks. They saw that one of the men who had been in the fight was holding a gun in the air; he was somewhere between 12 and 25 feet from the car. He fired the gun three more times. The young women decided to drive away just as two men, one of whom was one of the original passengers and neither of whom was involved in the fight, jumped in. Before they could leave the scene, however, a man who D and N believed to be the shooter attempted to get in the car as well, but he was repelled by one of the male occupants. After driving approximately two blocks, the car was stopped by police officers, and the occupants were detained for questioning.
The man with whom the gun-brandisher was fighting, Monette, died from four gunshot wounds in the chest. Witnesses who had been at the party provided conflicting information regarding the identity of the shooter. Several noted that he put on a ski mask before firing the fatal shots. A ski mask was subsequently found at the crime scene; it contained DNA from defendant and from another man, Porter, who, along with defendant, had been involved in an argument with the victim before it escalated into armed conflict. Porter, who had nine prior felony convictions, was for a time a suspect in the murder of Monette. Ultimately, however, he testified against defendant at trial, hoping that, by doing so, he would receive leniency in a pending federal weapons charge.
Between the night of the crime and the beginning of defendant’s trial, 23 months passed. During that time, the state did not conduct a line-up, photo array, or any other procedure in which the two young women had the opportunity to view defendant or identify him or anybody else as the shooter. Shortly before the trial, D met with the defense attorney and an investigator. According to the attorney, D, in response to questions about the shooter, was able to describe his attire and hair style (“Afro-ish or tight braids”), but was unable to provide further details because “[a] 11 black men look the same” to her. (At trial, D denied making that statement.) Also shortly before trial, the young women met with the prosecutor in his office, where they provided more detailed descriptions of the shooter. Also at that meeting, the prosecutor and D decided that, at trial, he would ask her during her direct examination to identify defendant as the shooter only if she signaled to him from the witness stand that, having observed defendant in court, she could do so.
In his opening brief, defendant argued that the trial court misapplied the then-governing analysis of eyewitness identification as established by the Supreme Court in State
“First, the court must determine whether the process leading to the offered identification was suggestive or needlessly departed from procedures prescribed to avoid such suggestiveness. If so, then the prosecution must satisfy the court that ‘the proffered identification has a source independent of the suggestive confrontation’ or photographic display, see Commonwealth v. Botelho, [369 Mass 860,343 NE 2d 876 , 881 (1976)] (citing cases), or that other aspects of the identification at the time it was made substantially exclude the risk that it resulted from the suggestive procedure.”
Id. (footnote omitted). “An identification is unduly suggestive if it unfairly singles out or points to a defendant as the suspect to be identified for a known crime * * *.” State v. Rector/Tremaine,
“the opportunity that the witness had at the time to get a clear view of the persons involved in the crime and the attention he or she gave to their identifying features, the*694 timing and completeness of the description given by the witness after the event, the certainty expressed by the witness in that description and in making the subsequent identification, and, of course, the lapse of time between the original observation and the subsequent identification.”
Id. at 737-38 (quoting Classen,
The state, for its part, argued primarily that Classen does not apply to an in-court identification unless that identification has been tainted by a prior improper out-of-court identification procedure. That is so, the state argued, because Classen derives from federal Due Process Clause jurisprudence, and an in-court identification is per se free from due process concerns: It takes place in front of the defendant’s counsel and the jury, which can gauge the procedure for itself, and the witness who makes the identification is subject to cross-examination. Here, the state maintained, the in-court identifications were free from prior contamination; “[u]nder those circumstances, this case afforded defendant his due process.” Further, the state argued, each in-court identification had sufficiently reliable sources. D “had a clear and close-up view of defendant at the time of the murder, she paid attention to his physical features, [and] she expressed certainty in her identification.” According to the state, N testified that
“before the shooting, her attention was focused on defendant. * * * [He] was 20 to 25 feet away from her. But she said that defendant got closer to her as her car started to drive away from the area. She indicated that defendant came up to her car window and that she got a good look at him.”
Neither of the young women had been drinking or was otherwise impaired.
Much of Lawson / James is devoted to a discussion, based on review of voluminous scientific research, of the variables that affect whether a particular eyewitness identification is reliable. “System variables,” those that “refer to the circumstances surrounding the identification procedure itself that are generally within the control of those administering the procedure,” id. at 740, include (as relevant to this
In light of the significant differences between the Classen analysis and its “revision” in Lawson/James, and also in light of the rule that we adjudicate cases under the law as it exists at the time of our review, State v. Jury,
Here, the system variables weigh heavily against reliability. The state used only one identification “procedure,” the in-court identification, and it was substantially the same with each of the witnesses. The court found that procedure to be suggestive, albeit not so much so as to require suppression, and the state does not disagree. “Suggestive,” however, is an understatement. The only system variable associated with the in-court identification that would support reliability was the pretrial instruction to the witnesses; the prosecutors told each witness that she did not have to identify defendant if she did not, in fact, recognize him. Yet even with respect to that variable, neither witness was advised of the possibility that she could positively conclude that defendant was not the shooter, or what she should do if that were the case. Meanwhile, on the other side of the scales, the procedure was not “conducted by a ‘blind’ administrator—a person who does not know the identity of the suspect.” Lawson/James,
Most significantly, the procedure was similar to, but significantly more suggestive than, a “showup,” which is “inherently suggestive * * * because the witness is always aware of whom police officers have targeted as a suspect.” Id. Defendant was obviously that man; moreover, it was also obvious that the state’s prosecutorial apparatus had confirmed the police officers’ initial identification. Further, “[a] showup is most likely to be reliable when it occurs immediately after the witness has observed a criminal perpetrator in action.” Id. Here, the in-court “showup” occurred two years after the crime.
The estimator variables do little to increase the reliability of the in-court identifications. The variables are not identical with respect to each of the witnesses, so we address each witness in turn. Supporting reliability, D testified that her attention was focused on the shooter, both shortly after he fired the shots and when he approached the car. Her perception was not impaired by alcohol or anything else. And she was able to give a physical description of the shooter, albeit one that was couched in racially stereotypical terms (“close Afro or braids,” “broadish nose and big lips”).
On the other hand, D was highly stressed at the time of the crime, and “[h]igh levels of stress can have a negative effect on a witness’s ability to make accurate identifications.” Id. at 744. She testified that, from the very beginning of the excursion into the Portland neighborhood where the events took place, she felt “out of [her] element” because she was “new to the area.” When she arrived at the location of the party, she was left in the car with only two other women; for that reason, she and N “didn’t feel comfortable at the place and * * * wanted to leave.” She agreed that the incident was
Most significantly, the in-court identification occurred two years after the crime, with no intervening opportunity to observe defendant. Lawson/James tells us not only that “[m]emory generally decays over time,” but that “[d]ecay rates are exponential rather than linear.” Id. at 746. Compounding the significance of this time gap is the fact that, in the immediate aftermath of the crime, D told one of the investigating police officers that “she didn’t see the shooting and couldn’t really describe much” and that she “could not give specific descriptions of who was involved.” Thus, to credit D’s in-court testimony, including her in-court identification as well as her testimony regarding what she saw at the scene of the crime, a factfinder would have to not only disregard the scientific precepts adopted in Lawson! James, but to turn them upside down by believing that memory improves over time.
The reliability of N’s testimony is undermined by most of the same variables that undermine D’s. Like D, N was under stress at the time of the crime; she testified that she “was very upset” by what she had observed. The circumstances of her observation at the crime scene were the
In sum, the facts in this case closely resemble those in State v. Wesley,
“[T]he identification in this case is problematic under Lawson / James for several reasons, including, most notably, that the eyewitness maintained before the suggestive procedure that he was unable to identify the perpetrators, the eyewitness provided no description at all of the perpetrators before the suggestive procedures, and the eyewitness’s opportunity to view the perpetrators was relatively brief and occurred while he was attempting to avoid being shot. In light of those concerns, we conclude that a new hearing on the admissibility of the challenged eyewitness identification is required, based on the considerations prescribed in Lawson / James.”
We reach the same conclusion here.
Reversed and remanded.
Notes
As the state acknowledges, if the signal arrangement had occurred and “the witness [had been] unable to identify anyone in the courtroom, that procedure could have resulted in exculpatory evidence that would have had to have been disclosed to the defense.” We are unable to discern any reason why, if the prosecutor intended to disclose the nonsignal to the defense, he would have arranged the secret signal process in the first place.
The prosecutor disclosed this encounter to the court and defense counsel during an in camera conversation. The disclosure was not testimony, and the jury never heard it.
Other “system” factors, not relevant to this case, deal with the mechanics of line-ups, photo arrays, and mug shot viewings, none of which occurred here.
D herself acknowledged the corrosive effect that time has on memory. When asked on cross-examination if she recalled parts of the conversation she had with a police officer immediately after the crime, she replied, “It was two-and-a-half years ago, ma’am. I do not remember that I said that to the detective that night, but if I did, then he probably did say that.”
We recognize that in-court identifications are a staple of criminal trials, and we do not hold or even imply that they are per se unreliable. This case deals with one particular trial and the unusual situation in which, among other things, there was a significant time lapse, an inability to provide particular contemporaneous descriptions or details, and no intermediate, nonsuggestive out-of-court identification.
