Case Information
*1 UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA STATE OF NEW YORK, et al. ,
Plaintiffs,
v. Civil Action No. 20-3589 (JEB)
FACEBOOK, INC.,
Defendant. MEMORANDUM OPINION
As the pillars of our national economy have shifted from the concrete to the virtual, so too have the targets of government antitrust actions. Where railroads and oil companies were alleged to be early violators, over the past decades, providers of telecommunications (AT&T) and computer operating systems (Microsoft) have been the defendants. In the internet age, not surprisingly, Facebook finds itself in the spotlight, as both federal and state regulators contend, in two separate actions before this Court, that it is now the one violating the antitrust laws. The company, they allege, has long had a monopoly in the market for what they call “Personal Social Networking Services.” And it has allegedly maintained that monopoly, in violation of Section 2 of the Sherman Act, through two different kinds of actions: first, by acquiring firms that it believed were well positioned to erode its dominance — most notably, Instagram and WhatsApp; and second, by adopting policies preventing interoperability between Facebook and certain other apps that it saw as threats, thereby impeding their growth into viable competitors. The State Plaintiffs in this action further contend that Facebook’s purchases of Instagram and WhatsApp violated Section 7 of the Clayton Act, which prohibits acquisitions “the effect of [which] may be *2 substantially to lessen competition, or to tend to create a monopoly.” 15 U.S.C. § 18. Both suits seek equitable remedies for these alleged antitrust violations, including forced “divestiture or reconstruction of illegally acquired businesses and/or divestiture of Facebook assets or business lines.” ECF No. 4 (Redacted Compl.) at 75. (The Court cites a version of the States’ Complaint that has minor redactions to protect confidential business information, and it mentions certain redacted facts only with the parties’ permission.)
Facebook now separately moves to dismiss both actions. This Opinion resolves its Motion as to the States’ Complaint, and the Court analyzes the Federal Trade Commission’s largely parallel claims in its separate Opinion in No. 20-3590. Although the Court does not agree with all of Defendant’s contentions here, it ultimately concurs with Facebook’s bottom- line conclusion: none of the States’ claims may go forward. That is so for two main reasons.
First, the States’ Section 2 and Section 7 attacks on Facebook’s acquisitions are barred by the doctrine of laches, which precludes relief for those who sleep on their rights. Although Defendant purchased Instagram in 2012 and WhatsApp in 2014, Plaintiffs’ suit — which seeks, in the main, to have Facebook divest one or both companies — was not filed until December 2020. The Court is aware of no case, and Plaintiffs provide none, where such a long delay in seeking such a consequential remedy has been countenanced in a case brought by a plaintiff other than the federal government, against which laches does not apply and to which the federal antitrust laws grant unique authority as sovereign law enforcer. If laches is to mean anything, it must apply on these facts, even in a suit brought by states.
Second, the States’ Section 2 challenge to Facebook’s policy of preventing interoperability with competing apps fails to state a claim under current antitrust law, as there is nothing unlawful about having such a policy. While it is possible that Facebook’s *3 implementation of that policy as to certain specific competitor apps may have violated Section 2, the Court does not reach that question because all such revocations of access occurred over five years before the filing of the Complaint. Such long-past violations cannot furnish a basis for the injunctive relief that Plaintiffs seek here.
The Court, consequently, will grant Facebook’s Motion and dismiss the case.
Table of Contents
I. Background ............................................................................................................................. 5
A. Social Networking .............................................................................................................. 5 B. Facebook Blue .................................................................................................................... 6 C. Alleged Monopoly Maintenance......................................................................................... 7 Acquisitions .................................................................................................................... 8 Interoperability Permissions ......................................................................................... 11 a. Facebook Platform .................................................................................................... 11 b. Conditioning Access ................................................................................................. 13
D. Procedural History ............................................................................................................ 15 II. Legal Standard ...................................................................................................................... 17 III. Analysis ................................................................................................................................. 17
A. Standing ............................................................................................................................ 18 B. Platform Policies ............................................................................................................... 21 Refusal to Deal .............................................................................................................. 23 a. Legal Framework ...................................................................................................... 23 b. Application ................................................................................................................ 28 i. Facebook Policies ................................................................................................. 28 ii. Specific Refusals ................................................................................................... 31
Conditional Dealing ...................................................................................................... 35 C. Acquisitions ...................................................................................................................... 40 Legal Framework .......................................................................................................... 40 Application .................................................................................................................... 43 Counterarguments ......................................................................................................... 47 a. Applicability of Laches ............................................................................................. 47 b. Ongoing Violation .................................................................................................... 51 c. Prospective Relief ..................................................................................................... 57 d. Course of Conduct .................................................................................................... 58 e. Procedural Posture .................................................................................................... 65
IV. Conclusion ............................................................................................................................ 67
I. Background
A. Social Networking
At the dawn of our century, in the much earlier days of the internet, a number of websites began to offer services that, in hindsight, were precursors to the sort that Facebook provides. Those websites provided users a platform for creating a unique webpage, personalized with photos and messages, that could then be used to interact with the pages of other “friends.” See Redacted Compl., ¶ 58. Interactions were initially limited to email, using services such as America Online (AOL). Id., ¶¶ 58–59. Eventually, new online services emerged that allowed users to organize their profiles into a specific network and communicate with that network, such as Classmates.com and SixDegrees.com. Id., ¶ 59. Friendster and Myspace, both launched in 2002, built further on this trend, offering the first of what came to be known as “social networking” services. Id., ¶ 60. Although the precise definition of a “Personal Social Networking Service” (the main market in which Facebook allegedly operates) is disputed, it can be summarized here as one that enables users to virtually connect with others in their network and to digitally share their views and experiences by posting about them in a shared, virtual social space. Id., ¶¶ 1, 28, 70. For example, users might view and interact with a letter-to-the- editor-style post on politics by a neighbor, pictures from a friend’s recent party, or a birth announcement for a newborn cousin. Id., ¶¶ 1, 70.
Perhaps because humans are naturally social, this new way of interacting became hugely popular. In 2006, Myspace, at one point the leading social network, “overtook Google as the most-visited website in the world.” Id., ¶ 60. By 2008, however, it had been surpassed by a new competitor: Facebook. Id., ¶ 66. Launched in 2004 by then-undergraduate Mark Zuckerberg from his Harvard dorm room, “The Facebook,” as it was initially called, was a social-networking *6 service initially limited to Harvard students. Id., ¶ 61. Encouraged by its success on campus, Zuckerberg and some fellow students expanded the product to other universities, where it proved similarly popular. Id., ¶¶ 62–63. That growth led Facebook to expand beyond colleges, first to high schools and then to the larger adult population. Id., ¶¶ 64–66. By 2008, it had 120 million active users globally. Id., ¶ 66. Three years later, it had 156 million active users in the United States alone, with each user averaging over seven hours per month. Id. The following details of Facebook’s conduct are drawn from the States’ Complaint, as the Court must consider its allegations true at this stage. The allegations are quite similar, though not identical, to those made by the FTC in the parallel case and recounted in the Court’s companion Opinion.
B. Facebook Blue
Facebook’s “core” social-network product is known as “Facebook Blue.” Id., ¶ 71. This is what its millions of users think of when they think of “Facebook.” Generally speaking, using Facebook Blue entails interacting with “user-created content,” — i.e. , content created or shared by one’s Facebook “friends,” id., ¶ 30 — or creating content oneself by posting. That is not all that users see or do, however. Users, for instance, also encounter “publisher-created content like news articles . . . and advertisements,” id., “interspers[ed]” in their “news feed.” Id., ¶¶ 30, 49, 54. Such content can come in text, photo, or video form. Id., ¶ 49. In addition, Facebook users can play games or use other applications built either by Facebook or by third parties. Id., ¶¶ 80, 152, 190. Facebook also offers other services beyond Facebook Blue to its users, such as Facebook Messenger, a free mobile-messaging and voice-calling service. Id., ¶¶ 71, 159, 209.
Unlike most businesses, Facebook charges users no fee; instead, it makes money by selling advertising. Id., ¶¶ 2–3. By leveraging the “vast trove of data it has collected on users, their friends, and their interests,” the company is able to offer advertisers a “highly targeted” set *7 of potential customers distilled from its “massive network of users.” Id., ¶¶ 3, 51. Under this business model, as the States’ Complaint puts it, “Users do not pay a cash price to use Facebook”; instead, “they exchange their time, attention, and personal data for access to Facebook’s services.” Id., ¶¶ 2, 46. That approach has been highly profitable: in 2019, for instance, advertisers paid Facebook nearly $30 billion. Id., ¶ 48. To be clear, although Facebook’s data-collection and -use practices have been subject to increasing scrutiny, they are not the subject of this action.
C. Alleged Monopoly Maintenance
Instead, this suit alleges that Facebook has violated and is violating the antitrust laws, the focus of which, generally speaking, is to promote and ensure competition. According to Plaintiffs, Facebook Blue’s meteoric rise was a positive example of what happens when firms compete to provide the best product to consumers. Because its social-networking service provided more “innovative features,” “a higher-quality user experience, and better privacy protections” than anyone else, id., ¶ 73, at least as early as 2011, it had become the dominant personal social networking service” in this country, giving Facebook “monopoly power” in that market. Id., ¶¶ 4, 11, 68.
Around that time, however, Facebook allegedly made a fateful pivot: rather than continuing to focus on providing the best product, it became concerned with protecting its monopoly by leveraging its dominance to foreclose and forestall the rise of new competitors. Id., ¶¶ 98–99. In particular, the company’s executives saw a “unique threat[] to Facebook’s dominance” in the advent of mobile devices — first and foremost, smartphones — capable of accessing the internet. Id., ¶¶ 100–01. Although Facebook had mobile functionality, it had been built with websites and desktop or laptop computers in mind. Other firms’ offerings, by contrast, *8 were “built to look and function well on a mobile device in the first instance.” Id., ¶ 100. Zuckerberg and other Facebook executives fretted over the possibility that other apps might create attractive mobile-native features and then leverage those features into exponential user growth, end-running Facebook’s established position. Id., ¶¶ 101–02. Even if such an app was
not already providing social-network-like functionality, once it had a big enough base of users, it would still pose a potential threat to Facebook Blue. Id. Facebook executives feared fast- growing mobile-messaging services in particular, nervous that such apps could rather easily “morph[]” into direct competitors by adding social features. Id., ¶ 103.
What Facebook did in response to these perceived threats is the basis for these antitrust suits against it. The company allegedly used its monopoly power to eliminate or destroy competitors in order to maintain its market dominance. Id., ¶ 104. Plaintiffs allege that, beginning around 2011, “Facebook used two primary tactics to achieve” that result. Id. First, it reached deep into its very deep pockets to acquire competitors and potential competitors, preventing their emergence as serious rivals. Id. Second, it adopted and then enforced policies that blocked rival apps from interconnecting their product with Facebook Blue, thereby both (i) blunting the growth of apps that had previously depended on that interoperability to attract new users, and (ii) warning all other developers not to compete with Facebook, lest they lose access as well. Id.; see also id., ¶¶ 186–87.
Acquisitions On the acquisitions front, “Facebook acquired dozens of companies” from 2012 to 2020, and it “pursued many more acquisitions that did not come to fruition.” Id., ¶ 105. Among those “dozens” were many minor companies; the Complaint briefly mentions Glancee and EyeGroove, firms Facebook purchased in 2012 and 2016, respectively. Id., ¶ 184. Rather than catalog each *9 acquisition (some of which, presumably, posed no threat to competition), Plaintiffs focus almost exclusively on several key examples that purportedly illustrate Facebook’s allegedly anticompetitive approach: its purchases of Instagram (2012) and WhatsApp (2014), and its ultimately unsuccessful attempts to buy Snapchat (2012–13). Id., ¶¶ 107–80.
Begin with Insta, as those in the know — viz. , our children — refer to it. Launched in late 2010, Instagram was an innovative photo-editing and -sharing app designed for the era of smartphones with built-in cameras. Id., ¶¶ 107, 109. The company grew explosively, eventually attracting the attention of Facebook executives who feared that their own photo-sharing features paled in comparison. Id., ¶¶ 111, 113. That disparity gave Instagram a chance to grow to a large enough scale to be threatening, making it a “powerful competitive threat to Facebook’s . . . monopoly.” Id., ¶ 128. Aiming to “neutralize” that competition, and to “integrate” the “mechanics” of Instagram’s popular photo-sharing features with Facebook Blue in order to forestall the growth of future Instagrams, id., ¶ 115, Zuckerberg offered to buy the company for $1 billion in April 2012. Id., ¶ 119. Instagram agreed.
As required by the Hart-Scott-Rodino Act, 15 U.S.C. § 18a, the FTC reviewed the
acquisition prior to closing to assess whether it posed anticompetitive concerns. Whereas most
mergers are cleared quickly, in this instance the review took over four months. During that
scrutiny, the agency took the rare step of “requir[ing] the submission [by the parties] of
additional information or documentary material relevant to the proposed acquisition.” 15 U.S.C.
§ 18a(e)(1)(A). Eventually, however, Facebook and Instagram satisfied the agency’s concerns,
and in August (over four months after the merger was announced), the Commission voted 5–0 to
allow it to proceed without any challenge or conditions. See FTC, FTC Closes Its Investigation
into Facebook’s Proposed Acquisition of Instagram Photo Sharing Program (Aug. 22, 2012),
*10
https://bit.ly/3bDa2mp. Although Plaintiffs do not mention that prolonged FTC review in their
Complaint, the Court may take judicial notice of that agency action. See Pharm. Rsch. &
Manufacturers of Am. v. U.S. Dep’t of Health & Hum. Servs.,
Facebook had better luck the next year with WhatsApp. As noted above, the company’s executives saw mobile-messaging apps like WhatsApp as their “biggest competitive threat,” even though they did not directly compete with Facebook Blue in the Personal Social Networking Services market. Id., ¶ 153. The fear instead was that such apps might well “morph” into competitors in the future; given the ubiquity of text messaging in modern life, a widely adopted messaging app could leverage its network effects to transition into a highly competitive “mobile-first social network” by adding functions such as “gaming platforms, profiles, and news feeds.” Id., ¶¶ 152–53, 160. WhatsApp was the most potent threat, according to Facebook executives, because it was the “category leader” among mobile messengers, with over 400 million active users and a superior product. Id., ¶¶ 154–55. Zuckerberg in particular “believe[d] that WhatsApp had the potential to enter Facebook’s core market and erode its *11 monopoly power,” and he thus resolved to try to buy it to prevent that from happening. Id., ¶ 161. In February 2014, after negotiating specific terms regarding WhatsApp’s continued independence, user privacy, and freedom from ads, he succeeded, as the two companies agreed on a purchase price of around $19 billion. Id., ¶¶ 165–66. That transaction was also subject to Hart-Scott-Rodino Act pre-merger review, see 15 U.S.C. § 18a, but the FTC, once again, did not block it.
Interoperability Permissions
a. Facebook Platform Shortly after expanding beyond colleges and high schools, Facebook developed Facebook Platform, a set of tools designed to enable developers of other mobile or web apps to interoperate with Facebook’s site and data. See Redacted Compl., ¶ 80. The goal was to make Facebook the “platform” for all social interactions on the internet, thereby creating a better, more engaging product and driving even more users to its site. Id. The first iteration of Facebook Platform, circa 2007, allowed developers to build what Facebook called “canvas” apps displayed within the Facebook website itself. Id., ¶ 190. As an example, a user scrolling through Facebook could come upon a personality-test app, take the test, and then share her results and
invite Facebook friends to take the test as well, all without ever navigating off the Facebook site. Id. Facebook made these third-party apps available to users “on a level playing field with applications built by Facebook.” Id., ¶ 189. App developers took advantage, scrambling to create these canvas apps in order to gain access to its growing network of users. Id., ¶¶ 80, 189– 94. Such apps would make money by allowing users to purchase virtual goods or items within the app on a “freemium” model or via ad sales.
Facebook soon expanded Platform, deploying a suite of tools that expanded its reach off the Facebook site itself. These tools — called application programming interfaces or APIs — created mechanisms for sharing data between Facebook and other services. Id., ¶ 80. The States provide several examples of APIs that Facebook opened to developers. One is the “Find Friends” API, id., ¶ 190, which enabled freestanding apps to allow Facebook account holders to find and connect with Facebook friends within that separate app, or to invite Facebook friends to join that app. Id., ¶¶ 207, 210, 214–15, 217. For instance, when first starting to use an independent chess app — i.e. , an app used separately as opposed to on the Facebook site itself — a user with a Facebook account could nonetheless search within the app for other Facebook friends already using it, or invite them to join via Facebook, all without leaving the app. Another API Facebook created was Facebook Connect, which allowed Facebook users to sign into third- party websites or apps using their Facebook log-in credentials. Id., ¶ 81.
Facebook went even further in that direction in 2010 when it launched its Open Graph API. Open Graph allowed third-party apps and websites to essentially integrate pieces of Facebook within their own service; for instance, apps could install the famous “Like” button, which, if clicked, would share a user’s “like” on the user’s Facebook profile. Id., ¶ 82. Users could do this without even navigating away from the third-party service. Id., ¶¶ 191–93. “[A] user reading an article on ESPN.com,” for instance, “could now like an article on ESPN’s site, and choose to post a link of the article to the user’s Facebook profile directly from the ESPN.com website.” Id., ¶ 193. App developers could also host Facebook comment sections, facilitating further engagement with their content. Id., ¶ 194. This was, unsurprisingly, a massively popular tool among app developers. By May 2013, over 10 million apps and websites *13 had used the Open Graph API to integrate with Facebook, and Facebook “integrations quickly became common across the internet.” Id.
According to Plaintiffs, Facebook benefited significantly from its Platform program and open APIs. The company garnered goodwill and positive media coverage, continued to increase its growth and user engagement, and earned substantial sums from its requirement that partner third-party apps share revenues from in-app purchases. Id., ¶¶ 195–96. Third-party app developers likewise gained, improving the quality of users’ experience by integrating social functionality and benefiting from Facebook’s sizeable network of highly engaged users. Id., ¶ 197. Users, too, enjoyed the increased efficiency and convenience. Id., ¶ 198.
b. Conditioning Access
Nonetheless, the States allege, Facebook eventually “turned to Platform as a tool to monitor, leverage,” and — most crucially here — “harm (via rescinding API access [to]) apps that Facebook viewed as actual or potential competitive threats.” Id., ¶ 200. In 2011, it announced a company policy that allegedly “aimed at forbidding ‘competing social platforms,’ and any apps that linked or integrated with competing social platforms, from accessing its APIs.” Id., ¶ 199. In 2013, Facebook announced an even broader policy of withholding API access from apps that competed by “replicat[ing] [Facebook’s] core functionality,” even if they were not full social networks. Id., ¶ 201.
To the extent the States allege that Facebook’s 2011 policy actually prohibited — as opposed to merely “aim[ed] at” prohibiting, as is the precise wording of the allegation — freestanding third-party apps from accessing its APIs merely because those apps also “linked to or integrated with” other social-networking services, the Court does not accept that characterization because it is inconsistent with the text of the 2011 policy, which the FTC quotes *14 in its simultaneously filed Complaint in the related case. See Vanover v. Hantman, 77 F. Supp. 2d 91, 98 (D.D.C. 1999) (court may consider material outside the pleadings where it is “referred to in the complaint and is central to plaintiff’s claim”). As set out in the FTC’s Complaint, the 2011 policy covered only “Apps on Facebook” — i.e. , the sort of “canvas apps” described above — rather than freestanding third-party apps or sites such as ESPN.com. See No. 20-3590, ECF No. 3 (Redacted FTC Compl.), ¶ 139 (quoting 2011 policy as stating that “Apps on Facebook may not integrate, link to, promote, distribute, or redirect to any app on any other competing social platform”). The 2011 policy, then, limited what apps hosted and used on Facebook’s own site could do; it did not purport to restrict freestanding apps and sites from linking to or integrating with other social networks.
At any rate, armed with its policies, Facebook “began to selectively enforce” them “to cut off API access to companies Facebook worried might one day threaten its monopoly.” Redacted Compl., ¶ 202. Plaintiffs allege that in cutting off access, Facebook intended to, and did, “devastat[e]” the targeted apps by suddenly depriving them of a “critical piece of infrastructure” on which they had relied for growth and engagement — namely, Facebook’s user data and network. Id. The Complaint provides seven discrete examples of competitive or potentially competitive apps that Facebook targeted for API revocation from 2013 to 2015. Each, after promising early growth, faltered shortly after losing its access. Id., ¶¶ 207–12 (Voxer), 213–14 (Vine), 215–16 (MessageMe), 217–18 (Path), 219–21 (Circle), 222–24 (Tsū), 225–29 (Phhhoto). Around the same time, Facebook announced yet another new policy, requiring all developers to seek permission before being granted API access, even if they previously had it. Id., ¶ 203. Facebook then denied such requests from “apps it classified as competitors or potential competitors.” Id.
According to the States, Facebook’s policies and enforcement decisions helped “ensur[e] that would-be competitors could not gain or maintain a foothold in the Personal Social Networking Services market.” Id., ¶ 230. What is more, Plaintiffs allege, Facebook’s actions deterred other firms (and their venture-capital backers) from even thinking about challenging Facebook Blue. Id. The effect was to “maintain and enhance Facebook’s monopoly power.” Id., ¶ 231.
Although the story laid out in the Complaint ends there, the States’ brief in opposition to
the present Motion to Dismiss provides an important coda. According to that brief, and a
Facebook press release the States append as an exhibit to their Opposition, see ECF No. 121-7,
in 2018, Facebook terminated all of its policies regarding competitor API access. See ECF No.
122 (States Opp.) at 13. Facebook does not dispute that contention, see ECF No. 123 (Reply
States) at 24, and the FTC’s Complaint in the parallel action makes the same allegation. See
Redacted FTC Compl., ¶¶ 148–49. The Court accordingly takes judicial notice of the fact that
Facebook retracted its API policies in 2018. See Bowden v. United States,
D. Procedural History
Plaintiffs — 46 States, the District of Columbia, and the Territory of Guam — filed this action on December 9, 2020. See Redacted Compl. at 5 n.1. Their Complaint alleges three counts. First, they claim, Facebook has violated, and is violating, Section 2 of the Sherman Act’s prohibition on monopoly maintenance via the two forms of exclusionary conduct described *16 above: acquiring nascent and potential competitors, and anticompetitively conditioning access to its APIs. Id., ¶¶ 256–62. Second, Facebook violated Section 7 of the Clayton Act by acquiring Instagram, thereby “substantially . . . lessen[ing] competition [and] tend[ing] to create a monopoly,” 15 U.S.C. § 18, and it continues to violate that statute by holding and using Instagram assets. Id., ¶¶ 263–67. Third and finally, Facebook similarly violated and continues to violate Section 7 by acquiring and holding WhatsApp. Id., ¶¶ 268–72. Plaintiffs seek equitable relief for these violations, including an injunction prohibiting similar conduct in the future and the divestiture of unlawfully held assets, id., ¶¶ 277(2), (8), pursuant to Section 16 of the Clayton Act. See 15 U.S.C. § 26 (authorizing suits by “[a]ny person . . . for injunctive relief . . . against threatened loss or damage by a violation of the antitrust laws”).
As noted, the Federal Trade Commission filed a very similar suit against Facebook on the same day as the State Plaintiffs, pursuing similar injunctive relief. That action was assigned to Judge Christopher R. Cooper of this district. Pursuant to Local Rule 40.5(c)(2), which governs related cases, he was required to reassign the FTC action to this Court, which presides over the earlier-filed State case. See No. 20-3590, Minute Order of Jan. 12, 2021.
Facebook has now moved to dismiss both actions. See ECF No. 114 (MTD States); No. 20-3590, ECF No. 56-1 (MTD FTC). While the cases could be consolidated, the Court believes that clarity will be enhanced by resolving the two Motions to Dismiss in separate, contemporaneously issued Opinions. As noted above and explained hereafter, it will grant the Motion to Dismiss the States’ case. By contrast, the Court will dismiss only the Complaint, not the case, in the FTC action, thus permitting the Government leave to amend. An explanation of why may be found in the companion Opinion. See Mem. Op., No. 20-3590.
II. Legal Standard
Facebook moves to dismiss this action under Federal Rule of Civil Procedure 12(b)(6) for
failure to state a claim upon which relief can be granted. See MTD States at 1. In evaluating
such Motion to Dismiss, the Court must “treat the complaint’s factual allegations as true . . . and
must grant plaintiff ‘the benefit of all inferences that can be derived from the facts alleged.’”
Sparrow v. United Air Lines, Inc.,
accept as true, then, “a legal conclusion couched as a factual allegation,” Trudeau v. FTC, 456
F.3d 178, 193 (D.C. Cir. 2006) (quoting Papasan v. Allain,
“inferences . . . unsupported by the facts set out in the complaint.” Id. (quoting Kowal v. MCI
Commc’ns Corp.,
III. Analysis
Facebook proffers multiple bases for dismissal here, both jurisdictional and on the merits. The Court begins by considering its argument that Plaintiffs here lack Article III standing to sue. Such position gains no purchase. But that is the only place the States prevail, for the Court *18 concurs with Facebook that their Section 2 challenges to its API dealings fail as a matter of law. It also concludes that their Section 2 and Section 7 claims as to Facebook’s acquisitions, which took place at least six years prior to the filing of the Complaint, are barred by the doctrine of laches. Dismissal of the entire case is thus warranted.
A. Standing
Plaintiffs bring this action under Section 16 of the Clayton Act, which provides that
“[a]ny person, firm, corporation, or association shall be entitled to sue for and have injunctive
relief . . . against threatened loss or damage by a violation of the antitrust laws.” 15 U.S.C. § 26.
In order to meet Article III’s requirement that they articulate an injury-in-fact that they have
suffered, Plaintiffs sue in their “capacity as
parens patriae
.” Alfred L. Snapp & Son, Inc. v.
Puerto Rico,
“The doctrine of
parens patriae
standing allows [a] state[] to bring suit on behalf of [its]
citizens.” New York v. Microsoft Corp.,
Applying these principles in the antitrust context, the Supreme Court long ago held that a
State had
parens patriae
standing to seek an injunction against a price-fixing conspiracy under
Section 16 of the Clayton Act. Georgia v. Penn. R. Co.,
violations “may affect the prosperity and welfare of a State as profoundly as [the] diversion of
waters from the rivers.” Id.; see also id. at 451 (State suffered injury to “interest apart from that
of particular individuals who may be affected” because the conspiracy, if proven, “limit[ed] the
opportunities of her people, shackle[d] her industries, retard[ed] her development, and
relegate[d] her to an inferior economic position.”). Citing that decision, the lower courts have
consistently held that states have
parens patriae
standing to seek injunctions under Section 16
against antitrust violations the effects of which are widely felt within their borders. See, e.g.,
New York v. Microsoft Corp.,
Under these cases, Plaintiffs here have properly pleaded sufficient injury to their quasi- sovereign interests in the economic well-being of their states. Their Complaint alleges that Facebook has prevented, through anticompetitive means, the emergence of viable competitors to its monopoly in Personal Social Networking Services. As a result, millions of Plaintiffs’ citizens have experienced “reductions in the quality and variety of privacy options and content available to them” in that market, see Redacted Compl., ¶¶ 8, 247–50 — which is to say that, on the States’ theory, millions have experienced a rise in the effective price of using Facebook. Id., ¶ 46 (users “exchange their time, attention, and personal data for access to Facebook’s services”). In addition, small and medium businesses reliant on “Social Advertising” have lacked lower-priced and higher-quality alternatives to Facebook, id., ¶¶ 52, 252, and the States’ economies in general have suffered from suppressed innovation and investment in the social- networking space. Id., ¶¶ 8, 230, 246. Although these allegations are a shade vague, the Court finds them enough to at least satisfy the pleading requirements for parens patriae standing in the context of asserted antitrust violations.
Facebook attempts to distinguish Georgia v. Pennsylvania Railroad and New York v.
Microsoft based on the size of the harms caused by the antitrust violations in those cases: a price-
fixing conspiracy amongst twenty railroads and unlawful maintenance of Microsoft’s monopoly
in personal-computer operating systems, respectively. See MTD States at 5. Rather than
*21
undermining Plaintiffs’ position, New York v. Microsoft supports their standing to bring this
action. There, the court held that Microsoft’s conduct had caused the requisite “significant
adverse effect on competition within the [plaintiff] state[s],” such that “the suit c[ould] be said to
be for the benefit of the public” because “millions of citizens of, and hundreds, if not thousands,
of enterprises in each of the [states] utilize[d] PCs running on Microsoft software.” 209 F. Supp.
2d at 151–52 (citation omitted and cleaned up). Here, the State Plaintiffs have similarly alleged
that tens, if not hundreds, of millions of their citizens consistently use Facebook Blue, and that
U.S. advertisers paid over $30 billion to access those users in 2019 alone. See Redacted Compl.,
¶¶ 1, 48, 68–70. The Court thus fails to see how, at this stage especially, it could find that
Facebook’s alleged squelching of competition lacked “sufficiently severe and generalized”
consequences for Plaintiffs’ economies; the damage to their quasi-sovereign “interest[s] in
economic supervision” would seem, at the very least, comparable to the harm caused by
Microsoft. Kleppe,
Plaintiffs, accordingly, have established their standing to sue parens patriae at this stage. B. Platform Policies
Moving now to the merits, the Court starts with the States’ challenges to Facebook’s
Platform-related conduct under Section 2 of the Sherman Act. That Section prohibits monopoly
maintenance, an offense that “has two elements: (1) the possession of monopoly power in the
relevant market and (2) the willful . . . maintenance of that power as distinguished from growth
*22
or development as a consequence of a superior product, business acumen, or historic accident.”
United States v. Microsoft Corp.,
217–18 (Path), 219–21 (Circle), 222–24 (Tsū), 225–29 (Phhhoto). Facebook also allegedly enforced the policies “proactively” against newly launched apps that it feared could become a threat, id., ¶ 203, such as Vine. Id., ¶¶ 213–14. The States contend that these actions represent unlawful “conditional dealing” or unlawful “refusal[s] to deal” with apps that had their API access revoked or blocked. See States Opp. at 34–35.
This Court, however, agrees with Facebook that both theories hold no water as a matter of law. That result follows from three conclusions. First, under current antitrust doctrine, Facebook’s general policy of refusing to provide API access to its competitors does not itself violate Section 2. Second, although specific instances in which Facebook revoked a competitor’s API permissions (after previously providing it access) might have violated Section 2, the last alleged instance occurred in 2015, and there is therefore no current or impending violation of law for the Court to enjoin here. Third, and more prosaically, Plaintiffs have failed *23 to plead facts to support a “conditional dealing” theory. The Court looks at the first two together and then moves to the third.
For those who will consider this Opinion alongside the Court’s companion Opinion in the FTC case, the following “legal framework” section is the same in both. The analysis that follows diverges somewhat given the different legal regimes governing suits by States and suits by the FTC, although the outcome is similar.
Refusal to Deal
a. Legal Framework
The central principle that governs refusal-to-deal claims is that, as a general matter, a
monopolist has “the right to refuse to deal with other firms,” which includes the right to “refus[e]
to cooperate with rivals.” Verizon Commc’ns Inc. v. L. Offs. of Curtis V. Trinko, LLP, 540 U.S.
398, 408 (2004) (citing Aspen Skiing Co. v. Aspen Highlands Skiing Corp.,
(1985)). That is because “[m]onopolists are both expected and permitted to compete like any
other firm,” and “[p]art of competing like everyone else is the ability to make decisions about
with whom and on what terms one will deal.” Viamedia, Inc. v. Comcast Corp.,
monopolist refuses to deal with its competitor merely “in order to limit entry,” Trinko, 540 U.S.
at 407 — in other words, because it wants to prevent that rival from competing with it. See, e.g.,
Olympia Equip. Leasing Co. v. W. Union Tel. Co.,
These decisions, to be clear, “are not premised on the view that [monopolist refusals to
deal] are incapable of harming competition”; obviously, “refusals to aid new entrants can
indeed” have that effect. See Daniel A. Crane, Does Monopoly Broth Make Bad Soup?, 76
Antitrust L.J. 663, 669 (2010). Rather, the rule declaring unilateral refusals to deal essentially
“per se lawful,” id. at 666, or “presumptive[ly] legal[],” Novell,
Nevertheless, the general no-duty-to-deal rule does have a “narrow-eyed needle” of an
exception, id. at 1074, traceable to the Supreme Court’s decision in Aspen Skiing. In that case,
the defendant owned three of the four ski resorts in the Aspen, Colorado, market (making it a
monopolist), and it had long operated a joint venture with the fourth (a rival mountain) that
provided a ticket good for all four. See
As the case has come to be understood, Aspen Skiing ran afoul of the Sherman Act —
despite the general no-duty-to-deal rule — because it acted in a predatory fashion, which is to
*26
say it deliberately harmed itself (and consumers) in order to harm its competitor more. Consider
the analogy of a predatory pricing scheme, in which a firm prices its goods below its costs and
below its rivals’ costs with the goal of driving those rivals out of the market and leaving it
standing alone; such a scheme works where the predatory firm takes advantage of its greater
ability to withstand the losses caused by its below-cost pricing. See Novell,
Courts have accordingly coalesced around a three-part test for unlawful refusals to deal,
drawn from Aspen Skiing’s particular facts and aimed at sniffing out predation while avoiding
over-inclusiveness. First, “there must be a preexisting voluntary and presumably profitable
course of dealing between the monopolist and rival” with which the monopolist later refuses to
deal. Novell,
b. Application
i. Facebook Policies
Applying these principles, it is clear off the bat that Facebook’s adoption of a policy of
not offering API access to competitors did not, standing alone, violate Section 2. As set out
above, a monopolist has no duty to deal with its competitors, and a refusal to do so is generally
lawful even if it is motivated, as Verizon’s was in Trinko, by a desire “to limit entry” by new
firms or impede the growth of existing ones. See
Facebook’s general policy of withholding API access from competitors, moreover, was plainly lawful to the extent it covered rivals with which it had no previous, voluntary course of dealing. (Other rivals are addressed in Section B.1.b.ii., infra .) Such prior history of dealing, after all, is a necessary element of an Aspen Skiing claim. That is yet another reason why the mere act of announcing or maintaining a general no-dealing-with-competitors policy cannot, in and of itself, violate Section 2; rather, the analysis must focus on particular acts. See Areeda & Hovenkamp, ¶ 773e, at 273 (explaining that Aspen Skiing violations are “visible and idiosyncratic event[s]”). Consider an example from Plaintiffs’ Complaint: citing its policies, in early 2013 Facebook blocked the API access of Vine, a new app it viewed as a competitor, mere hours after its launch. See Redacted Compl., ¶¶ 213–14. That decision was plainly lawful, per Trinko, because it was prospective: Facebook had not previously allowed Vine to access its APIs. Although the company was enforcing its “replicating core functionality” policy against Vine, that fact makes no difference to the Aspen Skiing analysis; rather, whether the specific refusal to deal with Vine contravened Section 2 depends on the details of the refusal itself.
To be clear, it is possible that were a monopolist to embark on a concerted scheme of serial refusals to deal with rivals, that scheme or “course of conduct” could amount to a separate and independent violation of the Sherman Act. See United States v. Microsoft Corp., 253 F.3d 34, 78 (noting course-of-conduct theory without passing on its validity); infra at 62–63 (further discussing theory). Even if such a claim were cognizable, however, simply maintaining a policy of refusing to deal with rivals would not be enough. Rather, to be actionable, an unlawful refusal-to-deal scheme would have to be made up of refusals that were themselves independent *30 violations of the Aspen Skiing test. See Simon & Simon, PC v. Align Tech., Inc., No. 19-506,
ii. Specific Refusals Plaintiffs rejoin that they have alleged a number of specific refusals to deal that in fact meet those requirements. See States Opp. at 38. All such pleaded instances, however, took place from 2013 to 2015, with the latest — revocation of Tsū’s API access — happening in September 2015. See Redacted Compl., ¶¶ 222–24. Even assuming that those specific refusals to deal ran afoul of Aspen Skiing, the five-year delay that preceded the States’ Complaint is fatal to their claim for equitable relief under Section 16 of the Clayton Act.
Section 16, as noted above, authorizes “injunctive relief” “against threatened loss or
damage by a violation of the antitrust laws . . . when and under the same conditions and
principles as injunctive relief against threatened conduct that will cause loss or damage is granted
by courts of equity.” 15 U.S.C. § 26. As it has been interpreted, that provision authorizes the
usual equitable practice under which courts may enter two different kinds of injunctions: (i)
those that “attempt[] to foreclose a future harmful act,” known as “preventive” injunctions; and
(ii) those aimed at “prevent[ing] the future harmful effects of past acts,” known as “reparative”
injunctions. See Lampkin v. Dist. of Columbia,
Given that the only alleged conduct here that might have violated Section 2 took place
from 2013 to 2015, however, the States cannot plausibly meet the requirements for either form of
relief. See Gov’t of Puerto Rico v. Carpenter Co.,
Start with the preventive injunction, the key requirement for which is familiar: the States
must “demonstrate a significant threat of injury from an impending violation of the antitrust laws
or from a contemporary violation likely to continue or recur.” Zenith Radio Corp. v. Hazeltine
Rsch., Inc.,
Facebook’s ostensible scheme of revoking rivals’ API access in a manner that violated
Aspen Skiing is not ongoing or “contemporary,” however, since the last revocation alleged
occurred in 2015 and the policies themselves were suspended in 2018. See
supra
at 15. Nor is
there any reason to think, given those facts, that such a scheme is “likely to . . . recur.” Zenith
*33
Radio,
A reparative injunction is also clearly unavailable based on the facts alleged. To be sure,
Plaintiffs have pleaded the existence of “an ongoing injury” —
i.e.
, “continuing, present adverse
effects,” In re Nifedipine Antitrust Litig.,
The problem is that there is nothing the Court could order Facebook to do that would
remedy that specific injury. The key feature of a reparative injunction is that “it requires the
*34
defendant to restore the plaintiff to a preexisting condition to which [the] plaintiff was entitled.”
Lampkin,
The foregoing analysis, it is worth emphasizing, simply reflects the hornbook principle
that, “[a]s a general rule, past wrongs are not enough for the grant of an injunction.” Qualcomm,
In sum, then, while it is possible that Facebook’s alleged scheme of serially revoking API access from competitor apps could form the basis of a plausible refusal-to-deal claim under Aspen Skiing, the Court need not address that question. Even assuming the answer is yes, injunctive relief is not available now for such a claim as a matter of law.
Conditional Dealing
Plaintiffs get no further by maintaining that Facebook’s policies also violated antitrust
rules against what they call “conditional dealing.” See States Opp. at 35. As an initial matter,
the States are wrong to argue that a monopolist violates that so-called doctrine “when it requires
third parties seeking to obtain its products or services to refrain from taking some action that
would tend to foster competition on the merits.” Id. They cite only Lorain Journal Co. v. United
States,
To the extent any scholarly commentary uses the term “conditional dealing,” rather, the
phrase generally refers to actions such as “tying” or “exclusive dealing.” Id. at 1697, 1708. The
key fact distinguishing such conduct from a standard refusal to deal is that it is not “unilateral,”
but instead “involves some assay by the monopolist into the marketplace” that interferes with the
relationship between rivals and third parties. Novell,
occurs when a firm “require[s] third parties to purchase a bundle of goods rather than just the
ones they really want,” id., thereby leveraging the monopolist’s power in the “tying” product
market to harm its competitors (who lose access to customers) in the “tied” product market. See
Microsoft,
That brings us back to Lorain Journal, which, as it happens, involved a “a very special
form of exclusive dealing, namely, a refusal to sell to end-user customers who purchase[d] from
the monopolist’s competitor[].” Kenneth L. Glazer & Abbott B. Lipsky, Jr., Unilateral Refusals
to Deal Under Section 2 of the Sherman Act, 63 Antitrust L.J. 749, 800 n.75 (1995). There, the
Journal, a local newspaper, had a “commanding” position in the advertising market of the city of
*37
Lorain, Ohio. See
For the Lorain Journal principle (or exclusive-dealing doctrine generally) to apply to this
case, as Plaintiffs argue it does, they would thus have to allege that Facebook conditioned access
to its Platform APIs on app developers agreeing not to deal with other social-networking
services. And, indeed, the States’ Opposition suggests that Facebook did just that. See States
Opp. at 35 (“Facebook . . . adopt[ed] policies prohibiting app developers from promoting
competing social networks.”); id. (“These policies deterred apps from . . . working with other
[social] networks . . . .”). If Facebook had in fact interfered in that way with the ability of
competing social-networking services to make agreements with app developers, it could
plausibly have violated Section 2; such conduct might well have had a “significant effect in
preserving [Facebook’s] monopoly” by keeping user engagement with competing social-
networking services “below the critical level necessary for any rival to pose a real threat to [its]
*38
market share.” United States v. Dentsply Int’l, Inc.,
The Court here is not relying on a technical pleading defect. On the contrary, even if the
States had alleged that the 2011 policy in fact had this prohibition (and thus presumably caused
the worrisome effect), the Court would disregard that allegation as inconsistent with the actual
text of the 2011 policy. See
supra
at 13–14; Vanover,
Properly understood, then, the 2011 policy’s conditions did not violate Section 2 of the
Sherman Act. Nor do Plaintiffs so argue. The policy simply regulated the acceptable features of
apps specifically built to be used on Facebook itself; it does not appear to have prevented an app
developer from building a separate version of its app that could be accessed and used within the
website of another PSN service. For instance, the developer who built a personality-test app for
Facebook could build the same app for Google+ without running afoul of the policy; its terms
merely prohibited the Facebook version of the app from linking or redirecting to the Google+
version. The 2011 policy was thus a far cry from a policy that told app developers that they
could only access Facebook’s platform if they promised to only build their app for Facebook.
By rough analogy, it is as if the Lorain Journal, rather than refusing to carry advertisements from
any business that also advertised with the competing radio station, instead merely required that
advertisements appearing in its paper had to avoid mentioning the radio station. Such a focused
*40
prohibition on the use of a monopolist’s own facilities obviously could not have “significantly
limited” the “opportunities for [competitors] to enter into or remain in [the] market” for personal-
social-networking services, as is required for Section 2 liability. Microsoft,
such, the States’ “conditional dealing” theory of a Section 2 violation fails to state a claim as a matter of law.
* * *
For the foregoing reasons, the Court agrees with Facebook that none of Plaintiffs’ Section 2 challenges to its Platform-related policies and conduct survives the instant Motion.
C. Acquisitions
Facebook next argues that the States’ challenges to its acquisitions must similarly be
dismissed under the doctrine of laches. Correct again. That equitable doctrine “bars a plaintiff
from maintaining a suit if he unreasonably delays in filing a suit and as a result harms the
defendant.” Nat’l R.R. Passenger Corp. v. Morgan,
Legal Framework
Although what constitutes an “unreasonable delay” in filing suit is generally a fact-
intensive question, in the context of injunctive actions under Section 16, many courts have held
that the Clayton Act’s “four-year statute of limitation” on damages actions should be “used as a
*41
‘guideline’” for “computing the laches period.” Oliver v. SD-3C LLC,
The starting presumption, then, is that regardless of whether a Section 16 plaintiff seeks
damages or an injunction, it must file its lawsuit within four years from “the accrual of the
claim.” Menominee Indian Tribe of Wisconsin v. United States,
This presumptive four-year laches period is particularly appropriate for challenges to
acquisitions. The “traditional[]” remedy in such cases, which Plaintiffs seek here, see Redacted
Compl. ¶ 277(8), is divestiture of the acquired assets and/or stock. See Am. Stores, 495 U.S. at
281 (quoting United States v. E.I. du Pont de Nemours & Co.,
Application
Given these precedents, the Court concludes that Plaintiffs’ challenges to Facebook’s
2012 and 2014 acquisitions are barred by laches. Going by the four-year “guideline” alone,
Oliver,
That result is confirmed by applying the standard laches elements. Cf. Steves & Sons,
Inc. v. JELD-WEN, Inc.,
the date that a merger is consummated” is not appropriate). In brief, “Plaintiffs’ years-long delay
in bringing th[is] action was inexcusable as each challenged act was highly publicized,” and
“Facebook [would be] prejudiced by the unreasonable delay.” Reveal Chat Holdco, LLC v.
Facebook, Inc.,
First, the States’ long delays were unreasonable and unjustified as a matter of law. Both acquisitions were, per Plaintiffs’ allegations, publicly announced, and the States were thus aware or certainly should have been aware of them from those points onward. See Redacted Compl., ¶¶ 124, 166, 199. The Complaint itself makes clear that concerns as to the effects of both on competition were apparent at the time. Plaintiffs allege that Facebook was “the dominant player” in Personal Social Networking Services “[a]t least as early as 2011,” before either acquisition. Id., ¶ 68. Their position in this case, furthermore, is that “when the acquiring firm is a dominant firm or monopolist, competitive harm” from the acquisition of even a “potential competit[or] can be predicted with considerably more confidence[,] . . . . indicat[ing] a harsh rule against such mergers.” States Opp. at 16 (quoting Areeda & Hovenkamp vol. V, ¶ 1122, at 59); see also Areeda & Hovenkamp vol. IV, ¶ 912a, at 91–92 (arguing that acquisition of a “nascent rival” “bears a very strong presumption of illegality” because it “eliminates an important route by which competition could have increased in the immediate future”).
As to each acquisition, moreover, either judicially noticeable facts or the Complaint’s
allegations provide objective confirmation of contemporaneous antitrust concerns. After
Facebook announced its plans to purchase Instagram in April 2012, see Redacted Compl., ¶ 124,
the FTC conducted a highly publicized, four-month-long “investigation to determine whether the
proposed acquisition . . . [would] violate Section 7 of the Clayton Act.” Letter from April J.
Tabor, Acting Secretary, Federal Trade Commission, to Thomas O. Barnett, Covington &
Burling LLP (Aug. 22, 2012), https://bit.ly/3xaY3op. Although the agency ultimately allowed
the merger to proceed with no action, the States’ choice not to assert their own concerns at that
time, let alone at any time in the next eight years, “bear[s] upon the issue of laches.” Am. Stores,
Second, prejudice to Facebook, were equitable relief to be awarded now, is also apparent.
As an initial matter, “[t]he bare fact of delay” beyond the analogous four-year statute of
limitations “creates a rebuttable presumption of prejudice.” IT&T,
(D.D.C. 2008) (holding that laches barred cancellation action against trademark where
“[e]conomic prejudice ar[ose] from investment in and development of the trademark”) (citation
omitted), aff’d in relevant part,
Equitable relief would similarly prejudice Facebook’s shareholders, see Redacted
Compl., ¶ 99 (noting Facebook’s 2012 IPO), especially those who invested within the last
several years, by which point the WhatsApp and Instagram acquisitions had become old news.
See Midwestern Mach.,
Counterarguments The States, unsurprisingly, object to the foregoing analysis on a number of grounds. The Court marches through each, but ultimately sticks to its guns.
a. Applicability of Laches
Plaintiffs first maintain that the usual laches framework does not properly govern in cases
brought by states suing
parens patriae
and in the public interest. See States Opp. at 10–12.
They cite no authority for that contention; they instead simply point out that most of the cases
cited above were suits brought by private litigants — only Carpenter (which held that laches did
apply) involved a government plaintiff, the territory of Puerto Rico. See
At any rate, to the extent that the question of laches’ applicability to Section 16 suits by
state plaintiffs is open, Carpenter had the correct answer. The only other case that is close to
being on point, California v. American Stores Co.,
it violated Section 7. Id. at 274–75; see California v. American Stores Co.,
(9th Cir. 1989). The case eventually reached the Supreme Court, which held (reversing the
lower court) that divestiture was an available remedy in suits brought under Section 16. Am.
*48
Stores,
In expanding the universe of antitrust enforcers beyond the United States itself, Congress
thus drew no distinction between states and private litigants: both simply came within the
statute’s authorization of “[a]ny person” to “sue for and have injunctive relief . . . against
threatened loss or damage by a violation of the antitrust laws.” 15 U.S.C. § 26; see Evans, 316
U.S. at 161 (holding that states qualify as “person[s]” under that provision); see also Georgia v.
Penn. R. Co.,
This Court, then, agrees entirely with the position previously articulated by the United States in follow-on litigation to the Microsoft case:
Although the States have traditionally played a significant role in American antitrust activity, they do not stand on equal footing with the United States as enforcers of the federal antitrust laws. The States possess important authority to seek both monetary and injunctive relief. In pursuing injunctive relief, however, the States appear before the Court as private parties, not as sovereign law enforcers. . . . [T]he relief they may seek is [therefore] subject to the limits Congress and the courts have imposed.
Mem. Amicus Curiae of the United States at 4, New York v. Microsoft Corp., No. 98-1233
(D.D.C. Apr. 15, 2002), https://bit.ly/3fJDlVw. Consistent with this view, the principle that
laches does not ordinarily apply to “government suits to enforce sovereign rights,” United States
v. Admin. Enterprises, Inc.,
The fact that the States “bring this
parens patriae
suit in the public interest,” States Opp.
at 10, does not counsel a different result. The
parens patriae
doctrine supplies a theory of
Article III injury — namely, that “the state itself” has a cognizable “interest in the continuing
prosperity of [its] econom[y].” Kleppe,
Although the doctrine of laches therefore applies to
parens patriae
suits such as this one,
the Court does not mean to suggest that the presence of state plaintiffs has zero effect on the
analysis. Laches is an equitable doctrine, and in the balancing of the equities, it is of course
relevant that this suit is brought not by a competitor hoping to “seriously interfere with a rival’s
business operations,” but rather by many of the states of the Union. IT&T,
did not apply in those circumstances would essentially declare the States immune from the doctrine for all practical purposes. While many might welcome such a regime as a matter of policy, it is not the system we have.
b. Ongoing Violation The States next posit that even if laches applies, their “Complaint is timely,” despite the long delays between the mergers at issue and their filing, “because the[y] allege ongoing conduct” by Facebook. See States Opp. at 12–13. They appear to contend, albeit not with perfect clarity, both that (i) the Instagram and WhatsApp acquisitions themselves are “ongoing” because Facebook still holds the purchased assets; and that (ii) Facebook has recently taken other actions that open the acquisitions to renewed challenge.
As noted above, the general rule is that courts “measure[] the reasonableness of a private
plaintiff’s delay in suing for divestiture relative to the announcement of the transaction and its
subsequent consummation.” JELD-WEN,
Instead, the States cite language from the Supreme Court that, in their minds, authorizes them to bring a Section 7 claim “at any time that an acquisition may be said with reasonable probability to contain a threat that it may lead to a restraint of commerce or tend to create a monopoly of a line of commerce.” United States v. E.I. du Pont de Nemours & Co., 353 U.S. 586, 597 (1957). The States contend that they may avail themselves of this rule and seek equitable relief now, no matter what has come before, because “time has made clear the [more recent] continuing anticompetitive effects of the Instagram and WhatsApp acquisitions.” States Opp. at 13 (citing allegations in the Complaint of recent “proliferation of . . . objectionable content on Facebook” and “degrad[ation] of [WhatsApp’s] privacy features,” Redacted Compl., ¶¶ 180, 254).
The States misapprehend du Pont’s import here. In that case, the United States — against
which, recall, laches does not apply — brought a Section 7 challenge, in 1949, to the defendant’s
1919 acquisition of a 23% share of General Motors stock. See
Du Pont and ITT, however, neither hold nor imply that the limitations or laches period
for challenging a merger is forever tolled. The cases merely clarify that a violation of Section 7
—
i.e.
, “a reasonable probability that the acquisition is likely to result in the condemned
restraints,” du Pont,
Some courts suggest that du Pont’s logic may “allow[] the Clayton Act statute of
limitations to be restarted ‘if [acquired] assets are used in a different manner from the way that
they were used when the initial acquisition occurred, and that new use injures the plaintiff.”
Complete Ent. Res.,
For one thing, the conduct to which the States point — that Facebook has recently rolled
back WhatsApp privacy protections, allowed “misinformation and violent or otherwise
objectionable content” to proliferate on its platforms, and removed popular Instagram features,
see Redacted Compl., ¶¶ 125–26, 176–180, 254 — does not qualify as the sort of “different uses
of [the acquired] assets” that satisfy the hold-and-use doctrine as it has been articulated.
Midwestern Mach.,
c. Prospective Relief
The States next argue that because they have alleged “ongoing harm flowing from” the
damage to competition caused by the WhatsApp and Instagram acquisitions, that renders the
relief they seek “prospective,” and “laches generally does not apply to bar claims for prospective
injunctive relief.” States Opp. at 14 (quoting Gaudreau v. Am. Promotional Events, Inc., 511 F.
Supp. 2d 152, 159 (D.D.C. 2007)). As to the remedy of divestiture, that argument makes little
sense; indeed, it would mean that all of the cases applying laches in merger challenges were
wrongly decided. See Reveal Chat,
*58 The States also point out that their Complaint seeks other truly prospective relief, see States Opp. at 14 — i.e. , that “Facebook be enjoined and restrained from continuing to engage in any anticompetitive conduct,” “from making further acquisitions valued at or in excess of $10 million without advance notification to Plaintiff States,” and “from making further acquisitions” without providing their Hart-Scott-Rodino Act pre-merger clearance filings to Plaintiff States in addition to the FTC. See Redacted Compl., ¶¶ 277(2)–(4). None of that sort of relief, however, would “restore [the] competition” allegedly lost as a result of Facebook’s Instagram and WhatsApp purchases, as is required of a remedy for a Section 7 violation. See du Pont, 366 U.S. at 326 (“[C]ourts are . . . required . . . to decree relief effective to redress the violations . . . .”). Instead, these preventive measures would be aimed at forestalling future anticompetitive acquisitions. If such relief were to be granted here, it could only be for the States’ separate claim of monopoly maintenance under Section 2 of the Sherman Act (to which this Opinion now turns), which focuses not only on the Instagram and WhatsApp acquisitions themselves but also on additional conduct.
d. Course of Conduct For sake of clarity, the analysis to this point has focused on Plaintiffs’ Section 7 challenges to Facebook’s acquisitions, as the Clayton Act is the usual mechanism by which mergers are challenged. In addition to invoking that Section, though, Plaintiffs also allege one count of monopoly maintenance under Section 2 of the Sherman Act. Such a maintenance offense has two elements: “(1) the possession of monopoly power in the relevant market and (2) the willful . . . maintenance of that power as distinguished from growth or development as a consequence of a superior product, business acumen, or historic accident.” Microsoft, 253 F.3d at 50 (citation omitted). As to the second prong (which is all the Court addresses in this *59 Opinion), the States argue that Facebook’s “‘buy or bury’ strategy — whether viewed in the aggregate or by components — constitutes” such willful maintenance. See States Opp. at 32; see also id. at 33 (challenging “two-pronged” scheme “[w]hether viewed separately or together”). Plaintiffs’ theories of why Facebook’s acquisitions are also subject to a Section 2 challenge, in addition to Section 7 attack, can thus be separated into three basic buckets, which are described from narrowest to broadest. First, both the Instagram and WhatsApp acquisitions independently violated Section 2, just as they did Section 7. Id. at 33–34. Second, Facebook pursued a “broader acquisition strategy that served to entrench [its] monopoly” and that, in and of itself, violated Section 2. Id. at 42–44; see also id. at 32–33 (“Instagram and WhatsApp are the most prominent, but not the only, examples of th[is] prong of [its unlawful] course of conduct.”). Third, Facebook’s overall course of conduct, in the form of its “buy or bury” scheme evaluated “as a whole,” separately and independently violated Section 2. Id. at 32–33.
Upon closer examination, each bucket has a fatal leak; that is, each theory of a Section 2 violation runs into timeliness issues related to those that plagued Plaintiffs’ Section 7 counts. As to the first bucket — i.e. , the challenges to the Instagram and WhatsApp acquisitions standing alone — the straightforward answer is that the label does not change the result: the same laches analysis applies regardless of whether a particular merger is assailed on Section 2 or Section 7 grounds. As the Sixth Circuit has persuasively explained, in the context of a damages action:
There is no reason to treat the same conduct differently in sister statutes [ i.e. , Section 2 and Section 7] that are designed to promote the same legislative objective. Moreover, the same statute — 15 U.S.C. § 15b — provides the statute of limitations for each. There is nothing in 15 U.S.C. § 15b that suggests it should be applied one way for merger-acquisition claims under the Sherman Act but differently for merger-acquisition claims under the Clayton Act.
Z Techs.,
As to the second bucket, characterizing Plaintiffs’ Section 2 claim as a challenge to
Facebook’s larger scheme of serial anticompetitive acquisitions does not help them. The latest-
in-time acquisition their Complaint mentions and characterizes as anticompetitive is the purchase
of Eyegroove, “an app that allowed users to create and share music videos with augmented
reality effects,” which “Facebook decided to acquire . . . in 2016 upon learning that Twitter and
Snapchat were interested.” Redacted Compl., ¶ 184. The Complaint does not specify when in
2016 Facebook purchased that firm, but even assuming that it was in late December, four years
still elapsed between the Eyegroove acquisition and the filing of this lawsuit. In general, and as
set out above, “[t]he four-year limitation . . . for private antitrust actions . . . is long enough to
enable potential plaintiffs to observe the actual effects of a possible antitrust violation and to
calculate its potential effects.” Concord Boat,
To the extent, moreover, that the States seek prospective injunctive relief based on Facebook’s alleged scheme of anticompetitive acquisitions, they allege no present or recent unlawful conduct to enjoin, nor do they plausibly plead an impending threat of future anticompetitive acquisitions. See States Opp. at 43 (last listed “example[] that reflect[s] Facebook’s evolving pattern of buying companies for anticompetitive reasons” is Eyegroove in 2016); supra at 32–33 (applying same principle in context of States’ challenges to Platform policies). That is fatal to the States’ requests for injunctive relief that would only prevent future injury — e.g. , an order compelling Facebook to notify Plaintiffs and provide them Hart-Scott- Rodino filings for any future acquisition over $10 million.
In the final bucket, Plaintiffs argue that their Section 2 claim broadly asserts an overall course of monopoly-maintaining conduct that includes both Facebook’s acquisitions and its API- related actions, the latter of which ceased only in 2018 with the suspension of the Platform policies. See States Opp. at 13. This “buy or bury scheme,” Plaintiffs argue, is in itself timely challenged under Section 2 here because, at worst, it terminated only two years prior to their filing this suit, within the presumptive laches period. Id.
As explained above, however, the last instance of Platform conduct that may be actionable under current refusal-to-deal doctrine occurred in late 2015; merely having the policy on the books of forbidding API access to competitors was, in itself, perfectly lawful behavior. To the extent Facebook’s alleged “buy or bury” scheme is actionable, then, it can only be based on conduct that is alleged to have last occurred in 2015 (in the case of the Platform-related actions) and 2016 (in the case of Facebook’s acquisitions, the last one of which was Eyegroove). As explained already, a challenge to either of those two prongs of conduct does not state a claim for reparative (backward-looking) relief, nor is there a plausibly pleaded risk that such scheme *62 will imminently recur, as is necessary for preventive (forward-looking) injunctive relief. Combining the two prongs into one overall scheme changes nothing.
It is true, as the States point out, that some “[c]ourts do not require that every single
action in an anticompetitive scheme be, on its own, anticompetitive” before that scheme may be
separately assailed as a violation of Section 2. See States Opp. at 33 (quoting In re Intuniv
Antitrust Litig.,
In Microsoft, the D.C. Circuit pointedly declined to address whether a defendant can
violate Section 2 through a course of conduct involving lawful behavior. See
Here is why: the decisions that do allow for “course of conduct” Section 2 liability, which
is itself controversial, usually explain that the doctrine is necessary in cases involving individual
*63
acts that are lawful in themselves only because, when evaluated in a vacuum, those acts lack the
requisite substantial effect on competition. In such situations, these decisions explain, it is
proper to “consider the[] overall combined effect” of all the acts alleged, even if some would be
lawful if assessed separately, because competition can die from a thousand paper cuts just as
easily as from one large blow. City of Anaheim v. S. California Edison Co.,
Unilateral refusals to deal (at least those that do not meet the Aspen Skiing elements) do
not fit this paradigm. As discussed above, they are not held to be lawful because of an
*64
insignificant effect on competition. Quite the contrary: a monopolist’s refusal to deal with its
competitors can harm competition, especially if the monopolist has substantial control over a
facility or input that is valuable to its rivals. Such refusals are instead tolerated by antitrust law
despite those negative effects, on the theory that the effects of the law’s intervention to compel
dealing would be even worse. See
supra
at 24–25; see also Thibault Schrepel, The “Enhanced
No Economic Sense” Test: Experimenting with Predatory Innovation, 7 NYU J. Intell. Prop. &
Ent. L. 30, 41 (2018). They are thus not the sort of lawful conduct that the monopoly-broth
theory is designed to account for and, to the extent that theory is viable, should be excluded from
its reach. See Crane, 76 Antitrust L.J. at 669 (arguing for this approach); Ginsburg & Wong-
Ervin,
supra
, at 8–9 (same); Schrepel, 7 NYU J. Intell. Prop. & Ent. L. at 40–41 (noting “real
danger” in applying monopoly-broth theory to unilateral refusals to deal); cf. Free FreeHand
Corp. v. Adobe Sys. Inc.,
The upshot is that Facebook’s retention of its API policies cannot, as a matter of law, constitute part of any actionable scheme of monopoly maintenance under Section 2 of the Sherman Act. As a result, that the company retained those policies into 2018 does not furnish a basis for the States to challenge its much earlier actions.
e. Procedural Posture
Down to their last card, Plaintiffs maintain that dismissing a claim based on laches at the
Rule 12(b)(6) stage is generally improper because laches is an affirmative defense, as to which
the defendant, here Facebook, bears the burden of proof. See States Opp. at 9–10, 15. The very
case they cite for the proposition that “[l]aches is a fact-intensive defense poorly suited to a
motion to dismiss,” however, goes on to explain that dismissal is nonetheless proper if “(1) an
unreasonable delay appears on the face of the pleading; [and] (2) no sufficient excuse for delay
appears or is pleaded.” Kemp v. Eiland,
The Court is aware that the D.C. Circuit has echoed the warning that a “complaint seldom
will disclose undisputed facts clearly establishing the [laches] defense.” Menominee Indian
Tribe,
* * *
Ultimately, this antitrust action is premised on public, high-profile conduct nearly all of
which occurred over six years ago — before the launch of the Apple Watch or Alexa or
Periscope, when Kevin Durant still played for the Oklahoma City Thunder, and when Ebola was
the virus dominating headlines. The Complaint’s allegations themselves make clear that the
States could easily have brought suit then, just as they make clear that any equitable relief this
Court could or would order now would greatly prejudice both Facebook and third parties. The
system of antitrust enforcement that Congress has established does not exempt Plaintiffs here
from “the consequences of [their] choice” to do nothing over the last half decade. See Am.
Stores,
IV. Conclusion
For the foregoing reasons, the Court will grant Facebook’s Motion to Dismiss this case in its entirety. A separate Order so stating will issue this day.
/s/ James E. Boasberg JAMES E. BOASBERG United States District Judge Date: June 28, 2021
