23 Vt. 14 | Vt. | 1849
Lead Opinion
This is an indictment for dealing in the selling of distilled spirituous liquors without license, on which the respondent was found guilty in the county court, and the case is brought here by bill of exceptions.
The first objection made to the ruling of the court has been disposed of in favor of the verdict by our decision in the case of the State v. Smith, 22 Vt. 74, and I have nothing to say in regard to it. The other question is of much importance, and deserves serious and careful consideration.
The court, upon the request of the respondent’s counsel to charge upon the point, charged the jury, in substance, that, in determining the case submitted to them, they were not the judges of the law, but of the facts only; and that they were bound to consider the law as laid down by the court to be the law of the case, and were bound to be governed by it in rendering their verdict. We are now to inquire into the propriety of the charge. It is not denied by those who would sustain the charge of the court, but that the jury, in all criminal trials, have the power to disregard the law, as laid down to them by the court, and to render a verdict of not guilty contrary to it. Nor is it pretended, that there is any power in the court, or any other tribunal, to set aside the verdict for any difference of opinion between the court and the jury in regard to the law, or in any manner to call the jury to account for rendering it. It is, however, insisted, that the jury are nevertheless legally bound to take the law of the case from the court, and that by departing from it they would both violate a principle of law, and be guilty of a moral wrong.
On the other hand, it is claimed that the power, which a jury may in such cases exercise, in rendering a general verdict, of determining the law and the facts of the case submitted to them, is a legitimate and legal power; a power which a jury, acting under their oath and governed by a sense of duty, may rightfully and properly exercise, although it be in contradiction to the law stated to them by the court.
It must, I think, be conceded, that the opinion of the legal profession in this state, from the first organization of the government— certainly until a very recent period — has been almost if not quite uniform in favor of the now controverted right of the jury. From
The right as well as the power of juries in criminal trials to resolve both the law and the facts by their general verdict was also a favorite doctrine of the early jurists and statesmen throughout the United States, and continued such (as will be shown hereafter) until the contrary doctrine was broached by Mr. Justice Story in 1835, in the case of the United States v. Battiste, 2 Sumn. 240. Since which time the lead of Judge Story has been followed by the supreme court of Massachusetts in the case of the Commonwealth v. Porter, 10 Met. 263, and perhaps by judges and elementary writers in some of the other states.
It is, however, worthy of remark, that in both the opinions of
These matters are doubtless worthy of consideration: but that which has been disregarded appears to me to be of no less importance. Judge Blackstone, in his Commentaries, (vol. iv, p. 349,) thus speaks of the trial by jury : — “ The antiquity and excellence of this trial for the settling of civil property has before been explained at large. And it will hold much stronger in criminal cases ; since in times of difficulty and danger more is to be apprehended from the violence and partiality of judges, appointed by the crown, in suits between the king and subjects, than in disputes between one individual and another to settle the metes and boundaries of private property. Our law has therefore wisely placed this strong and twofold barrier, of a presentment and trial by jury, between the liberties of the people and the prerogative of the crown.” Judge Story, in his Commentaries on the Constitution, section 1773, says, the trial by jury “ was from very early times insisted on by our ancestors in the parent country, as the great bulwark of their civil and religious liberties, and watched with an unceasing jealousy and solicitude.” And the history of English criminal jurisprudence furnishes abundant evidence, not only of the necessity of such watchfulness, but also that the power of juries to determine the law as well as the facts in criminal trials was essential to the protection of innocence and the preservation of liberty. In trials for state offences, especially, the bias of the judges was always strongly in favor of the crown ; and in most cases their partiality was such, that there was no security against the conviction of any person the government might accuse, but the independence and integrity of jurors. The question of the guilt or innocence of the accused being compounded of law
It is this supposed independence of jurors in criminal cases, that has commended the English system of jury trial to the favor and eulogium of enlightened foreigners, and has procured its introduction into some of the more liberal governments on the Continent. The celebrated De Lolme, in his work on the Constitution of England, which he appears to have thoroughly studied, published in 1784, holds the following language: — “ As the main object of the institution of the trial by jury is to guard the accused persons against all decisions whatsoever by men invested with any permanent official authority, it is not only a settled principle, that the opinion which the judge delivers has no weight, but such as the jury choose to give it, but their verdict must, besides, comprehend the whole matter in trial, and decide as well upon the fact, as upon the point of law that may arise out of it; in other words, they must pronounce both on the commission of a certain fact, and on the reason which makes such fact to be contrary to law." P. 175. It is obvious, that the English system of jury trial would, in the estimation of this enlightened commentator, be shorn of its chief value, if the right of deciding upon the criminality of the faGt proved were wrested from the jurors and transferred to the judges.
Without, at present, dwelling longer on the reasons why jurors ought to possess the right, in criminal trials, to resolve by their verdict both the law and the facts which are embraced by the issue, I proceed to inquire more directly into the actual state of the English and American law on the subject.
The origin and early history of juries is invdlved in some obscurity ; though I apprehend there is little doubt, that at their first institution, the whole matter in controversy between the litigant parties was heard and passed upon by their peers of the vicinity, without the observance of any practical distinction between the law and the facts of the case. But when, by the progress of civilization, courts assumed a more regular form, and controversies became compli
This power of granting new trials in civil actions, on the report of the judges of the proceedings at the trial, was first exercised by the court of Common Pleas about the middle of the seventeenth century ; previous to which time it appears to have been well understood, that the jury were alone responsible for any error of law in their general verdict, and, consequently, had the right to determine it in conformity to their own judgment. Upon this point the historical evidence appears to be full and complete.
The reason assigned by Lord Coke for the passage of this statute, as would naturally be inferred from its language, was, “ that some justices did rule over the recognitors to give a precise verdict without finding the special mattersby which they were compelled, whether they were willing or not, to take upon themselves the decision of the whole issue, and were thus made liable to an attaint for a false verdict upon any point of law involved in it, when they might desire to refer such point of law to the decision of the court. For their relief against this hardship, the statute provided, that they should not be compelled thus to decide the law against their will, but might, if they chose, find the facts by a special verdict., and thus place upon the record a question which should be answered by the judges. 2 Co. Inst. 422.
Lord Coke, in his commentary on this statute, says, that it was in affirmance of the common law, and “ that in all actions, real, personal, and mixed, and upon all issues joined, general or special, the jury might find the special matter of fact, pertinent and tending only to the issue joined, and thereupon pray the action of the court for the law; and this the jurors might do at the common law, not only in cases between party and party, whereof this act putteth an example of the assize, but also in pleas of the crown at the king’s suit.” Ib. 425; — and to the same effect is Dowman's case, 9 Co. 12.
If it had been supposed, at the time of the passage of this act, that the directions of the judges, given on the trial, in regard to the
Littleton, who wrote two centuries after the statute of Westminster 2, recognizes the same right of jurors - to determine the law involved in the issue tried by them by their general verdict, if they chose to do so, and points out the same relief from such responsibility, whenever they desired to shun it. In his Tenures, after speaking of the giving of a special verdict in an assize, he says, section 368, “ In such case, where the inquest may give their verdict at large, if they will take upon themselves the knoioledge of the law, they may give their verdict generally, as is put in their charge ; as in the case aforesaid, they may well say, the lessor did not disseise the lessee, if they will.”
This right of the jury to withhold a special verdict, and to pass upon the whole matter in issue, is also fully declared by Lord Coke, a century and a half after Littleton’s time. In his commentary on the foregoing section of Littleton, Coke says, “ Although the jury, if they will take upon them (as Littleton here saith) the Imoioledgeof the law, may give a general verdict, yet it is dangerous for them to do so, for, if they do mistake the law, they run into the danger of an attaint; therefore, to find the special matter is the safest way, where the case is doubtful. Co. Lit. 228 5.
It seems evident from what has already been shown, that for a period of about 350 years, which preceded the publication of Lord Coke’s Institutes in 1628, it was well understood, that the province of the judges did not extend to the determination of legal questions, which arose incidentally out of an issue of fact, but that for their proper decision the jury were alone responsible.
The power of courts to grant new trials in civil cases, for the reason that, in their opinion, the verdict of the jury was contrary to law, not having been recognized until since the days of Lord
But that questions of law involved in an issue of fact were not anciently treated as questions to be answered by the judges is farther shown by the fact, that bills of exceptions would not lie for mis
There would then seem to be no doubt, that it was anciently admitted to be the proper province of the jury in civil cases, to decide in conformity to their own judgment all questions, whether of law or fact, which were embraced in the issue committed to their charge. And this result of the authorities necessarily disposes of the argument against the right of juries, drawn from the maxim, ad questionem facti non respondent judices, ad questionem legis non respondent juratores, inasmuch as it shows, that the maxim must have been understood to have reference alone to the questions, either of law or fact, as they stood upon the record.
The jurors, being anciently under no legal responsibility to the judges for the correctness of their decisions, either of the law or the facts of the case, might properly exercise their own discretion in their determination. But since motions for new trials and bills of exceptions have been substituted for the process of attaint, and courts have come to set aside verdicts, because the jury disregard the opinion of the judge upon questions of law embraced by the issue, and for misdirection of the judge, juries have been placed in a new relation to the judges. The court, by the modern practice, having power to revise the decisions of juries, and to order new trials for their neglect to follow the directions of the judge upon matters of law, it has consequently become their legal duty to com
Having shown that it was the proper province of the jury, by the ancient common law, to determine, according to their own judgment, the whole issue committed to their charge in civil cases, it cannot well be contended, that their authority could be less extensive in criminal trials. Indeed, if the common law had originally limited the power of juries in civil suits to the decision of the facts, and had placed them under the direction of the court in regard to the law connected with the facts, it might still be claimed with entire confidence, that no such limitation had been imposed in prosecutions for crimes,
There are several important distinctions between civil actions and criminal prosecutions, which indicate very decisively, that whatever our English ancestors might have considered the power of judges over questions of law, embraced in the issue to the jury in the former, they must have contemplated their entire independence of the judges in the latter.
In the first place, there is a marked and important distinction between prosecutions for crimes and civil suits, in the authority by which they might be instituted. Any subject was at full liberty, at-his own pleasure, to commence his action against a party j who he conceived had injured him in his person or property, and might freely prosecute his suit to final judgment and execution. But the king with the aid of all the judges in the realm, could not put an individual on trial for a capital offence, without first obtaining the consent of the people of the county assembled to pass upon the case as a grand jury. And if, previous to their investigation of the case the supposed offender had been arrested or committed to jail, their refusal to countenance the prosecution would at once release him from imprisonment. After providing so fully for the consent of the peers of the subject to the very institution of a criminal prosecution against him, it cannot well be conceived, that the jealous framers of the common law would have immediately withdrawn its protection from him and transferred the power of determining his guilt or innocence to the servants to the crown. It may be here remarked, that this restriction on the very commencement of a criminal prosecu
Again, the rules of pleading, which were anciently adopted, were designed to separate the law from the facts, wherever it was deemed practicable, for the purpose of submitting the former to the judgment of the court, and leaving the latter to the determination of the jury. In civil actions, if the defendant could not deny the facts on which the suit was founded, he was obliged to place his defence upon the record by special plea, which pleading usually ended in demurrer, forming an issue of law for the decision of the court. If the defendant in such case pleaded the general issue, the court would at once exclude his evidence, so that no power whatever was given to the jury to pass upon his defence. Under the ancient practice, in the old actions of debt, detinue, covenant, trespass and replevin, a large portion of the questions arising in litigated suits were thus withdrawn from the action of the jury and submitted to the determination of the judges. But in criminal prosecutions the accused was never compelled to take his defence from the jury and submit it to the court by special justification, but might always put himself on the country for his general deliverance.
It will be difficult, I think, to find a reason, why the rules of pleading, which were adopted in civil actions, were not extended to criminal prosecutions, unless it be in the design of the founders of the common law, that the right of passing upon the criminality of the fact, as well as upon the fact itself, involved in the general plea of not guilty, should, for the safety of the subject, be withheld from the judges, for the determination of the jury.
In the third place, the contrast between civil actions and prosecutions for crimes is most distinct and striking in the conclusive operation of the verdict in criminal cases. However the court may disapprove of a verdict of acquittal, they have no power, as in civil suits, to award a new trial. The security of the jury from all consequences in giving it is also full and complete. No earthly tribunal can revise their verdict, or call them to account for rendering it.
That attempts were made from time to time, and at various periods, by English judges, to encroach upon the rights of jurors to determine, in criminal proceedings, the whole issue committed to their charge, is undoubtedly true. The attempts were, however, resisted, and the contest, carried on by the judges on the one side and the people on the other, constitutes a part, and not an unimportant one, of the great struggle between the prerogative of the crown and the freedom of the subject, which was protracted for so long a period in England, and which eventually terminated in the practical triumph of the latter.
•Some notice of the most prominent efforts of English judges to coerce and control the verdicts of jurors in criminal trials, and of the manner in which they were resisted, will, perhaps, serve to throw some light on the question involved in the present case.
The first attempts to compel jurors to give verdicts in conformity to the wishes of the judges were by fining and imprisoning them.
In 1554, Sir Nicholas Throckmorton was tried for high treason before a Court of High Commission, Bromley, chief justice of England, presiding, and found not guilty against the charge of the court. Before the jury separated, they were sent by the chief justice to prison, where they remained several months, when they were released upon the payment of enormous fines, by which most of them were ruined. State Trials, 901. In the despotic reign of Philip and Mary, there could be no redress for this arbitrary act of oppression.
In the time of Elizabeth, A. D. 1602, there appears to have been another instance of a jury being fined and imprisoned for giving a
During the succeeding reigns of the first James and Charles, the Court of Star Chamber, which consisted of privy councillors with two common law judges, was in active operation, and drew within its jurisdiction complaints for libels, and sedition, and all offences against the government which were not punishable capitally. By the imposition of enormous fines and the infliction of barbarous and ignominious punishments, through the instrumentality of this court, the crown was generally enabled to disgrace and ruin whoever it chose to assail, without calling upon jurors in the common law courts to aid by their verdicts in bringing them to the block or the gallows. But when that arbitrary and odious tribunal was, in 1641, abolished by the Long Parliament, it became necessary for the government to resort again to the ordinary tribunals for the punishment of crimes, either real or pretended.
The rights of jurors had by this time come to be pretty well understood, though they were not yet fully acknowledged by the ruling authority, whether it might be king or commonwealth.
In 1649, a few months after the execution of King Charles, Lieut. Colonel Lilburne was indicted for high treason against “ the government by Parliament, without King or House of Lordsand on his trial he argued to the jury, and read from Lord Coke’s Institutes, to show that they were the judges of the law as well as the fact, and the jury acquitted him, against the charge of all the judges, who were clear for a conviction. The Parliament, having failed to convict, passed a special act, banishing him by name, and declaring that his return to England should be deemed felony, for which he should, on conviction, suffer death. He did return, and in 1653 was tried at the Old Bailey for felony, against the act by which he had been banished. A copy of the act of Parliament, duly certified, was produced, and Lilburne, who was in court, was fully proved to be the person named in it. The jury, however, against the charge of the court, held the act, under which he was prosecuted, to be illegal, and found him not guilty. They were afterwards severally called before the council of state and questioned in regard to their verdict, and their answers indicate a decided and manly determination to
In the reign of Charles the Second, Iielynge, Chief Justice of the King’s Bench, a pliant instrument of the crown, fined Sir Henry Wyndham and eleven others of a grand jury, because they would not find a bill of indictment for murder, telling them that the man having died at the hand of the party, it was their duty to find the bill, it being matter of law for the court whether it was murder or in self defence. He also fined a petit jury, who refused to convict a party on an indictment under the conventicle act, and the next year imposed a fine upon another jury, who declined to follow his directions upon a matter of law. His own account of the latter case, as given in his reports, page 50, is as follows :—
“ Hood was indicted for the murder of Newman, and upon the evidence it appeared that he killed him without any provocation, and thereupon I [Kelynge] directed the jury that it was murder, for the law in that case intended malice, and I told them they were the judges of the matter of fact, namely, whether Newman died by the hand of Hood; but whether it was murder or manslaughter, that was matter of law, in which they were to observe the directions of the court. But notwithstanding they would find it only manslaughter ; whereupon I took the verdict and fined the jury, of which John Goldwier was foreman, £5 apiece.”
These illegal acts of the chief justice having (in December, 1667) been brought to the notice of Parliament, witnesses were examined, and he was heard in his defence, and the grand committee of justice reported to the House of Commons, that the proceedings of the Lord Chief Justice in these cases were “innovations in the trial of men
Only one other attempt to control the decisions of jurors by punishing them for unsatisfactory verdicts, will be mentioned. In 1670, the famous William Penn, together with William Mead, were tried at the Old Bailey before a court of oyer and terminer, the Recorder of London presiding, for a breach of the peace, in being concerned in a tumultuous and unlawful assembly. The proof was, that some two or three hundred persons. had peaceably and quietly met in Grace street, London, and listened to the preaching of Penn. Penn contended, that there had been no breach of the peace; that the assembly was lawful; and he read from Lord Coke to the jury in support of his position. The court charged strongly and bitterly against the prisoners; but the jury disregarded the charge and returned a verdict of not guilty. There were no disputed facts, and there can be no doubt the jury decided the law correctly. The court, however, were in great fury with the jury, and immediately fined them forty marks each, and committed them to Newgate. Edward Bushell, one of the jurors, with a similar resolution to that of John Hampden in regard to the ship money, refused to obtain his release by paying his fine, and brought his writ of habeas corpus to the Court of Common Pleas. It being returned upon the writ, that, being one of the jury, Bushell had acquitted Penn and Mead against evidence, and also “ contrary to the direction of the court in matter of law," the question of the power of the court to control their verdict upon the matter of law was distinctly raised. The case was argued before eleven of the twelve judges, and their judgment was delivered by Chief Justice Vaughan, denying any such power of control in’ the court, and vindicating the right of the jury to determine both the law and the fact by their general verdict; and Bushell was thereupon discharged. Vaughan’s R. 135-158.
This doctrine, which withdrew from the jury the whole question of the criminality of the publication, if it could have been firmly established, would have placed in the hands of the judges substantially the same power over political discussions, that had been so odiously exercised by the long suppressed Court of Star Chamber. It was adopted by Lord Mansfield soon after he took his seat on the King’s Bench, and was followed by him in the trials of Woodfall and others ; by Mr. Justice Buller in the Dean of St. Asaph’s case; and on a motion for a new trial in the latter case, it was, in 1785, declared to be the law, by the unanimous decision of the King’s Bench. Rex v. Dean of St. Asaph, 3 Term R. 429.
This doctrine of the King’s Bench did not, however, meet the approbation of all the judges in Westminster Hall, and it was earnestly and vehemently opposed by most of the leading members of the profession, who, when employed for defendants, appealed from the judge to the jury in regard to their constitutional rights, and, in many instances, were successful in cases where, if the whole matter
This controversy in regard to the rights of jurors was the occasion of the well-known attack of Junius upon Lord Mansfield, which, so far as it imputed corrupt motives to that distinguished and venerated magistrate, was unquestionably unfounded and unjust. Lord Mansfield was, doubtless, sincere in the belief, that sueh a doctrine, which had been acted upon by other judges previous to his time, was essential to the preservation of order and good government "against sedition and licentiousness. It is difficult, however, to free him from the suspicion of partiality of feeling in this matter. He appears to have been a member of the cabinet when the prosecutions for libels against Wilkes, and also that against Woodfall, whieh he after-wards tried, were resolved upon, though it cannot well be supposed he would have participated in the deliberations in regard to them. After he ceased to be a member of the cabinet council, he long exerted great influence with the ministry, and was relied upon by them to defend their measures in the House of Lords, which he often did with consummate skill and ability. Unless he is to be considered as exalted entirely above the common frailties of human nature, it is scarcely conceivable, that he could have been entirely impartial in prosecutions, instituted and maintained by an administration with whieh he was so intimately connected. He would seem, indeed, to have been one of that very class of judges, against the effects of whose bias in favor of the government the independence of jurors in matters of law, as well as of fact, was originally designed to guard.
It may be added, that, though the opinion of Lord Mansfield, in
The libel act eventually passed the House of Commons without a division, and met with but a feeble opposition in the House of Lords. It was advocated in both houses on the ground that juries, in criminal trials, had the constitutional right to pass upon the whole issue, the law as well .as the facts, and that this right, having been improperly invaded, ought to be restored to its former footing. 29 Par. Hist. 577, 743, 1404. Mr. Worthington, in his treatise on the power of juries, although he endeavors to maintain the general authority of judges to direct them in matters of law, admits that in cases of libel, “ The extraordinary right to decide the law has been, by the legislature, expressly committed to juries;” p. 196. Now, the language in which this right has thus been, as Mr. W. says, expressly committed to juries, is found in the first section of the act, and is simply, “ That the jury sworn to try the issue may give a
In this country the decisions of judges and the opinions of jurists and statesmen have been, until a very recent period, quite uniform in favor of the independence of juries in criminal trials.
On the trial of Henfield, for illegal privateering, before Judges Wilson and Iredell, of the United States Supreme Court at Philadelphia, in 1793, Judge Wilson charged the jury, that they, in their general verdict, must decide both the law and the facts. Wharton’s State Trials 88. Judge Wilson had, previously, in a course of law lectures, delivered in the College of Philadelphia, maintained by argument and authority this right of juries in all criminal trials. 2 Wilson’s Works 366-375.
The Sedition Act of 1798 furnishes the very strongest evidence of the sense of the profession, as well as of the people of this country at that time, upon this question. That act prescribed a punishment for libels on the government of the United States and its officers, and after providing, that the accused might give the truth of the libel in evidence, declared, that “ the jury who should try the cause should have a right to determine the law and the fact, as in other cases; ” the words, “ as in other cases,” being a direct reference to a right, the existence of which was understood to be sufficiently well known to form a general rule of action.
Judge Chase, of the United States Supreme Court, on the trial of Fries for treason, in May, 1800, charged the jury, that “ it was the duty of the court, in that and all criminal cases, to state to the jury their opinion of the law arising on the facts; but that the jury were to decide in that, and in all criminal cases, both the law and
On the trial of the impeachment, which took place in 1804, Mr. Tilghman, an eminent attorney of Pennsylvania, testified, on being inquired of, “ that the usual practice in the courts in which he had been, was for the court to permit the counsel on both sides to argue the law to the jury at length,” and after they finished, for the court to charge, and that “ they generally informed them what, in the opinion of the court, was the law, but that the jury were the judges of the law and the fact.” Chase’s Trial 27. And this right of the jury, though the question in regard to it did not directly arise on the trial of the impeachment, appears to have been generally understood by the managers and counsel to be the settled law. Ib. 101, 109, 182, 242, 247.
On the trial of William S. Smith, before the District Court of the United States, at New York, in 1806, for being concerned in a military enterprise against the Spanish American provinces, Judge Talmadge charged the jury, that it was a well settled rule of law, that the right appertained to them to decide the law as well as the facts, in criminal prosecutions, “but that the jury were not, therefore, above the law; and that, in executing the right, they attached to themselves the character of judges, and as such, were as much bound by the rules of legal decision as those who presided over the bench.” Trial of Smith and Ogden 236.
On the trial of Wilson and Porter, in 1830, for robbing the mail, Judge Baldwin, of the Supreme Court of the United States, after stating to the jury what he conceived the law applicable to the case to be, addressed them as follows: — “ We have stated to you the law of this case, under the solemn duties and obligations imposed on us, under the clear conviction that in doing so we have presented to you the true test, by which you will apply the evidence to the case; but you will distinctly understand, that you are the judges both of the law and the fact in a criminal ease, and are not bound by the opinion of the court; you may judge for yourselves, and if you
In the state of New York, in 1804, in the case of The People v. Crosswell, for a libel on President Jefferson, the Supreme Court was equally divided upon the question, whether the intent of the respondent in making the publication ought to have been submitted to the jury; Judges Lewis and Livingston holding to the doctrine of Lord Mansfield, in the Dean of St. Asaph’s case, and Judges Kent and Thompson being of opinion, that the whole issue was for the jury. The attention of the legislature of the state being thus called to the subject, an act was passed in 1805, which, after reciting that doubts had arisen whether, in prosecutions for libel, the jury had a right to give their verdict on the whole matter in issue, declares, that — “ in any such indictment or information, the jury who shall try the same shall have a right to determine the law and the fact, under the direction of the court, in like manner as in other criminal cases; ” thus, equally as in the case of the Sedition Act, furnishing most conclusive evidence, that the general right of juries to judge of both law and facts was understood to be settled and established.
So important was the independence of juries in trials for libels deemed to be, that the provisions of the act of 1805 were substantially incorporated into the amended Constitution of the state in 1821; and similar provisions, implying the existence of the right of the jury to determine the law and the facts, in all criminal trials, will be found in the constitutions of many, probably of a majority, of the states of the Union. Indeed, the opposition to this generally approved doctrine seems to have been so isolated and inconsiderable in this country, as scarcely to have attracted attention, until it was brought into notice by Judge Story, in 1835, in the case of Battiste, before mentioned. The following state authorities are also in favor of the now controverted rights of juries : — State v. Snow, 6 Shep. 436; 2 Swift’s Dig. 174; 1 Wheeler’s Crim. Rec. 108, 269; Ross v. Commonwealth, 1 Grattan 557; State v. Allen, 1 McCord 525; Holden v. State, 5 Georgia R. 441; 5 Ala. R. 666; State v. Armstrong, 4 Blackf. 247, overruling State v. Townshend, 2 Blackf. 151, and 2 English R. 59.
In Massachusetts, as well as in the other states, the early doctrine appears to have been favorable to the independence of juries in all
The right of juries is also either qualified or denied in Montgomery v. State, 11 Ohio R. 427; Pierce v. State, 13 N. H. 536; Montee v. Commonwealth, 3 J. J. Marsh. 149; and State v. Townshend, 2 Black. 151, since overruled as before stated.
I will now proceed to notice some objections that have been made to the doctrine maintained in this opinioih
The opinion of Chief Justice Best, in Levi v. Milne, 4 Bing. 195, was relied upon by the counsel for the state, to show that even in England the libel act has not been considered as conferring authority on the jury to determine the law involved in the issue of not guilty. Such appears to have been the language of that judge, not only in that case, but in the previous case of Rix v. Burdett, 4 B. & Ald. 95. [6 E. C. L. 358.] But in Rix v. Burdett, Chief Justice Abbott differed with him, and declared as his opinion, “ that the jury were at liberty to exercise their own judgments upon the whole matter in issue, after receiving the opinion and declaration of the judge.”
Mr. Worthington, in his work on the power of juries, refers to a few ancient authorities in support of the idea of there having formerly been a controlling power in the judges over the points of law embraced in the issue to the jury; none of which will, however, on examination, be found to sustain that position. Thus, he says, “ it is most unequivocally declared by Glanville, that the assize could not decide upon the law connected with disseisin.” And hence he would have it understood, that the statute of Westminster 2 did not mean, as its language imports, that the jury might decide upon the question of disseisin by their general verdict. But the case put in Glanville, lib. 2, c. 6, by Mr. Worthington’s own showing, was one in which the pleadings, which were then ore terms, ended in an issue of law, and because it had thus become an issue of law on the record, the trial was withdrawn from the assize and transferred to the court. Worthington 118.
He also relies upon three cases in Plowden’s Reports, viz., Townshend’s Case, p. 111; Willion v. Berkley, p. 223; and Grendon v. Bishop of Lincoln, p. 493. In the first case the jury found a special verdict, stating the facts at large, and then added their own conclusion in regard to the law. The very object of a special verdict being to submit the question of law to the court, it was very properly held, that the jury had exceeded their authority, and the court adopted their own conclusion upon the facts found. In the next case, one of the parties, in order to get his case to a jury, undertook to traverse a matter of law; but the court, in the language of Plowden, held, “ that if the parties are agreed upon the matter of fact, they shall not traverse the law thereupon, as to say, the law upon this matter is with me, without that, that it is with you; but the judges shall adjudge upon it without traverse of the party.” And the third case is to the same effect, that a party could not traverse
It has been claimed, that the allowance of bills of exceptions in criminal cases is inconsistent with a right of the jury to pass upon the whole matter in the issue tried by them. It is, doubtless, true, that the doctrine of bills of exceptions proceeds upon the presumption, that the directions of the judge in matters of law are followed by the jury to the extent to which such directions are made subject to the revision of the court ,• and to that extent the law involved in such issue may be conceded to be under the control of the court. But the limited extent, to which the remedy m.ay be applied, furnishes an argument in favor of, rather than against, the controverted right of juries.
Bills of exceptions were unknown to the common law, and in England were authorized by the statute of Westminster 2, c. 31, which has been uniformly held to apply only to civil suits. Neither in England, nor in the federal courts of the United States, was there ever any remedy by bill of exceptions in criminal cases. 1 Chit. Cr. Law 622; United States v. Gilbert, 2 Sumn. 104. The remedy,
It is most obvious, that this remedy does not deprive the accused of any privileges, which he had before enjoyed, but was designed to furnish him with a new and additional security against the danger of an illegal conviction. To the protection which the common law had provided, that before the accused should be subjected to punishment for a crime, there shouldSbe a verdict of his equals, that in fact and in law he had been guilty of it, the statute superadded the farther security, that the decision of the jury against him should not have been induced by such action or advice of the court, as, in the opinion of the superior tribunal, was contrary to law. The effect of the remedy is, not to deprive the jury of the right, in favor of the prisoner, of determining the law, but to render a concurrence in opinion of both the court and the jury, in regard to the law, necessary to his conviction and punishment.
The modern practice in England of granting new trials in cases of misdemeanors, where, in the opinion of the judges, the verdict is against law, produces the same effect as our bills 'of exceptions. A new trial is never granted on application of the crown, but only on that of the prisoner, after a verdict of guilty. It furnishes the accused with an additional shield for his defence, but takes from him no previous right. Both bills of exceptions and new trials are similar in their operation to-a motion in arrest of judgment. They are all applied after a verdict of guilty by the jury, and all operate as additional securities against his illegal and improper punishment.
When the legislature of a state shall become bold enough to provide by law, that exceptions may be filed in behalf of the prosecution and a verdict of acquittal set aside and a second trial awarded, for the reason that the jury disregarded the instructions of the judge upon the matter of law, then, and not till then, can an argument be raised from the law of exceptions against the right of juries in favor of the prisoner to determine both the law and the fact involved in the issue.
But freedom from partiality and undue bias is essential to the just decision of legal questions, as well as law learning; and though jurors might, from want of legal information, sometimes improperly acquit a guilty party, yet such acquittal would be a much less evil than the conviction by a-partial judge of one who was innocent. The decisions of successive juries are not likely to be wrong, except in occasional instances; while one decision of a court, forming a precedent for another, would, if erroneous, produce a continuance in error. In this respect, the danger in criminal prosecutions would be greater from trusting too much to the judge than to the jury. The objection to the fitness of jurors to decide questions of law was as forcibly stated by Lord Mansfield in the Dean of St. Asaph’s case, as it has been since, or perhaps ever can be. His argument, however, failed to convince the nation of the correctness of his de
Notwithstanding the extended consideration, which I have deemed it proper to give the question of the right of juries to determine the whole issue in criminal prosecutions, I think the right may be successfully maintained on much narrower grounds.
The jpower of juries to decide the law as well as the fact involved in the issue of not guilty, and without legal responsibility to any other tribunal for their decision, is universally conceded. In my opinion, such power is equivalent to right.
Lord Mansfield, perceiving the want of all power to control the decision of the jury, admits,' in the Dean of St. Asaph’s case, that the distinctive province of the court over the law involved in an issue to the country can only be preserved by the honesty of the jury; and Mr. Justice Ashurst compares the power of the jury to pass upon the law in such case to that of a man with a pistol at your head, who has the power to take away your life, though not the right. That there is a distinction in morals between power and right is undoubtedly true, and such distinction may not be inaptly illustrated in the case supposed. But this distinction has no application to questions of political power. Where the political power which rests in a state is distributed by the constitution or laws among the different officers or departments of the government, the very distribution or assignment of the power implies, that it may be lawfully and rightfully exercised. Indeed, the very object of conferring the power is, that it may be thus exercised.
The king, by the unwritten constitution of England, has the sole power of declaring war. This power, though not founded on any statute, has existed for ages ; and though sometimes complained of, has never been declared illegal. It will not be denied, that this power in the king is a legal right; and yet the only evidence, that it. is so, is to be found in the continued existence of the power, without authority in any other branch of the government to interfere with its exercise. The power of the jury is of the same character.
If the power of determining the whole issue in a criminal prosecution, upon a plea of not guilty, had been expressly conferred on the jury by statute, and the court, by the same statute, had been prohibited from questioning in any manner the propriety of the verdict, it would scarcely be pretended, that the statute did not confer on them the right as well as the power. Such we have already seen is the admitted effect of the English libel act. And is not the power equally a right, which has to the same extent been exercised for centuries by the authority of the common law, and whichpower, though sometimes questioned, has always been vindicated and maintained I
This power of a jury is doubtless liable to abuse; and so is the power conferred on a court, or on any other human tribunal. But while a jury or court keep within their proper sphere of jurisdiction, they are in the exercise of the powers conferred on them, and are in the performance of a legal right; and this though they may, by the abuse of the power, be guilty of a moral wrong. The extent of the jurisdiction of a court or jury is measured by what they may or may not decide with legal effect, and not by the correctness or error of their decision. Thus the butcher Jeffreys, by virtue of his office as judge, had the political power, and consequently the legal right, to conduct the trial of Algernon Sidney, and to give his opinion upon
I conclude, then, that when political power is conferred on a tribunal without restriction or control, it may be'lawfully exerted ; that the power of a jury in criminal cases to determine the whole matter in issue committed to their charge, is such a power, and may therefore be lawfully and rightfully exercised ; in' short, that such a power is equivalent to, or rather is itself, a legal right.
I am aware, that the causes, which in England rendered the establishment of this right of juries indispensable to individual safety, if they now exist in this country, must be conceded to operate with comparatively slight force. It may be, that there is not in this state, at present, any undue bias in the court in favor of the government, in criminal prosecutions. But of this, it does not perhaps, become the judges to speak. It may be, that there is no just cause for the apprehension of such an evil in future. If, however, it be wise and expedient to declare, that there shall no longer be any check to the possible exercise of this undue bias by the judges, it should be done by legislative determination, not judicial decision. If the legislature desire, that juries should hereafter take the law in criminal trials from the court, they can readily say so, and prescribe a mode for carrying their will into effect. Until they do so, I shall be disposed to abide by the law as it has come down to us from our ancestors.
There being error in the charge of the county court to the jury, the verdict is set aside, and a new trial granted.
The clause, as recited in 2 Co. Inst. 421, is in these words, — “Item ordinatum est, quod justiciarii ad assisas capiend’ assignati non compellant juratores dicere prsecise, si sit disseisina vel non, dammodo dicere voluerint veritatem facti, et petere auxilum justie’. Sed si sponte velint dicere, quod disseisina est, vel non, admittatur eorum voredictum sub suo perieulo.” And see Keb. St. 46.
Note by Hall, J. One of the principal authorities relied upon by Lord Mansfield, in this case, was a ballad, stated to have been written by Mr. Pulteney, who was one of the supporters of the Craftsman, upon the occasion of the acquittal of the publisher of that paper by a jury, in a prosecution conducted by Sir Philip Yorlse, Attorney General, about the year 1732. The object of Lord Mansfield was to show, that even the opposition to the administration, at that time, of which Mr. Pulteney was the leader, concurred with the government, that the jury, in prosecutions for libel, had nothing to do with questions of law. The stanza from the ballad, as quoted by Lord Mansfield, was as follows :
“ Sir Philip well knows, that his inuendoes No longer will serve him in verse or in prose,
For twelve honest men have decided the cause,
Who are judges of facts, but not judges of laws.”
It turns out, however, that Lord Mansfield’s recollection of the ballad was erroneous, and that, as originally published, it was an authority on the other side of the question, the two last lines being :—
“ For twelve honest men have decided the cause,
Who are judges alike of the facts and the laws.”
29 Par. Hist. 582. 5 Camp. Ld. Chan. 50. 6 lb. 345.
Dissenting Opinion
dissenting.
The question mainly discussed in this case is important; and as I do not concur in the opinion expressed, I shall state somewhat at length the grounds of my dissent.
But before I proceed to the main question, I would observe, that let that be disposed of as it may, it appears to me to be an anomaly-in judicial proceeding, to reverse the judgment of the court below, on this bill of exceptions. The court, it appears, charged the jury correctly as to the law of the case, and to the satisfaction of the respondent ; but the complaint is, that, after this, the court told the jury, in substance, that they must take the law of the case from the court, and that the jury were only to determine the facts. The case itself was, then, correctly tried, and the conviction legal, — it being had under a charge satisfactory to the respondent, as to the merits of this particular case. Why, then, should this court open the case for a new trial, unless it be to give the respondent an opportunity to have another jury acquit him contrary to law ? The charge of the court, that they were the judges of the law, and not the jury, may well be considered, in this case, as theoretical; and if wrong, no injury was done to the respondent.
Upon a second trial, the court, as to the law of the case, would be bound to give the jury the same instruction, perhaps I should say advice, and (he jury should follow it, if sound, notwithstanding it be held, that they are the paramount judges of the law; for no one will contend, I think, that the jury have the right to disregard the law; and if they did, it would in effect be a mis-trial, and an acquittal against law. If this court open the case, it should be, I conceive, for an injury done to the respondent himself, and not because it may be thought the court below advanced an untenable opinion, as to who were the ultimate judges of the law. This case was not brought up, I take it, for the purpose of redressing any wrong done to the jury, by the court having invaded their province. The respondent is the only party complainant on the record, and the question is, has he been injured from any thing which appears upon the record, though it be granted, that the instruction given to the court below should have been simply as advice ? If a judge in a civil case should give a jury wrong instructions as to the law, and the jury should find contrary thereto, and it should appear, upon the hearing
Though we treat proceedings upon bills of exceptions as proceedings in error, yet the court will look at the whole record; and if upon the whole record they can see, that the judgment was right, they will not reverse it, though some error may have intervened on the trial. See Wood v. Scott, 13 Vt. 49, and Morse v. Crawford, 17 Vt. 499. To hold otherwise would be useless trifling. In the case at bar, the whole record shows, that the conviction was right, — the respondent being satisfied with the law of the case, as given to the julT-
I apprehend, that it will not be contended, that there can be any well grounded distinction, in this respect, between civil and criminal cases; and I am quite at a loss for reasons, which should induce me to reverse the judgment below, though I were to concede the question, that the jury in criminal cases are the paramount judges of the law.
But the important question argued and decided in this case, though as I think unnecessarily, for the reasons given, is this, — is the duty of passing definitively upon the law, in a criminal case, imposed upon the jury, or does it rest upon our courts?
When we speak of the right of the court, or of the jury, to pass upon the law in a criminal case, there is evidently an inaccuracy in the use of language. So far as the public, or the accused, is concerned, it becomes a duty upon the one or the other of these tribunals to decide the law; and it is equally the right of the public, and of the accused, to demand a performance of this duty from that organ in the administration of justice, where the duty is constitutionally and by the laws of the land imposed ; and the performance of this duty is imperative and cannot be cast off, at pleasure. If the jury are the paramount judges of the law, the government, as well as the accused, must have the right to call for a discharge of this duty, unless we run into the seeming absurdity, that the jury are the judges of the law for the accused only. When we speak of the performance of this duty, in relation to the court, or jury, it may properly enough be said to be a right in the one, or the other, dependent upon and growing out of their duty,
Before we proceed to an examination of principles and authorities, it may be remarked, that, if it can be sustained, that the jury are the paramount judges of the law, it is only for one purpose, and that is an acquittal. The duty is not imposed upon them, to place themselves in an antagonistic position with the court, for the purpose of conviction, — and indeed they cannot, — but only for acquittal. I am not one of those, who are disposed to underrate the value of a jury trial, whether in civil or criminal cases; and I fully concur with Blackstone when he remarks, in his Commentaries, with great propriety, that the laws of England have placed a two-fold barrier between the liberties of the people and the prerogative of the crown, viz., presentment, and trial by jury; but he does not intimate, that, to sustain this barrier in a proper manner, they must he in any sense judges of the law. Judge Story, in his Commentaries on the United States’ Constitution, says, “ the trial by jury was insisted upon by our ancestors, as the great bulwark of their civil and religious liberty ;” yet he has maintained, in the most pointed manner, that the jury are not judges of the law. If, in times of difficulty and danger in the English history, there was reason to contend for the doctrine, that jurors were judges of the law, as well as the facts, as being necessary for individual safety, it must have arisen in times of high excitement, from the supposed or actual violence and partiality of judges appointed by the crown, in cases where the crown was a party, and not out of the supposed fitness of things; and if so, should
I would premise, before entering upon the authorities, that in prosecutions for libels much angry discussion arose, as is well known, in regard to the intent with which the publication was made, as well as its tendency. While it was claimed, on the one side, that a criminal intent, flowing from an unlawful act performed without any legitimate excuse, was an inference of law, on the other hand it was claimed with equal confidence, that in all cases the particular intent, with which a publication was made, was as much a matter of fact, as the publication itself, and equally for the jury. The merits of this question are not now for examination. All I wish to say is, that those libel cases, where it has been submitted to the jury to find the intent, with which the publication was made, and its tendency, upon the ground, that they were an inference of fact, or a mixed question of law and fact, are not authorities to support the present decision of this court. I would also premise, that what may have been claimed by counsel, however eminent, in their captivating harangues to a jury, in exciting criminal trials, in regard to their being the paramount judges of the law, can have but little effect, in showing what the law truly was. The same may be said of pamphlets, and partizan essays, published in the heat of party excitement. And though there may be cases, where the jury, as in the trial of Colonel Lilburne, “ took themselves to be judges of matter of law, as well as matter of fact,” in opposition to the direction of the court, yet this cannot be regarded as any evidence of what the law was. It only shows, that such a doctrine was contended for, — not that it was a principle of the common law. Blackstone tells us, “ that the decisions of courts of justice are the evidence of what is common law; and that these are handed out to public view in the numerous volumes of reports.” Let us then see what evidence is to be had, from this source, as to the true state of the law on this much litigated question.
In 1554, on the trial of Sir Nicholas Throckmorton for high treason, the jury were charged, in effect, by Bromley, Chief Justice,
In 1670, on the trial of Penn and Mead in the King’s court of Oyer and Terminer, which was held for the city of London, the court claimed to be judges of the law, and in fact proceeded to punish the jury, because they gave a verdict against their directions. See 3 Co. Lit!., Harg. Notes, 155, n. 276. Bushell’s case, Vaughn’s R. 135.
In 1678 we have Hood’s case, who was indicted for murder. The killing was proved, without there being any provocation, and Ch. J. Kelynge charged the jury, “ that this was murder, the law implying malice, and that this was matter of law, and that the jury were to observe the direction of the court, and that they only were judges of the facts; ” yet the jury would convict only of manslaughter. Kelynge 50. Though it has been said, that Kelynge was but a pliant instrument of the crown, yet the law of that case has continued to be the law of England to the present day.
In 1683, on the trial of Algernon Sidney, 3 Harg. State Trials,
Tutchins’ case, in 1704, was also tried before Lord Holt ; 5 Harg. State Tr. 542. In summing up to the jury, Ch. J. Holt uses this language, “ you are to consider, whether you are satisfied, that Mr. Tutchin is guilty of writing, composing and publishing these libels and he closes by saying to the jury, “ if you are satisfied, that he composed and published these papers, you are to find him guilty.” This necessarily assumes, that the intent, with which the publication was made, as well as whether the papers were libellous, were matters of law for the court. It has been claimed, that in this case the whole matter'was submitted to the jury, It is true, Lord Holt, in one paragraph of the charge, told the jury, “ they are to consider, whether the words did not tend to beget an ill.opinion of the Government.” But it will be seen by a report of the case, that the counsel had been permitted to argue to the jury, that the papers in question were not libellous upon the Government, and in fact that nothing was a libel, which did not reflect upon some particular person ; and the Chief Justice, after showing to the jury the absurdity of the position of the counsel, follows with the remark to the jury, that they will consider the tendency of the words, &c. It is said by Lord Mansfield, in the case of the Dean of St. Asaph, that judges have sometimes expatiated to the jury upon the enormity of the libel, to remove the prejudices of the jury, and to obviate the captivating harangues of the defendant’s counsel, claiming that the jury can and ought to find, that in law the paper is no libel. This was perhaps the object of Lord Holt, in the remarks he made, — and not that
The case of Rex v. Oneby, 2 Str. 766, was in 1727, and came before the King’s Bench, while Lord Raymond was Chief Justice. The indictment was for murder, and the whole court, as Lord Raymond states, “ say, that in cases of this kind the judges are to determine what is malice, or what is reasonable time to cool; and they must do it upon the circumstances of the case; and the jury are only judges of the fact; and we must determine, whether it be deliberate, or not.” Hence the court say, “ in summing up the evidence, the judges direct the jury, if you find such facts, it is so, if not it is otherwise; and they return either a general or special verdict.” Under such a charge, though the questions of fact and law may be blended together by the form of proceeding, and cannot be separated upon the record, yet the distinction may well be preserved by the intelligence and integrity of the jury, notwithstanding they may elect to return a general verdict.
Though in Oneby’s case there was a special verdict, yet it is evident, that the judges did not consider, that they were any more the judges of the law in such a case, than when both questions were blended together. It seems from the report of that case, that the practice of the courts in criminal cases to give hypothetical directions to the jury, was then well known. Ld. Raym. 1485.
In the case of King v. Clark, in 1729, Barnard. 304, Serjeant Hawkins claimed to the jury, that the charge of a malicious and traitorous design was not made out by the evidence; and Ch. J. Raymond told the jury, that the fact of printing and publishing was only in issue to the jury.
Franklin’s case was tried in 1731, 9 Harg. State Trials 275, before Lord Raymond, which was a prosecution for publishing what was called the Hague letter; and the court charged the jury, that they had only to consider the question of publication, and the truth
Owen’s case was tried before Lord Ch. J. Lee in 1752, 10 Harg. State Trials 196, and he told the jury, if the publication were proved, (there being no question as to the meaning,) they could not avoid bringing in the defendant guilty. This direction excludes the idea, that the jury could pass upon the law. Nutt’s case was tried before Ch. J. Rider prior to 1756, while Lord Mansfield was Attorney General, and went to the jury under a charge, that they could pass only upon the facts, and the judges only upon the law. Shebbeare’s case was tried before Lord Mansfield soon after he was appointed chief justice, in 1756 ; and he says “ his direction to the jury then was, and had been uniformly since, up to the time he gave the opinion of the court in the case of the Dean of St. Asaph, (1784,) that if the jury were satisfied of the publication, and that the meaning and innuendoes were as stated, they ought to find the defendant guilty,— leaving the question of law upon the record for the judgment of the court.” In Woodfall’s case, 5 Burr. 2661, tried before Lord Mansfield in 1770, the direction was the same in substance, and approved of by the King’s bench in bank. Lord Mansfield uses this language, — “we all again declare our opinion, that the direction toas right.”
It has sometimes been claimed, that Lord Mansfield, in 1777, on the trial of John Horne, 11 Harg. State Trials 287, advanced the doctrine, that the jury were the judges of the law; But it is said, that case was reported from minutes taken in short hand at the trial; —yet it is evident, take it as reported, that he did not intend to submit but two points to the jury, the publication and the meaning of it.
In 1784, the Dean of St. Asaph was tried for a libel before Justice Buller ; and Lord Erskine, the great champion of the doctrine, that jurors are the judges of the law in criminal cases, was of counsel for the defendant, and warmly contended for his favorite doctrine; but he was overruled by Buller, Justice. See Lord Erskine’s speeches, p. 123. Buller told the jury, in the most explicit terms, “ that whether the matter charged in the information was a libel, or not, was a question of law for the court to pass upon, and and not the jury.” And he adds, that he gave the same direction to a jury at the Guildhall sessions, not three weeks before that time, and says, “ the law has been so held for more than a century past. The ruling of Justice Buller was fully sustained by the King’s Bench. See 3 Term R. 428, n. a. lErsk. Sp.,p.210. The argument of Erskine was able, and embraced about all that can be said on that side of the question ; but the court thought it fallacious; and he could not induce them to overturn what they conceived to be the settled law. The opinion of Lord Mansfield in that case cannot well be surpassed. Lord Mansfield in substance declares, that the charge of Justice Buller was according to the uniform judicial practice since the revolution of 1688; and he adds, “such a judicial practice in the precise point from the revolution, as I think, down to the present day, is not to be shaken by general theoretical arguments, or popular declamation." Lord Mansfield had, at that time been for twenty eight years chief justice of the King’s Bench, and, for many years before, had been Solicitor General, and also Attorney General, and most intimately acquainted withth & juridical history of his own times and the preceding age; and he must have understood the true state of this controverted question better than it is possible for any man to do at the present day. He had the advantages of his own wide ex-experience, traditionary intelligence, and manuscript notes of cases, and reported decisions; and the testimony of such a man, as to the true state of the law on this question, is not to be easily shaken.
Buller, in his charge to the jury, says, “ I do not know any ques
In the trial of libel cases, the attention of the jury was confined to the question of publication and to the truth of the inuendoes in those cases, only, in which there was no attempt at justification. If there was an attempt to justify, as was held in the Dean’s case, it was for the court to tell the jury, whether the matter offered amounted to a justification in law, or not, and for the jury to find, whether it was proved; and the jury were bound by the direction of the court. See 3 T. R. 428. The question of law in such a case does not arise upon the record, and can only be given hypothetically in charge; and the jury, as I think, are bound to follow their direction ; though by a general verdict of acquittal they can, if they will, confound the law and fact, and follow their own caprices, as to the law, instead of the direction of the court; and this results from the fact, that courts will not grant new trials upon verdicts of acquittal, —for the best of reasons, as I shall hereafter attempt to show; as it would be but to do a nugatory act, and not because the jury were rightfully the paramount judges of the law. In an information for a libel, whether the matter charged is a libel, or not, is on the record, and may be tried on a motion in arrest after a verdict of guilty; and it is for this reason the court assumed the ground, that they were not bound to decide the question on the trial before the traverse jury, — and not because the verdict, in such a case, was a special one; though it may be said to be somewhat in the nature of such an one.
It lias always been admitted, on trials for a libel, that in cases, where an innocent act is made criminal, and when done with a particu
I propose to take a review of the cases, which have arisen in this country, somewhat at length, and see how the weight of authority now stands here.
In 1792 we find an essay from the very able pen of Judge Addison, of Pennsylvania, upon the duty of courts and juries, as to law and fact; and he maintains, that the jury have the right only to pass upon the facts in a criminal case, with great ability. See Addison’s Charges to Grand Jury, No, 6, p. 53. In 1793 the question was raised on the trial of John Bell for murder. Addison’s R. 156. The court tell the jury, they are the mouth of the law; and that it is their province to find the facts, and the province of the court to declare the law; and that no argument is more dangerous, than that, which must derive its force from the confounding of the authority of the court and the jury.
In 1794 McFall was tried, also for murder; and iu that case the court maintain the same doctrine, and tell the jury, “ that what facts constitute one kind of homicide, or another, is a question of law purely ; and when the facts are ascertained, nothing remains but a questionof law, to be decided by the court.” Addison’s R. 255. Both of these cases were tried on a plea of not guilty, and both of the respondents were found guilty of murder under the charge of the court, and both sentenced to be hung. I am not aware, that in Pennsylvania a different doctrine has ever obtained.
In New Hampshire, in 1842, two cases were tried, — State v. Small, and State v. Pierce, before Ch. J. Parker, both for a violation of the license laws, — -in which he charged the jury, that the court were the judges of the law, and the jury were bound to take the law from the court. See Pamphlet Report of these cases. The case of State v. Pierce went to the Supreme Court, upon a writ of error, and the direction to the jury was sustained by the full bench ; and the opinions are very able and do great credit to that court. Pierce v. State, 13 N. H. 536.
In the case of Townshend v. State, 2 Blackf. 156, which was a prosecution for selling spirituous liquors without license, we find, in a very able opinion of Justice Holman, all the leading authorities and arguments fully and ably considered' and the result, to which the court came, was, that the jury were not judges of the law, either in a criminal or civil case. The court say, l> the jury are bound to find the law, as it is propounded to them by the court.” They may, indeed, find a general verdict, including both law and fact; but if, in such verdict, they find the law contrary to the instructions of the court, they thereby violate their oaths.” Blackford, J., dissented; and when the cases of Warren v. State, 4 Blackf. 150, and Armstrong v. State, 4 Blackf. 247, came up, the judges, who made the decision in Townshend’s case, had left the bench, except Justice Blackford ; and he and his new associates held, that,
In 1830 the case of Montee v. Commonwealth came before the court of appeals in Kentucky, 3 J. J. Marshall’s Rep. 132, upon a writ of error, complaining that the court had no right to instruct the jury as to the law in a criminal case. Though it is conceded in that case, that the jury are incidentally and in one respect the ultimate judges of the law, — that is, if they acquit, the judge cannot grant a new trial, no matter how much they have misconceived or disregarded the law, — yet the court say, they have no moral right to contemn and override the direction of the court; and they cite with approbation what was said by Wynne, in his Eunomus, in regard to the maxim, “ ad questionem factiwhen he remarks, that the jury are the only judges of the fact; and he asks, is it not equally within the spirit of the maxim, that judges, only, have the competent cognizance of the law ? See, also, Montgomery v. State, 11 Ohio 427, The constitution of that state provided, that in all indictments for libels the jury shall have the right to determine the law and the facts, under the direction of the court, as in other cases. The court say, it would seem from this, “ that the framers of our bill of rights did not imagine, that juries were rightfully judges of the law and fact in criminal cases, independently of the directions of the court. Their right to judge of the law is a right to be exercised only under the direction of the court; and if they go aside of that direction, and determine the law incorrectly, they depart from their duty and commit a public wrong, — and this in criminal as well as in civil cases.
In the case of the United States v. Battiste, in 1835, 2 Sumn. 240, 243, Judge Story states it as the opinion of his whole professional life, that the jury are no more the judges of the law in a cap
The State v. Jones, 5 Ala. 666, (1843) has been cited as an authority to sustain the decision of the court in the present case. It is said in that case that, “ as the jury may find a general verdict in a criminal case, they are judges both of law and fact, and may, if they think proper, disregard the opinion of the court upon the law.” This question came directly before the Alabama court, in the case of Pierson v. State, 12 Ala. 153, in which the doctrine of Judge Story is adopted, as soundand the case of the State v. Jones is explained and limited, and put upon what, I think, is the true ground, that is, that the jury have only the physical power to disregard the opinion of the court, if they will, — not the moral or legal right. In the case in 12 Ala. R.,the court use this language, “ the jury have no right to judge of the law, or control over it, except what grows out of their right to return a general verdict of not guilty.”
It has been supposed, that the ease of Holden v. State, 5 Georgia 441, was in unison with the present decision; but upon a recurrence to that case, it will be seen, they have a statute, which enacts, “ that on every trial of a crime, or offence, the jury shall be judges of the law and fact, and must give a general verdict of guilty, or not guilty and the case is put exclusively on the statute.
The case of Patterson v. State, 2 English 59, also rests upon the Constitution of Arkansas, and a statute of the state, “ which make the jury the judges of the law, as well as of the evidence.”
It is true, that Justice Baldwin, in the case of the United States v. Wilson & Porter, 1 Baldwin’s C. C. Rep. 99, on the trial of Wilson, tells the jury, “they are, in a crminal case, judges of the law and fact, and are not bound by the opinion of the court; and if they should differ from the court, they must find their verdict accordingly.” But when Porter’s trial came on, page 108, same book, and the counsel, knowing what the court charged the law of the case to be on Wilson’s trial, appealed from the court to the jury with masterly powers of intellect and eloquence, to induce them to override
The case of the United States v. Shive, 1 Baldw. 510, was a prosecution for passing counterfeit money on the Bank of the United States. The ground assumed in the defence was, that the law chartering the Bank was unconstitutional; and when the counsel claimed, that the jury were the judges of the law, and pressed upon them the opinions of politicians, high in authority, — as to the unconstitutionality of the law, the court came out, and told the jury in the most authoritative manner, that this was not an open question, and was not for the consideration of the jury, and that the decision of the supreme court was binding both upon the court and jury.
But, if it be true, that the jury are the judges of the law, and that there can be no legal conviction without the concurrent opinion of the court and jury in matter of law, against the accused, this is all wrong. Though the opinion of the supreme court might be binding upon the circuit judge, it could not be upon the jury ; and to admit that it would bind the jury would be to give up the question. The validity of the law was involved under the plea of not guilty; and if the law was unconstitutional, the accused was not guilty of the offence charged in the indictment. Hence, if the jury are the judges of the law in a criminal case, they must, in passing upon the guilt or innocence of the accused, pass upon the validity of the law. The decision of the jury, if it may have that appellation, in no case settles the law, or becomes a rule of action for another jury, in a like case. The opinion of the supreme court is no more binding upon the jury, than the opinion of the circuit judge at the trial; and if the jury had acquitted Shive against the charge of the court, it would have been final. They had the physical power to do it; but,
Judge Thompson, whose judicial learning and experience, while on the bench of the Supreme Court of New York and on the bench of the United States, were very extensive, thus wrote to a friend some short time before his death; “ I have repeatedly,” he says, “ ruled on the trial of criminal cases, that it was the right, as well as the duty, of the court to decide questions of law; and any other rule, it appears to me,” he adds; “ would be at war with our whole judicial system, and introduce the utmost confusion in criminal trials. It is true,” he says, “ the jury may disregard the instructions of the court, and in some cases there may be no remedy. But it is still the right of the court to instruct the jury on the law, and the duty of the jury to obey the instruction.”
In the libel case of The People v. Crosswell, in 1804, 3 Johns. Cas., Appendix, p. 337, which was tried before Ch. J. Lewis, he charges the jury in conformity to the law, as settled in England in the case of the Dean of St. Asaph; and upon a motion for a new trial for a misdirection of the judge, the question was argued before four judges, who were equally divided on the motion. Kent and Thompson, Justices, were for granting a new trial, and Lewis, Ch. J., and Livingston, J., were opposed to it. The ground assumed by Kent was, that the intent, in all cases, was an inference of fact, and in no case an inference of law; and this was probably the only ground, upon which Thompson advised a new trial. Kent, however, argued, that the jury were the judges of the law, and must resolve both law and fact, upon a plea of not guilty, unless they chose to return a special verdict. The opinion of Kent, J., is able; but he is opposed by an opinion of the Chief Justice, equally able.
The result of this division of the court was to deny a new trial ; but no motion having been made for sentence on the verdict, until the statute of 1805 became a law, the court unanimously awarded a new trial. It has been said, that this act of the New York legislature furnishes conclusive evidence, that that body understood the
But how are they to decide the law? The statute answers, under the direction of the court; that is, they are under the direction of the court, as I understand it, to return a general verdict of guilty, or not guilty; and this verdict will necessarily be compounded both of law and fact; and in this sense, it may be said, that the jury resoloe both law and fact. But does it follow from this, that the jury have a right to disregard the instructions of the court on the law, and set them at nought? If so, they do not decide the case under the direction of the court, but against it. It may indeed be said, that the term in the statute, direction, ex vi termini implies an obligation upon the jury to follow it. If, when the statute says, the jury shall have the right to decide both law and fact under the direction of the court, it was meant to create them the paramount judges of the law, it would seem to follow, that their decision should be final, whether for, or against, the defendant. But in the proviso the right to arrest the judgment is expressly reserved to the court, as it had been before practised; and I have no doubt, if the jury convicted the defendant against the charge of the judge, the court would grant a new trial; and this, I think, is exercising the right to resolve
It is true, that upon the trial of Stone for a libel, in 1842, before Mr. Justice Kent, he seemed to think, that in that state, upon such a prosecution, the jury are the judges of the law and fact, and so charged them. But this I understand to be in consequence of the construction, which he gave to a provision in their state constitution. The same accomplished jurist lays it down, in that very case, “ that in all criminal cases, except those of libel, the law is laid down by the court, and the jury are merely the judges of the facts.” And though the jury can exercise their power to bring in a general verdict of not guilty, against the charge of the court, and none can dispute it, yet he says, “ it is their poioer, not their right.” See the Report of Stone’s Trial in the New York Express of May 17, 1842.
In a recent case in the state of New York, People v. Pine, 2 Barb. Sup. Court R. 566, in a capital case, the court charged the jury, in substance, that they were only to determine the facts; that the court were the only judges of the law, and that they were bound to take the law from the court; and under this charge of the court Pine was convicted, and was subsequently executed.
In Dorr’s trial, in Rhode Island, for treason, the charge of the court was the same. See Pamphlet Trial, page-. And even in Texas, the conservative spirit of their courts have held, that in criminal trials it is the duty of the jury to look to the court for the law, and that the court is the only organ and expositor of the law. Nells v. State, 2 Texas 280. And in the case of Handy v. State, 7 Missouri 607, the court , who tried the cause charged the jury, that they were the judges of the law and the fact; and a conviction followed; and upon a writ of error the judgment was for this cause reversed.
It has been said, that the Sedition Act of 1798 furnishes evidence of the sense of the profession, and of the people, at that early day, on this question, and shows that it was then understood, that the jury were the judges of the law.
But I apprehend, that this argument is without force. The third section of the act of Congress of the 14th of July, 1798, after pro-, viding for the giving of the truth in evidence, proceeded to declare, that the jury should have a right to determine the law and the fact,
I apprehend no argument can be drawn from the libel act, as it is called, of 32 George III, in favor of the general proposition, that juries are the judges of the law in criminal cases. The preamble recites, that doubts had arisen, whether, in prosecutions for libel, the jury should give their verdict upon the whole matter in issue. The act provided, that they might give a general verdict of guilty, or not guilty, upon the whole matter put to issue on the indictment, or information, and that they should not be required to find the defendant guilty merely on proof of the publication and of the sense ascribed to the same. The second section provides, that the court, on every such trial, shall give their opinion and direction to the jury on the matter in issue between the king and the defendant, in like manner as in other criminal cases. The statute also provides, “ that it shall not be so construed, as to prevent the jury, in their discretion, from returning a special verdict, as in other criminal cases.” And the statute expressly reserves the right of the defendant, upon conviction, to move in arrest of judgment on such ground and in such manner, as he had the right to do, before the passage of the act.
The provision in the act, that, upon conviction, the defendant may file his motion in arrest of judgment, is, in effect, a denial that the jury are to decide the law, simply because they pass upon the “ whole matter in issue.” The law can be no more in issue to the jury, upon an acquittal, than upon conviction. If, however, they acquit, there is no need of a motion in arrest. Ch. J. Best, in Levi v. Milne, 13 E. C. L., 398, speaking of the libel act, though in a civil case, says, “ I mean, however., to protest against juries becoming judges of the law, even in criminal cases. The act only says, they may find a general verdict.” And he emphatically asks, “ has a jury, then, a right to act against the opinion of the judge, and return a verdict on their own construction of the law ?” “ I am clearly of the opinion,” he adds,11 that they have not.” See also King v. Burdett, 6 E. C. L. 368, in which Ch. J. Best is very explicit, that the court are to judge of the law, in libel as in all other cases; and that the'statute only conferred upon the jury the right to find the intent, with which the publication was made. It would seem, however, from the case of Baylis v. Lawrence, 39 E. C. L. 270, that a practice had been adopted in civil actions for a libel, to leave it to the jury, under all the circumstances, to say whether the publication amounted to a libel, or not; and that this practice is analogous to the enactment of the libel act, which only relates to criminal cases; but it has been treated as a declaratory act by some judges ; and the
Some general considerations would seem to lead the mind to the conclusion, that it cannot be a reasonable or a sound doctrine, that the jury are rightfully the judges of the law in a criminal case.
The idea, that the law, which is supposed to be a certain rule of action, should be, on every criminal trial, what a jury of twelve men should be inclined to make it, subject to no control, or review, and liable to be perverted, through prejudice, and the popular outbreak of the day, has not, I confess, after mature consideration, received with me any special favor. It has never been claimed, that the jury have the right to judge of the law in a case, where the question of law arises upon the record; and it must be admitted, that the jury, upon a plea of not guilty, are not the judges of the law for the purpose of conviction. If they convict, under improper instructions from the court, the defendant may have his exceptions and reverse the case upon error ; and if the conviction be against the direction of the court, the same court will order a new trial.
This is as well settled in criminal as in civil cases, — and is conclusive, that the jury cannot be the judges of the law for a conviction. If at all, it must be only for acquittal; and is it true, that jurors are the legitimate judges of the law for such a purpose ? Is such a doctrine necessary for the individual safety and security of the citizen ? I am not apprehensive, a jury would often, if ever, go against the direction of a judge to acquit a prisoner in humble life, unless in a case involving some exciting topic, or where the law, which should be attempted to be enforced, might be deemed unpopular. It will be in the case of the rich and influential, where crime is sometimes found in its most appalling character, that a jury will be met with the choicest talents that grace the bar, and every effort made, which genius or sophistry can devise, to carry them away from duty, and to induce them, by the most captivating addresses, to take ground against what may well be supposed will be the direction of the court, under the plea, that they are the paramount judges of the law; and it will be more than hinted, that the court are preju
It would seem to follow, from the oath administered to the jury, that they are only to decide facts. It is the theory of most governments, that justice is to be administered under the sanctions of an oath. The judge is sworn to an impartial administration of the law ; and in Hale’s Pleas of the Crown, vol. 2. p. 292, we have the oath, as administered to the jury in a criminal case, which is as follows, — “ You shall well and truly try and true deliverance make between our Sovereign Lord, the King, and the prisoner at the bar, whom you shall have in charge, (and true verdict give,) according to your evidence.”
There is no obligation, in this oath, imposed upon the jury to decide the law correctly ; and they are not sworn to make that their rule of decision; but the only rule given them in the oath is, according to their evidence. If the jury decide the law, justice is administered, so far, without the sanction of an oath, — which contravenes the very principles of the constitution of the English government, as well as our own.. The jury are sworn, “ well and truly to try but should they be sworn thus to try matter of law, of which they are and must be supposed to be ignorant? The facts they can learn on the trial, but not the law. The facts are given in evidence, but not the law; and consequently the law is no more involved in -the finding of a jury in a criminal case, under a plea of not guilty, than it would be in a civil case, under the same issue. The form of the oath administered to jurors, under our statute, gives the same rule, by which they are to be governed in making their verdict, in both civil and criminal trials. The rule, as expressed, is, “ according to the evidence given them in court, and the laws of this state.” No one supposes, this oath binds, or authorizes, the jury to decide the law in a civil case; and can it be claimed, that it should any more in a criminal one ? In both, they are to find their verdict according
It is conceded, that, upon demurrer, the court are the only judges of the law arising from the facts admitted on the record. But if the jury are the judges of the law arising from the facts found by them, why not make them the judges of the law arising from facts admitted 1 Certainly it would be less embarrassing to them, than to decide both law and fact, when both were in dispute. It has been said, that, upon a plea of not guilty, the verdict of the jury is so compounded of law and fact, that the jury must necessarily decide both law and fact. But why so, any more than in a civil suit ? The law and the fact may as well be kept separate, by means of a hypothetical charge, in the one case, as in the other. Lord Erskine, in his famous argument in the case of the Dean of St. Asaph, pushed this objection still farther; and claimed, that the words and nature of a verdict, in a criminal case, necessarily import, that the jury are the judges of the law and fact, and that they must necessarily decide, both as to the commission of the act charged, and also as to its criminality, because, he says, if the act were not criminal, a verdict of guilty would he false. But this argument proves too much ; for it is a conceded point, if the jury find the defendant guilty, against the charge of the court, their decision is not final, and the court will set the verdict aside. It may be farther answered, that the jury, by a general verdict of guilty, find the facts to be true, which are alleged in the indictment, and so far as they are concerned they imply a crime, whatsoever the court may decide on a motion in arrest. Besides, a verdict of guilty is always to be understood provisionally, that is, guilty, if the facts are sufficiently stated in the indictment, and be such as constitute the crime attempted to to be charged. If the verdict was not by implication provisional, the court in no case could arrest the sentence after a general verdict of guilty.
It is a rule apparently without exception, that issues of law are ever determined by the judges, and only issues of fact go to the jury. 1 Inst. 71, C.
It is not claimed, that, upon a plea of not guilty, the jury are the judges of the admissibility of evidence. But if they are the judges
It is admitted, the jury may return a special verdict, and thereby refer all questions of law to the court. It was once doubted, whether, upon common law principles, the jury were not bound, if required, to return a general verdict; but the contrary is well settled; and the rule now holds without exception, both in civil and criminal cases, that the jury may, if they choose, return a special verdict. 2 Co. Inst. 422, 425. Dowman’s case, 9 Co. 11 b, and 12. 1 Co. Inst. 227 6. Staun. P. C. 165. a. 2 Ld. Raym. 1494. Hargrave’s Notes to Co. Litt. 155 b, n. 276.
We think this is conclusive, to show that the jury are not constitutionally the judges of the law upon a plea of not guilty, any more than upon a demurrer. If they are, the accused must have the right to demand, that the jury should decide the law, and if not, he is deprived of a constitutional right. This cannot well be said to be a qualification of the right, which the accused may have, to call upon the jury to pass on the law. It is in effect an abrogation of the right; for how can that be called a right, which may at any time be denied by the very board, to whom the law has committed the security of this right, if it be one. If the defendant has the right to an acquittal, unless there is a concurrence of opinion both in the court and jury, that the law is against him, it is a sacred right; and it would be absurd to hold, that the jury could defeat him of this right by returning a special verdict, in their discretion.
If the jury, after finding the facts specially, also find their conclusion of the law from the facts found by them, this is not binding upon the judges ; but they have the right to declare the law, as they conceive it to be, and thus control the verdict. 1 Hale’s P. C. 471.
Though a jury can acquit upon a plea of not guilty, against the charge of the court, from the form of the proceeding, yet does it follow, that they ought so to do 1 They may return a verdict of not guilty, in a civil suit, against the charge of the court; but no one supposes they ought to do it; and if they do, the court will grant a new trial. So if they convict in a criminal case, against the charge of the court, the same result will follow; but if they acquit, it is final; and from this it is supposed to follow, that the jury are rightfully the judges of the law in a criminal case, — though the advocates of this doctrine are constrained to admit, that it is for the simple purpose of an acquittal. I apprehend, that the conclusion is altogether illogical. It is a maxim of the common law, as old as the common law itself, that “ nemo bis punitur, aut vexatur, pro eodem delicto and this maxim has, in effect, been incorporated into the constitution of the United States, which provides, that no man “shall be put twice in jeopardy for the same offence.” A liberal construction, as it should have been, has always been given to these provisions, in favor of the accused ; and if the verdict be rendered upon such a proceeding, that, upon a conviction, the court might have legally passed sentence, upon an acquittal, in such a case, there can be no second trial, though the jury acquitted against the charge of the court, or through a misdirection of the judge. To grant a new trial, in such a case, would be but to give the accused an opportunity to use his former acquittal as a defence, and would be a useless and nugatory act in the court, which they will never do. This, I conceive, is the true reason, why the law has been settled, that no new trial can be had after an acquittal, though it is otherwise upon conviction ; and the same reason has led the legislatures, who have passed laws providing for bills of exceptions on criminal trials, to confine this right to the defendant, upon a conviction. If acquitted, he would not need his exceptions; and if the case were opened upon exceptions by the government, the defendant could avail himself of the provision in the constitution, which has been referred to, and which is the supreme law of the land.
The judiciary of this state is a co-ordinate branch of the government, and intrusted with the administration of the law, and the whole law, both civil and criminal: and shall it be said, that, under our constitution, the duties of a jury are in certain cases judicial, and that a jury of twelve men, who are selected without any regard to their knowledge of the law, and, indeed, upon the supposition that they are not and cannot be acquainted with its principles, become, when empanelled to try a criminal case, a co-ordinate branch of the government? Yet if they are the paramount judges of the law, this must follow, and all the different juries, who may be brought together throughout the state, for the time being, become a parcel of one of the co-ordinate branches of the government. Can a doctrine, which leads to such consequences, prevail in the United States ? And should it? — especially in this state, where our judges are elected annually by the immediate representatives of the people, also elected annually ? And can such a doctrine be wholesome, and is it necessary for the individual security of the citizen? Is not its legitimate tendency only to enable the accused to obtain an acquittal against lato, through the caprice of a jury, or through their ignorance upon a subject, upon which they are not supposed to have and are not bound to have information ? Though it may1 be true, that a jury would ordinarily follow the advice of the judge, and treat it, practically, as binding as a direction would be upon them, yet the danger would be in exciting trials, and where the law, which the government were attempting to enforce, was deemed unpopular. A jealousy of leaving the law to the court, in criminal trials, as in other cases, is, in the present state of things, the merest declamation.
One of the leading arguments of Lord Erskine, to establish the point, that juries are the judges of the law in a criminal case, was to attempt to show, that by the ancient common law the jury not only had the right, but that they were bound to exercise it, in deciding the law, when it came before them upon the general issue, in a civil case, — and from that infer, that they must have had the right upon a criminal trial. See his argument before the King’s Bench, in the case of the Dean of St. Asaph, 1 Ersk. Sp. 165.
The statute of Westm. 2, c. 30, passed as early as 1285, is made the basis of the argument of those, who claim, that juries were originally judges of the law in civil cases. Lord Erskine took the position, that from the words of the statute the right of the jury to decide the law, upon the general issue, was vested in them by the constitution; but he wholly failed to satisfy the court, that this was ever the law.
The statute enacts, that “ the justices assigned to take assizes shall not compel the jurors to say precisely, whether it be disseisin, or not, so that they do show the truth of the fact, and require the aid of the justices ; but if they of their own accord are willing to say, that it is disseisin, or not, their verdict shall be admitted, at their own peril.” This statute was doubtless passed to secure to juries the right, in case of assize, where a special issue was joined on some collateral matter, to return a special verdict, referring the law to the court, the same as if the issue were general.
Coke, in his Commentaries upon Littleton, sec. 366, speaking of an assize, says, that a special verdict may be given in any action, and upon any issue, be the issue general, or special, although there be some contrary opinions in the books; yet, he says, the law is now settled on this point. He cites several cases from the Year Books, and also the statute Westm. 2, chap. 30. This statute is generally considered as declaratory of the common law, and in affirmance of it. In section 367 Littleton remarks, “ And as it is said of a verdict at large, (a special verdict,) in an assize, &c,, so it is of a writ of entry, founded upon a disseisin, and in all other actions, where the justices will take the verdict at large; the manner of the whole
I think Glanville, lib. 13, c. 20, 21, is a strong authority, to show, that the jury have no right to decide the law upon the general issue involving both law and fact, notwithstanding it has sometimes Ijeen attempted to explain it away. Glanville says, that the assize could not decide upon the law connected with disseisin; and that, if the demandant object to put himself upon the grand assize, he must show some cause, why the assize should not proceed; and, if the objection be admitted, the assize itself shall thereby cease, so that the matter shall be verbally pleaded and determined in court, because it is then a question of law, Sfc. If a sufficient reason be shown, the assize shall not proceed; and Glanville says, that an assize cannot decide upon the law connected with disseisin ; consequently the assize shall for such cause cease.
In Townshend’s Case, Plowd. 111, 114, the jury undertook to decide a question of law as to a remitter, and the court set aside their finding, as being against law. Though in this case the jury found the facts at large, yet if, in such case, they insist upon finding the law also, why may they not do it, if they are judges of the law? Why should the court set aside their conclusion ? The true reason, as I think, is, that jurors are to try the facts, and the judges to decide the law arising from them, for ex facto jus oritur, and not be
In pleading, matter of law can never be traversed. If it could, it is said, “ it would be to make twelve illiterate men try a matter of law, of which they have no knowledge.” And it is added, “ at the beginning of our law it was ordained, that matters of fact should be tried by twelve men of the country, where the matter arises, and matters of law by twelve judges of the law; and that it was not the office of the jury to try matters of law, but only matters of fact.” Willion v. Berkley, Plowd. 223, 231; also Grendon v. Bishop of Lincoln, Plowd. 493, 496. Buller, J., in his charge to the jury in the case of the Dean of St. Asaph, emphatically denies, that in civil cases the jurors were ever judges of the law in England; and I am not aware, that it has been ever claimed in this state, that in civil cases the jury were the judges of the law; though doubtless at an early day cases were submitted to a jury, without much separation of law and fact by the court. The argument, then, that the jury being judges of the law in civil cases, and from that inferring, that, upon a principle of equality, they must have the same right in a criminal case, must, especially in this state, fall to the ground.
Though the faet, that a verdict of acquittal is final, makes an important distinction between criminal and civil cases, yet it is illogical to infer from this, that the jury are the judges of the law in criminal cases. A reason for the distinction is to be found in the principle, that no man can be put in jeopardy twice for the same of-fence.
Blackstone, 4th vol., 361, has been relied upon to sustain the opinion of the court. He says, the jury may return a general or special verdict, — that is, where they doubt the matter of the law, they may leave it to the determination of the court, though they have an unquestionable right of determining upon all the circumstances and finding a general verdict, if they think proper so to hazard a breach of their oaths; and if their verdict be notoriously wrong, they may be punished, and the verdict set aside, at the suit of the King. This does not look as if Judge Blackstone supposed the jury constitutionally the judges of the law in criminal cases upon a plea of not guilty; though he evidently, when he speaks of the unquestionable right of the jury, confounds it with power; and it is, I think, confounding the power
It is a fundamental maxim of the law, that, “ad questionemfacti non respondent judices, ad questionem legis non respondent juratores.” All fundamental maxims are so plain and intuitive, as to be understood by all; and the usual course, when the object is to go astray from them, is first to avoid them, and then attempt to prevent them. To get rid of the force of this maxim, it has been claimed, that it is to be confined to questions arising on the record. I am not aware, that it has been seriously claimed, that the court ever answer to matters of fact; and if the jury are the only judges of the fact, is it not equally within the spirit of the maxim, that the court are the only judges of the law. The maxim is general in its terms; and to confine the first part of it to questions of Jaw, where the law and fact can be separated on the record, looks to me like a perversion of the language of the maxim. -Certainly it is not so confined in civil cases. The fact, that the court have a common law power to grant a new trial on the ground that they may apprehend the jury have mistaken the fact, is no violation of the language of the maxim. The court do not settle any fact, but simply open the case, that the facts may be passed upon by another jury.
The opinion of Vaughn, Ch. J., in Bushell’s case, Vaughn 149, 150, has been relied upon, as an authority for the limitation of this maxim, — but he says, “ literally taken, it is true; for if it be demanded, what is the fact? the judge cannot answer ; if it be asked, what is the law in the case? the jury cannot answer.” It is true, Vaughn says, upon all general issues the jury resolve both law and fact complicately, and not the fact by itself. But I apprehend his meaning is, that in such case they may resolve the law as arising
Though it be granted, that a jury are exempt, in a criminal case, from all questions as to the propriety of their verdict, yet it does not follow from this, that they are the legitimate judges of the law. The proposition, that the power conclusively proves the right, if there is no legal accountability, proves quite too much. If it were true, the jury might rightfully acquit the defendant in all cases, without regard to the law, or the evidence; for no one can question their power to do so; and their exemption from all accountability for so doing, especially in this state, is equally clear. The power of the jury to acquit, against the charge of the court, arises-out of the fact, that there exists no power or right to put the accused again on trial for the same offence; and consequently the power does not prove the right a legal one, though the finding of the jury be final.
There are several instances, where jurors, acquitting notorious offenders, against clear and manifest evidence, and contrary to the direction of the court, have been punished in the Star Chamber, and have, also, in the King’s Bench, and in courts of oyer and terminer and gaol delivery, been fined and imprisoned; and though Lord Hale, 2 Hale’s P. C. 313, says, the long use of fining jurors in the King’s Bench, in criminal cases, may give possibly a jurisdiction to
I readily admit, that much may be and has been said on the other side of the question, both in England and in this country; but I claim that the ground taken, will, on mature consideration, be found fallacious. Lord Erskine, who may be said to have exhausted the subject in his celebrated argument in the case of the Dean of St. Asaph, failed to convince the King’s Bench, that the jury were the judges of the law in criminal cases; and the libel act of George II did not, as I think, make the jurors the judges of the law, even in libel prosecutions, — and much less does it recognize the doctrine,1 that they were in other criminal cases.
It may be said of the case of the State v. Wilkinson, 2 Vt. 480, that the question was only incidentally before the supreme court, and it was not involved in the decision then made. It is true, the chief justice, for whom I entertain the most profound respect, does say, “ there is no doubt, that, in criminal cases, the jury are the judges of the law as well as the fact.” But it is now conceded, in this case, that they are judges of the law only for an acquittal; and I apprehend that Ch. J. Prentiss, upon mature examination, would as readily repudiate this whole doctrine', that jurors decide the law in criminal cases, as has been done by the Massachusetts court,
The discussions, that have, at different times, taken place in libel prosecutions, are calculated to mislead on the question now before us, without a careful attention to the points in controversy. It was always conceded, that the fact of publication and the meaning were purely matter of fact, and exclusively for the jury; but when we come to the question of the tendency of the publication, and the intention of the publisher, a remarkable doubt has prevailed, whether they were purely questions of law, and to be abstracted from the jury on the trial, or whether they were mixed questions of lato and fact, and to be submitted to the jury, with proper directions from the court, like any other mixed questions of law and fact. The essence of a libel consists in its tendency to produce mischief; and it has been insisted, that the intrinsic illegality of the publication is not a mere question of law, since it consists in its tendency; nor is it claimed to be a mere question of fact, but it has been sometimes treated as an ambiguous question in its nature, depending, for its solution, upon a sound judgment and discretion, applied to the alleged libel, and the state and circumstances of society, and not purely on a profound knowledge of the law on the one hand, or the aid of evidence on the other.
Treating, then, the tendency, and the intention, as a mixed question of law and fact, the cases, where the intention and tendency have been submitted to the jury, under proper instructions, to pass
This is precisely what must be done in civil actions, where there is a mixed question of law and fact, and it is precisely what has been done in civil actions for a libel. See Fairman v. Ives, 5 B. & Ald. 642. Baylis v. Lawrence, 11 Ad. & E. 920.
Considering, then, as I do, that the doctrine, now established by this court, is opposed to the current of adjudged cases in England and in this country, and to constitutional principles, and in violation of the harmony of the legal system, and unfit in the nature of things, and in no way necessary for the preservation of the liberty of the citizen and the protection of innocence and the wholesome administration of criminal justice, and especially unnecessary in a government, where there is an elective judiciary, like the one in this state, the tendency of which is towards popular feeling, I have not been able to bring my mind to concur with my brethren.
I should therefore hold, that the defendant should take nothing by his exceptions, whatever view we take of the case.