State v. FonsecaState v. Fonseca
Lead Opinion
This сase is before us on appeal from a judgment of the Wood County Court of Common Pleas, which convicted and sentenced appellant, Guadalupe Fonseca, for drug trafficking in violation of
On March 17, 1994, appellant was arrested when, pursuant to a warrаnt, Perrysburg police searched his home and found approximately thirty-two pounds of marijuana. Appellant pled guilty to drug trafficking and was sentenced to a prison term of two years. In addition, the trial judge ordered that appellant’s driver’s license be suspended fоr a period' of five years, pursuant to
“In addition to any other penalty imposed for a violation of this section, the court * * * shall suspend for not less than six months nor more than five years the driver’s or commercial driver’s license of any person who is convicted of or pleads guilty to any other violation of this section.”
Appellant now appeals the suspension of his driver’s license, raising the following assignment of error:
“The trial court erred in suspending appellant’s driver’s license pursuant to Revised Code 2925.03(M), because said stаtute is unconstitutional.”
Appellant contends that this mandatory license suspension provision violates the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment.
In examining the constitutionality of a legislative enactment, we start with the premise that all such laws are presumеd to be constitutional.
Roosevelt Properties Co. v. Kinney
(1984),
In suрport of his argument, appellant relies on the Montgomery County Court of Common Pleas case of
State v. Gowdy
(1994),
The Illinois license suspension provision is a component of the state Vehicle Code. The stated purpose of that title “is to ensure that drivers who have demonstrated they are unfit to safely operate vehicles are not allowed to drive.”
Lindner,
*118
One other Ohio court has considered the constitutionality of the license suspension provision. In
State v. Smith
(May 5, 1995), Washington App. No. 94CA21, unreported,
In addition, the Supreme Courts of Florida, Georgia and Massachusetts have ruled, on faсts similar to those at bar, that such license suspension provisions are constitutional.
In
Lite v. State
(Fla.1993),
In
Quiller v. Bowman
(1993),
Finally, in
Rushworth v. Registrar of Motor Vehicles
(1992),
We find the reasoning of the Ohio Fourth District Court of Appeals and the Supreme Courts of Florida, Georgia and Massachusetts persuasive and hold R.C.
*119
2925.03(M) constitutional. Specifically, we find that the Ohio legislature may reasonably have intended
Judgment affirmed.
Dissenting Opinion
dissenting.
I respectfully dissent.
I agree with the majority that the opinion of the Fourth District Court of Appeals in State v. Smith, supra, is directly on point, but I believe the position advanced in Judge Harsha’s dissent in that case is correct.
The issue in this case, as I see it, entails the most basic constitutional question about the allocation of power between the separate branches of government. That issue is clouded somewhat by the obvious effect of
If, after a person has completed his sentence for a drug offense, he cannot drive a ear, hе is unlikely to be able to find a job, or get to it if he does. Although we give ex-convicts the biblical mandate, “Go thou and sin no more,” the statute almost guarantees that he will be unable to hold a job and will have to resort to some illegal activity to get by, e.g., driving without a license or, wоrse, going back to selling drugs. This statute is clearly counterproductive, and perhaps even foolish, but that alone is not grounds for the courts to interfere with the exercise of legislative constitutional power. Cynically put, it is well within the constitutional prerogative of thе legislature to enact counterproductive, or even foolish laws.
The legislative branch is the democratic branch, that part of the government that is supposed to react and respond to public sentiment. Clearly, public sentiment is against drug dealing, and just as сlearly the public is aware that the already heavy sanctions are not working. The legislature, in response to the public outcry, enacted
*120 The question for the court is quite a different one. Is this sanction reasonably related to some state interest, or is therе a rational basis for this sanction? Any sanction, of course, is directed at either punishment or deterrence.
The majority opinion in this case upholds the driver’s license suspension on a deterrence theory, saying the sanction will discourage the sale and transportation of illegal drugs. Suspending a person’s license after he has been convicted to deter sales can only have the intent of deterring future sales. This rationale presumes that the person will, after completing his sentence, engage in further drug sales and will usе a motor vehicle to do so. In light of the much more severe penalties for a second offense, the driver’s license suspension pales in comparison. The sanction will only have a deterrent effect on those who do not return to drug sales.
Presuming a pеrson will commit further crimes, and punishing him before he does so, is neither rational nor constitutional. It is a particularly dubious assumption to make in a case such as this where the drug offender did not use a car in committing his first offense. There is no rational basis in deterrence for this statute.
Smith, supra,
advances a punishment theory,
i.e.,
that heavy punishments themselves are deterrents to crime and the legislature enacted
This is the crux of this case. It is not within its power because driving is not related to the drug offense. For example, a person has the right to use a cellular phone, and the use of cеllular phones is common among drug dealers. They are also used by many others for quite legitimate purposes. Could a statute bar ex-drug offenders from using cellular phones?
A person who meets the academic standards is entitled to attend a state university. Colleges are full of young people away from home and the guiding influence of parental control for the first time, so we do not want drug dealers on campus. Could the legislature deny the right of admission to college, much as
Many cities license street vendors who sell food likе hot dogs and tacos from pushcarts. These pushcarts are a perfect cover for drug sales as many people stop by, some for a hot dog, and some for a bag of marijuana or cocaine. Could the legislature bar ex-drug offenders from opеrating pushcarts?
If cellular phones, college admissions, and pushcart licenses could be denied, what could not? If an ex-drug offender waters his garden, he might have *121 marijuana growing there and ought to be subject to a lifetime sprinkling ban. If he rents a garage in a public storаge facility, it might be used to store contraband. There is almost no end to the activities that are ordinary and legal, but which can also be done to further some drug crime. Can the legislature bar ex-drug offenders from each and every one of these activities?
No. The lеgislature can only ban those activities that are rationally related to the offense. Williamson, supra. The majority opinion approves of the license suspension, but the real question in this case is: If a five-year driver’s license suspension is rationally related, what conduсt is not?
I have made up an argument for each of the activities above, an argument at least as good as the one for the driver’s license suspension. Some rationale can be advanced for any sanction, but the courts must look to see if the sanction meets the rational basis test.
That test requires that the sanction be related to the crime. We bar sex offenders from schools. We bar felons from carrying guns. We bar drunk drivers from driving. We bar ex-drug offenders from working in pharmacies. We can impose all these sanctions because they are rationally related to the crime committed. Driving is no more related to drug offenses than it is to rape or bank robbery, but we do not suspend the licenses of rapists or robbers, even the ones who used a ear in their crime.
The legislature is frustrated, much аs the public is, about the problem of drugs. In that frustration, it adopted
The legislature’s position is more enviable than that of the courts. Its action is popular, while the court’s exercise of its duty to decide when things have gone too far is not. To hold that this statute is unconstitutional is, by definition, unpopular, but that is what the Constitution is all about.
I am convinced that
Thus, I dissent.