Lead Opinion
Thе question presented is whether Vermont citizens must accept the risk that police interviews in the privacy of their home are being secretly recorded without the protection of a judicially authorized warrant. We conclude that Chapter I, Article 11 of the Vermont Constitution prohibits such secret recording. Accordingly, we affirm the order of the Chittenden District Court granting defendant’s motion to suppress.
The material facts are few and undisputed. On April 17,2000, two police detectives interviewed defendant at his residence in Essex Junction. The detectives were investigating an allegation that defendant had engaged in sexual acts with a foster child. The officers identified themselves, and defendant invited them into his residence. They sat down at defendant’s kitchen table, where the officers interviewed defendant about his relationship with the minor. Unbeknownst to defеndant, the officers secretly tape recorded the conversation.
In reviewing the trial court’s ruling, we benefit from a series of decisions over the last two decades dealing with the requisite standards and permissible scope of searches and seizures under Article 11. We begin with the fundamental proposition that, as stated in State v. Jewett,
That said, we have also consistently held that Article 11 protects only those areas or activities that a reasonable person would conclude are intended to be private. See State v. Costin,
Two additional decisions — Blow,
We have, to be sure, disagreed at times about the degree of emphasis to be placed on the location of the search and seizure, to the exclusion of other considerations, such as advanced technologies that may alter or intensify the nature of the intrusion. See, e.g., Brooks,
As noted, Blow is especially significant in this regard, since the only real distinction here is that the secret recording was accomplished in defendant’s home by a known police officer rather than by a confidential police informant.
While our holding would not appear to admit of any exceptions based on the particular identity of the secret recorder, properly understood it is not the breadth of our holding in Blow but rather its underlying reasoning that dissolves any constitutionally significant distinction between that case and this. This is readily discerned from two of the principal cases on which we relied, Commonwealth v. Blood,
Both cases recognized the risk that confidences disclosed to another person in the privacy and security of one’s home may be repeated to others, or even later disclosed in court. Yet both fundamentally rejected the proposition that there was no difference between talking to anоther person who later repeats what is said, and talking to someone who electronically records one’s every word and phrase. As eloquently summarized in Blood:
We think it a constitutional imperative to recognize that “the differences between talking to a person enswathed in electronic equipment and one who is not are very real, and they cannot be reduced to insignificance by verbal legerdemain. All of us discuss topics and use expressions with one person that we would not undertake with another and that we would never broadcast to a crowd. New of us would ever speak freely if we knew that all our words were being captured by machines for later release before an unknown and potentially hostile audience. No one talks to a recorder as he talks to a person.”
The Massachusetts court also relied on Justice Harlan’s compelling dissent in United States v. White,
Thus understood, our holding in Blow cannot be reconciled with the State’s argument that Article 11 permits a known police officer to secretly record a conversation in an individual’s home without judicial authorization because the “expectation of privacy” is different. From the standpoint of the citizen secure in the privacy of his or her home, nothing changes merely because the party spoken to is a police officer rather thаn the officer’s secret alter ego. Any Vermonter who sits around the kitchen table conversing — as defendant did here — has a reasonable right to expect that he or she is not being secretly monitored or recorded. Our “sense of security” in face-to-face conversations inside our homes extends at least this far.
Of course, most people will be more wary when speaking with a police officer than a friend, and should reasonably expect that the conversation will be carefully noted and subsequently repeated. This is a far different expectation, however, from knowingly exposing every word and phrase one speaks, every inflection or laugh or aside one utters, to the scrutiny of the world at large. Clearly the detectives who interviewed defendant well understood that his expectations and, hence, his very words might be diffеrent if he knew that he was being recorded. Otherwise, they would have not have acted surreptitiously.
The dissenting opinion makes much of the “values” underlying Article 11, suggesting that it was designed to protect “the exchange of thoughts and ideas [and] personal trust between individuals.”
The dissent would excuse the underhanded method the police utilized in this case to record the conversation with defendant, insisting that it was not “trickery.” With respect, if it was not trickery to hide a tape recorder to secretly record a conversation with an unsuspecting citizen, what was it? Indeed, this case offers vivid testimony to our warning in Savva that “the social costs of eliminating the warrant requirement are simply too high. Without it, police behavior would be subjected to judicial scrutiny only in rare cases, while ‘[d]ay by day mischief may be done and precedents built up in practice long before the judiciary has an opportunity to intervene.’ ” Id. at 87,
We thus categorically reject the State’s claim “that one who shares his personal confidences with a police officer known to him as such does not have a legitimate expectation that his words will not be electronically seized.” On the contrary, as Justice Harlan observed, “the burden of guarding privacy in а free society should not be on its citizens; it is the Government that must justify its need to electronically eavesdrop.” White,
Consistent with our earlier decisions in Brooks and Blow, our holding is necessarily limited to the facts before us involving a police interview in the privacy of the home, where our “sense of security,” in Justice Harlan’s words, is highest. White,
The State also relies on In re AW.,
Nor, finally, does Commonwealth v. Eason,
Half a century ago, Justice Jackson explained that the warrant requirement forms the core of our privacy protections — not as a means to interfere with legitimate law enforcement efforts, but rather as a process to ensure that those efforts are properly balanced against the interests of “a society which chooses to dwell in reasonable security and freedom from surveillance.” Johnson v. United States,
Affirmed.
Notes
That provision states: “That the people have a right to hold themselves, their houses, papers, and possessions, free from search or seizure; and therefore warrants, without oath or affirmation first made, affording sufficient foundation for them, and whereby by any officer or messenger may be commanded or required to search suspected places, or to seize any person or persons, his, her or their property, not particularly described, are contrary to that right, and ought not to be granted.”
As we acknowledged in Brooks and Bbw, the Fourth Amendment to the United States Constitution — as interpreted by the high court in United States v. White,
The State does not assign, nor do we discern, any significance in the fact that the secret tape recording in Blow was accomplished by means of a hidden wire that transmitted the conversation to a third police agent who recorded the conversation, while here it was accomplished by means of a secret tape recorder in the possession of the detectives.
The dissent relies on Lopez v. United States,
While the continuing vitality of Lopez is not drawn directly into question by this case, candor compels me to acknowledge that the views expressed in this opinion [White] may impinge upon that part of the reasoning in Lopez which suggested that a suspect has no right to anticipate unreliable testimony. I am now persuaded that such an approach misconceives the bаsic issue, focusing, as it does, on the interests of a particular individual rather than evaluating the impact of a practice on the sense of security that is the true concern of the Fourth Amendment's protection of privacy.
White,
Dissenting Opinion
dissenting. I do not dispute the significance of the home as a place of heightened privacy expectations, but disagree with the majority’s conclusion that the actions of the police in this case violated Article 11 of the Vermont Constitution. This Court has consistently held that the core value protected by Article 11 is freedom from unreasonable governmental intrusion into legitimate expectations of privacy. State v. Morris,
A very brief review of the law of search and seizure under the Fourth Amendment to the United States Constitution is offered as an aid to understanding the error I see in the majority’s approach. Before the 1967 case of Katz v. United States,
In Katz, the Supreme Court heard a challenge to evidence of petitioner’s side of a phone conversation, overheard by FBI agents who had attached an electronic listening and recording device to the outside of the public telephone booth from which petitioner had placed his calls. See
this effort to decide whether or not a given “area,” viewed in the abstract, is “constitutionally protected” deflects attention from the problem presented by this case. Fоr the Fourth Amendment protects people, not places.. What a person knowingly exposes to the public, even in his own home or office, is not a subject of Fourth Amendment protection. . . . But what he seeks to preserve as private, even in an area accessible to the public, may be constitutionally protected.
Id. at 351-52.
The Court held that the FBI should have obtained a warrant prior to the use of the electronic surveillance involved in the case. The import of the case is the Court’s focus on the privacy expectations of the individual and not on the locus or extent of the government intrusion. “One who occupies [the phone booth], shuts the door behind him, and pays the toll that permits him to place a call is surely entitled to assume that the words he utters into the mouthpiece will not be broadcast to the world.” Id. at 352. Katz overruled
After Katz, the concept of “constitutionally protected areas” no longer served as a “talismanic solution to every Fourth Amendment problem.” 1 W. LaFave, Search and Seizure § 2.4(a), at 524 (3d ed. 1996). Justice Harlan, in his concurrence in Katz, summarized the appropriate analysis as follows: “that there is a twofold requirement, first that a person have exhibited an actual (subjective) expectation of privacy and, second, that the expectation be one that society is prepared to recognize as ‘reasonable.’ Thus a man’s home is, for most purposes, a place where he expects privacy, but objects, activities, or statements that he exposes to the ‘plain view’ of outsiders are not 'protected’ because no intention to keep them to himself has been exhibited.” Katz,
We have adopted the United States Supreme Court’s rationale in Katz and opined that Article 11 of the Vermont Constitution, “like the Fourth Amendment, protects people, not places.” State v. Zaccaro,
Again in Savva,
It is true that, throughout Fourth Amendment and Article 11 jurisprudence, the home has enjoyed heightened privacy expectations. In emphasizing this principle, the majority finds support in two of our decisions. Both, I suggest, were decided on a reasonable expectation standard. In State v. Blow,
A different result was obtained in State v. Brooks,
Of course we hold a deeply rooted, subjective expectation of privacy in our homes. The right to retreat into our personal sanctuary — be it an apartment, a rented room, a hut or a mansion — and to be free from unreasonable governmental intrusion is at the heart of Article 11. The problem with the majority’s approach to this case is its near total reliance on the fact that the recorded conversation took place in defendant’s home. It neglects to analyze whether the conversation was a private one, one in which an individual would retain a subjective expectation of privacy, and whether society is - prepared to recognize that expectation as “reasonable.”
“Article 11 protects the people from governmental intrusion into their private affairs; to the extent their affairs are willingly made public, the provision has no application.” Kirchoff,
First, let us not forget, defendant invited the officers into his home and agreed to talk with them about allegations that he had engaged in sexual acts with a foster child. By speaking freely with officers, whom he understood were investigating his possible involvement in a serious crime,
As in Blow, the majority finds support in Commonwealth v. Blood,
Another Massachusetts case, Commonwealth v. Thorpe,
We do not think that free speech and privacy values are unduly threatened by the risk that when one speaks to a known police officer he may be recording the conversation. This is not the type of warrantless surveillance condemned by the courts and commentators . . . , whose impact on privacy is “such as to undermine that confidence and sense of security in dealing with one another that is characteristic of individual relationships between citizens in a free society.”
Thorpe,
Analysis of privacy expectations in situations such as that present in Thorpe, where defendant is aware that he is talking to police, requires an evaluation of the values intended to be protected by Article 11, such as the exchange of thoughts and ideas, personal trust between individuals, free еxpression and individuality, or as stated by the court in Thorpe, the “confidence
I return again to the fact that defendant invited the officers into his home and agreed to answer questions surrounding their investigation. There is no dispute that his consent was voluntary. When consent is given to a search or seizure, there is usually no violаtion of Article 11. See State v. Sheehan,
For example, in Sheehan, the defendant argued that his consent was not voluntary, contending that police deceived him because their request to enter the home to talk with him was a pretext to gain entry to arrest him. In finding that his consent was indeed voluntary, we relied on the fact that the uniformed police identified themselves, asked defendant’s consent to enter the residence so that they could talk to him, and that the scope of the conversation was not limited or defined. “Once inside, the police acted within the scope of their broad invitation and did precisely what they said they would, talk to defendant. Nothing about the police officers’ behavior suggests that they engaged in trickery or misrepresented their purpose in order to gain entry into defendant’s home.” Sheehan,
Ah, but was it a trick to secretly record the conversation that ensued?
In State v. Costin,
In Lopez v. United States,
Once it is plain that [the agent] could properly testify about his conversation with Lopez, the constitutional claim relating to the recording of that conversation emerges in proper perspective. . . . Indeed this case involves no “eavesdropping” whatever in any proper sense of that term. The Government did not use an electronic device to listen in on conversations it could not otherwise have heard. Instead, the device was used only to obtain the most reliable evidence possible of a conversation in which the Government’s own agent was a participant and which that agent was fully entitled to disclose. . . . [The device] was carried in and out by an agent who was there with petitioner’s assent, and it neither saw nor heard more than the agent himself.
Lopez,
In a criticism of the majority’s approach in Costin, the dissent suggested the Court was “resurrect[ing] an outdated, formalistic analysis that rigidly focuses on mapping out property worthy of constitutional protection while ignoring modem search-and-seizure law, which examines expectations of privacy and societal interests.”
Because Article 11 protects people, not places, in this case, the location of the conversation is constitutionally immaterial. I would hold that the recording of defendant’s conversations with the police officers under these circumstances was not a violation of any right guaranteed to him by Article 11 of the Constitution of the State of Vermont and that the court erréd in suppressing evidence of that tape recording on the grounds stated. As stated in Lopez:
Stripped to its essentials, [respondent’s] argument amounts to saying that he has a constitutional right to rely on possible flaws in the agent’s memory, or to challenge the agent’s credibility without being beset by corroborating evidence that is not susceptible of impeachment.For no other argument can justify excluding an accurate version of a conversation that the agent could testify to from memory. .
I hesitate to speak for society as a whole, but respectfully suggest that Vermonters would not find reasonable a suspect’s expectations that his responses to police questions about possible involvement in a crime are private. I am authorized to state that Chief Justice Amestoyjoins in this dissent.
In keeping with this approach, a few days after our decision in Kirchoff we decided State v. Chester,
In White, the United States Supreme Court held that the government use of informants equipped with concealed devices to record conversations with unknowing suspects did not violate the Fourth Amendment.
The decision in Lopez predated the Court’s change in approach set forth in Katz. At the time of Lopez, it was “insisted only that the electronic device not be planted by an unlawful physical invasion of a constitutionally protected area.” Lopez,
