State v. EvensonState v. Evenson
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- Before:
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¶ 1 Jеrome Evenson appeals his convictions and sentences on thirteen counts of displaying, selling, or offering to sell from a vending machine material that is harmful to minors.
See
Ariz.Rev.Stat. (“A.R.S.”) § 13-3513 (Supp.1997). Evenson has raised several issues on appeal. However, because only our resolution of the constitutional challenges to
¶ 2 We conclude that
BACKGROUND
¶ 3 The primary issue before us is whether
¶ 4 Evenson is the owner and publisher of The Beat, an adult-oriented weekly publication. He has published The Beat in Arizona since 1964. The tabloid-style newspaper contains news, editorials, and photographs, but primarily consists of sexually oriented advertisements for adult bookstores, numerous “escort” and “model” services, and the like. Dozens of these ads contain photographs of partially nude and completely nude women posing in a variety of positions. 1 However, no genitalia are displayed in any of the photograрhs. Additionally, The Beat contains “strictly personal” classified ads for persons seeking various sexual encounters with others.
1Í 5 In 1997, the Arizona Legislature passed
A. It is unlawful for any person to knowingly display, sell or offer to sell in any coin-operated or slug-operated vending machine or mechanically or electronically controlled vending machine that is located in a public place, other than a public place from which minors are excluded, any material that is harmful to minors as defined in § 13-3501.
B. It is a defense in any prosecution for a violation of subsection A that the defendant has taken reasonable steps to ascertain that the person is eighteen years of age or older and has taken either of the following measures to restrict access to the material that is harmful to minors:
1. Required the person receiving the material that is harmful to minors to use an authorized access or identification card to use the vending machine and has established a procedure to immediately cancel the card of any person after receiving notice that the card has been lost, stolen or used by persons under eighteen years of age or that the card is no longer desired.
2. Required the person receiving the material that is harmful to minors to use a token in order to use the vending machine.
C. A person who violates this section is guilty of a class 6 felony.
¶ 6 “Harmful to minors” is defined at
¶7 Although not entirely clear from the record, it appears that part of the impetus for the passage of
¶ 8 Shortly after
¶ 9 The vice detective who seized the eight vending machines impounded in Phoenix testified that they were “so well dispersed around the Valley, all you have to do is drive any direction if you are looking for them, and you’ll find them.” The detective said that two of the machines he impounded were located neаr high schools. In fact, Sunnyslope High School appears in the background of a photograph of a seized vending machine, and one of the two machines that completely sold out before the warrant could be executed was near a “Christian high school.” A third machine was next to a Dairy Queen, a fourth was outside a pizza restaurant, and all eight machines seized in Phoenix were in close proximity to residential areas.
¶ 10 Similarly, a Mesa sergeant testified that one of the five vending machines he seized was in front of a post office “a little bit down the way” from a church and a school; another was near other churches; a third machine was across from the Mesa Community College; and all were located short distances from residential areas. It also appears that one of the two vending machines seized in Chandler was positioned within blocks of three different schools. Throughout Phoenix, Mesa, and Chandler, many machines were placed near convenience stores.
¶ 11 The grand jury indicted Evenson on fifteen counts of violating
DISCUSSION
I. First Amendment
¶ 12 Evenson contends that
¶ 13 Statutory limitations on free speech are subject to varying levels of scrutiny, depending on whether the limitation is content-based or content-neutral. Here, the parties agree that
¶ 14 Evenson argues that
¶ 15 The statute at issue in
Playboy,
section 505 of the Communications Decency Act of 1996 (“CDA”),
6
was designed to shield children from viewing or listening to discern-able pictures and audio of sexually explicit cable television programs, which occasionally appeared on the screens of non-subscribеrs through a phenomenon called “signal bleed.”
Id.
at 806,
¶ 16 In its analysis, the five-member majority emphasized that the government had failed to produce any “evidence of how widespread or how serious the problem of ‘signal bleed’ [was].”
Id.
at 819,
A. Compelling State Interest
¶ 17 It has been repeatedly and explicitly held that states have “a compelling interest in protecting the physical and psychological well-being of minors” and that “[t]his interest extends to shielding minors from the influence of literature that is not obscene by adult standards.”
Sable,
¶ 18 Despite these precedents, Evenson argues that, to establish a compelling interest under the Supreme Court’s analysis in Playboy, the State was required to prove that children were actually exposed to The Beat’s harmful material. 8 He contends that the State presented no evidence of minors purchasing, seeing, or being harmed by exposure to The Beat. We, however, conclude that Playboy does not require such proof under the circumstances of this case.
¶ 19 As noted above, the statute in
Playboy
was struck down because it was not the least restrictive alternative — not because the government lacked a compelling interest.
Playboy,
¶20 But
Playboy
does not, as Evenson suggests, demand proof that specific children were actually exposed to and harmed by sexually explicit material as a prerequisite to establishing a compelling interest. Rather, the proof required by
Playboy
is proof that the potential for harmful exposure to minors constitutes a. real risk.
See Playboy,
¶21 Moreover, Evenson’s argument that аctual exposure and actual harm must be proven is undermined by the
Playboy
deci
sion
¶ 22 For several reasons, we conclude that, in contrast to the evidentiary deficiencies noted in
Playboy,
the State here provided both direct and circumstantial evidence that the unrestricted availability of
The Beat
creates a real risk of children being exposed to indecent materials. First, unlike the signal bleed at issue in
Playboy,
there is no question as to the duration or quality of the indecent images in
The Beat
because those images were printed in hard copy format.
Cf. Playboy,
¶ 23 Second, unlike
Playboy,
in which there was “no attempt at explanation or context,”
id.,
the State offered substantial circumstantial evidence that
The Beat’s
unrestricted availability created a real risk of harmful exposure to minors. The evidence established (1) that
The Beat
was readily available for only fifty-cents at more than 200 unattended vending machines scattered throughout the Phoenix area; (2) that many of those machines were positioned near schools, convenience stores, and other places where minors congregatе; (3) that one of the two machines that had completely sold out before police could impound it was near a high school; and (4) that virtually all of the seized machines were placed near residential areas. Thus, the evidence showed that material the jury found “harmful to minors” was readily available to minors, at minimal cost, with no adult supervision, and was located near schools, churches, convenience stores, and residential areas — all places where children congregate. Such evidence provides significant support for the conclusion that
The
Beat’s unrestricted availability created a real risk оf harmful exposure to minors.
See
¶24 Finally, the Court in
Playboy
noted that the government failed to account for a number of market-based solutions to signal bleed, such as “programmable televisions, VCR’s, and mapping systems (which display a- blue screen when tuned to a scrambled signal),” which are available to parents and “may eliminate signal bleed at the consumer end of the cable.”
¶ 25 Accordingly, in view of this evidence, we hold that the State provided adequate evidence that
The
Beat’s unrestricted availability posed a real risk of harmful expоsure, and thus supported the State’s exercise of its compelling “independent interest in the well-being of its youth.”
Reno I,
B. Less Restrictive Alternatives
¶26 Even though the State has a compelling interest in shielding minors from the material in
The Beat,
¶ 27 First, we fail to see how
¶ 28 Second, we are persuaded by the reasoning of the Ninth Circuit, which concluded that a California statute almost identical to
¶29 Third, like the California statute at issue in
Crgwford,
the Arizona legislature provided a “safe harbor” to prosecution under
¶ 30 We are mindful that when a state seeks to restrict speech based on its content, the usual presumption of constitutionality afforded legislative enactments is reversed.
See id.
at 816,
¶31 In cases involving content-based restrictions that burden rather than ban speech, courts have been more willing to uphold the regulation’s constitutionality.
See Pacifica,
¶ 32 We believe
¶33 For these reasons, we conclude that
II. Equal Protection and Due Process
¶ 34 Evenson next makes several arguments suggesting that
¶ 35 First, Evenson contends that the statute is under-inclusive because it does not regulate other purveyors of sexually-explicit material, such as those on television, radio, and the Internet. However, the Constitution does not require lawmakers to deal with every problem at once.
See Denver Area,
¶ 36 Second, Evenson contends the statute is overbroad because it could possibly apply to reporters, editors, and others involved in the publishing industry. “ ‘An overbroad statute is one designed to burden or punish activities which are not constitutionally protected, but the statute includes withiii its scope activities which are protected by the First Amendment.’ ”
State v. Jones,
¶ 37 Here,
¶ 38 Third, Evenson contends that the statute is overbroad because it fails to distinguish young children from older minors. He argues that young children lack the “sophistication” and money to buy papers from vending machines, and therefore the legislature should not have included them within the statute’s protected class. According to Evenson, the legislature should have limited the statute to apply to only “those reasonably expected to have the age and maturity ... to operate a vending machine.”
¶39 We disagree with Evenson’s factual assertion that today’s young children lack either the funds or the “sophistication” to purchase
The Beat
from a vending machine.
See Crawford,
¶ 40 Finally, Evenson contends that the
CONCLUSION
¶ 41 We affirm Evenson’s conviction based on three conclusions. First, the State adequately showed a compelling state interest by рroving there was a real risk of children being exposed to
The Beat.
Second,
Notes
. In the past, the police have used these ads to obtain leads on unlicensed "escort” services, presumably during the course of prostitution investigations.
. Additionally, putting material that is harmful to minors on "public display” is illegal in Arizona.
See
. There is little legislative history because
. Between twenty and fifty copies are delivered to each vending machine every week and, according to Evenson, between 8,000 and 12,000 copies of The Beat are sold during that time.
. Article 2, section 6 of the Arizona Constitution states:
Every person may freely speak, write, and publish on all subjects, being responsible for the abuse of that right.
. The CDA is Title V of the Telecommunications Act of 1996. See Pub.L. No. 104-104, 110 Stat. 133 (1996) (codified at scattered sections of 18, 28 and 47 U.S.C.).
.
By administrative rule, the hours between 10 p.m. and 6 a.m. were thus designated.
See
. However, we note that even after the
Playboy
decision, courts have found it self-evident "that the government has a compelling interest in protecting children from material that is harmful to them, even if not obscene by adult standards.”
Reno II,
. Indeed, as discussed in the following paragraph, in Playboy, the government did provide such evidence.
. Amicus curiae also argues that actual children must be harmed. It relies on a recent Seventh Circuit case for the proposition that the government must have compelling grounds, and not merely plausible ones, to justify enforcement of
. This case is, therefore, factually less analogous to
Playboy
and more analogous to those cases in which the state’s compelling interest in protecting minors supported a state statute prohibiting the sale to minors of sexually provocative material, even thоugh the material was not obscene by adult standards.
See, e.g., Ginsberg,
. The statute was amended in 2001 to add "transmit” and "offer" to the list of conduct that is prohibited. The amendment does not affect our analysis. See 2000 Sess. Laws, ch. 189, § 25.
. Evenson argues that a recent Ninth Circuit decision,
Alameda Books, Inc. v. City of Los Angeles,
. Evenson contested the State’s estimates but refused to submit any evidence documenting his financial situation. He did, however, concede that he netted more than $2,000 per week from vending machine sales of the publication.
. Amicus Curiae correctly points out that the' Arizona Constitution provides greater free speech rights than the United States Constitution.
See Mountain States Tel. & Tel. Co. v. Ariz. Corp. Comm’n,
. For this same reason, we reject Evenson’s suggestion that
. Amicus Curiae also argues that
The Beat
is not harmful to minors as a matter of law. But Evenson did not raise this issue. Amici are not allowed to inject new issues on appeal.
State v. Municipal Court (Cantrell),