Lead Opinion
OPINION
On remand from the Minnesota Supreme Court in this combined direct and postconviction appeal, appellant challenges his conviction of first-degree test refusal, arguing that criminalizing refusal to submit to a warrantless blood test is unconstitutional under the rule announced in Missouri v. McNeely, — U.S.-,
FACTS
Just after midnight on October 24, 2012, a Ramsey County sheriffs deputy stopped appellant Todd Trahan based on his erratic driving and speed. When the deputy approached the car, Trahan was screaming that he would be “looking at doing 67 months.” The deputy observed that Tra-han was agitated, smelled strongly of alcohol, had red and watery eyes, and had difficulty standing up. A check of Tra-han’s driving record revealed that his license was cancelled as inimical to public safety based on multiple previous driving-while-impaired (DWI) convictions. Because Trahan was “so agitated and unpredictable,” the deputy did not administer field sobriety tests.
At the jail, Trahan was read the implied-consent advisory, and he asked for his cell phone to contact an attorney. At 1:53 a.m., after making several phone calls, Trahan stated that he was finished with the phone. The deputy offered Trahan a blood test or a urine test, and Trahan chose urine. The parties’ accounts differ on Trahan’s compliance with providing a urine sample. Trahan contends that he provided a valid urine sample, but the deputy deemed his conduct a refusal.
The state charged Trahan with first-degree refusal to submit to a chemical test in violation of Minn.Stat. § 169A.20, subd. 2. The prosecutor agreed to a sentence at the low end of the presumptive range, and Trahan pleaded guilty. Trahan testified in his plea colloquy that he had provided an adequate urine sample, but acknowledged that the deputy stated that the sample did not “look right” and that Trahan “must have tampered with it.” Trahan further
Trahan then filed a direct appeal but requested a stay pénding postconviction proceedings, which we granted. In his postconviction petition, Trahan argued that (1) his plea was invalid because the factual basis did not support á refusal to test and (2) the test-refusal'statute is unconstitutional because it violates due process and the doctrine of unconstitutional conditions. The district court denied Trahan’s petition, determining that (1) Trahan’s acknowledged refusal to submit to an alternative test requested by the police supported his guilty plea and (2) Trahan did not meet his burden of establishing the unconstitutionality of the test-refusal statute beyond a reasonable doubt. After reinstating Tra-han’s appeal, we affirmed. State v. Tra-han, No. A13-0931,
On December 16,, 2014, the supreme court granted Trahan’s petition for further review with respect to the.constitutionality of the test-refusal statute and stayed review pending its decision in State v. Bernard,
ISSUE
Does the test-refusal statute violate appellant’s right to due process by criminalizing his refusal to submit to a warrantless test of his blood?
ANALYSIS
Minnesota’s test-refusal statute makes it a crime to refuse to submit to a chemical test of blood, breath, or urine administered to detect the presence of alcohol under certain conditions. Minn.Stat. § 169A.20, subd. 2. These conditions include when the person has been lawfully placed under arrest for driving while impaired and an officer has read the person the implied-consent advisory. Minn.Stat. §§ 169A.20, subd. 2, .51, subds. 1-2 (2012). Trahan argues that the test-refusal statute as applied to him violates his right to substantive due process because it criminalizes his refusal of an unconstitutional search of his blood.
A. The Fourth Amendment
Because Trahan’s due-process argument is premised on a Fourth Amendment violation, we first consider whether' a warrant-less blood test would have been reasonable under the Fourth Amendment. See Bernard,
“The ultimate measure of a permissible government search under the Fourth Amendment is reasonableness.” Bernard,
1. Search Incident to Arrest
“A search incident to a lawful arrest is a well-recognized exception to the warrant requirement under the Fourth Amendment.” Bernard,
Our supreme court recently applied the search-incident-to-arrest exception to conclude that a warrantless breath test would be constitutional. Id. at 772. The supreme court carefully limited its conclusion to breath tests:
[T]he question of a blood or urine, test incident to arrest is not before us, and we express no opinion as to whether a blood or urine test of a suspected drunk driver could be justified as a search incident to arrest. The differences between a blood test and a breath test are material, and not the least of those differences is the less-invasive nature of breath testing.
Id. at 768 n. 6.
Trahan argues, and the state does not dispute, that a warrantless blood test would not be justified under the search-incident-to-arrest exception. We agree. A blood draw is undeniably intrusive: a needle is inserted into the skin to extract blood. In Schmerber v. California, the United States Supreme Court explicitly recognized that the search-incident-to-arrest exception has “little applicability with respect to searches involving intrusions beyond the body’s surface.”
As Bernard, Schmerber, and McNeely highlight, blood draws are serious intrusions into the human body that implicate a person’s “most personal and deep-rooted expectations of privacy.” Id. (quotation omitted). Unlike breath, blood does not naturally and regularly exit the body. And under Minnésota’s DWI law, a blood draw can only be performed by a qualified medical professional. Minn.Stat. § 169A.51, subd. 7(a) (2012). This physical penetration makes a blood test far more intrusive than a breath test or other searches of the person- that Minnesota courts have upheld as searches incident to a valid arrest. See Bernard,
2. Exigent Circumstances
We next consider whether police could have conducted a warrantless search of Trahan’s blood under the exigent-circumstances exception to the warrant requirement. The relevant inquiry in applying the exigent-circumstances exception “is whether, under all of the facts reasonably available to the officer at the time of the search, it was objectively reasonable for the officer to conclude that he or she was faced with an emergency, in which the delay necessary to obtain a warrant would significantly undermine the efficacy of the search.” State v. Stavish,
In Schmerber, the Supreme Court applied the exigency exception to a warrant-less, nonconsensual blood draw from an injured driver who was suspected of driving under the influence.
The Supreme Court revisited the exigency exception in the context of noncon-sensual blood draws in McNeely, holding that “in drunk-driving investigations, the natural dissipation of alcohol in the bloodstream does not constitute an exigency in every case sufficient to'justify conducting a blood test without a warrant.”
Our supreme court recently addressed the exigency exception in the context of a warrantless blood test of a suspected drunk driver and concluded that the search was reasonable under the totality of the circumstances. Stavish,
Here, Trahan’s future availability for a blood draw was not in question. Rather, the “exigency” was the expiration of the statutory time frame while Trahan was arrested, taken to the jail, read the implied-consent advisory, made phone calls, and produced a questionable urine sample. The state argues that under the particular facts of this case, exigent circumstances would have justified a warrantless blood test. We disagree.
Trahan’s lack of cooperation throughout the process, while understandably frustrating to police, simply did not create an exigency. The exigent circumstances in Schmerber and Stavish prevented police from seeking, or delaying the blood draw to secure, a search warrant. See Schmerber,
The circumstances here are more akin to a routine impaired-driving arrest: the record indicates that Trahan was agitated and difficult. These circumstances fall within “those drunk-driving investigations where police officers can reasonably obtain a warrant before a blood sample can be drawn.” McNeely,
B. Substantive Due Process
Having determined that a war-rantless search of Trahan’s blood would not have been constitutional under the search-incident-to-arrest or exigent-circumstances exceptions to the Fourth Amendment’s warrant requirement, we next turn to Trahan’s substantive due-process challenge to the test-refusal statute. “The constitutionality of a statute is a question of law that we review de novo.” State v. Ness,
The Due Process Clauses of the United States and Minnesota Constitutions prohibit the state from “depriving] any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law.” U.S. Const, amend. XIV, § 1; see also Minn. Const, art. I, § 7. The Due Process Clause protects against government infringement on certain fundamental rights, “regardless of the procedures provided, unless the infringement is narrowly tailored to serve a compelling state interest.” Chavez v. Martinez,
Every citizen has a fundamental right to be free from unreasonable searches. U.S. Const, amend. IV; Minn. Const, art. I, § 10; see also New York v. Class,
We therefore subject the test-refusal statute to strict scrutiny. When a statute is subject to strict scrutiny, it is not entitled to any presumption of validity. In re Welfare of Child of R.D.L.,
It, is well settled that the state has a compelling interest in highway safety that justifies efforts to keep impaired drivers off the road. . See Bernard, 859 N.W.2d ■ at 773. This interest is substantial. “Indeed, 30 percent of traffic deaths in Minnesota in 2013 were alcohol-related.” Id. But to survive strict scrutiny, the test-refusal statute — to the extent it criminalizes the refusal to submit to a warrantless blood test — must also be narrowly tailored. A narrowly tailored law is “neither overin-clusive nor underinclusive; rather, it must be precisely tailored to serve the compelling state interest.” R.D.L., ‘
The state has other viable options to address drunk driving. Police may offer a breath test to a suspected drunk driver and then, if the test is refused, the ■ state may charge the person with the crime of test refusal. Bernard,
We conclude that criminalizing the refusal to submit to a warrantless blood test “relates to the state’s ability to prosecute drunk drivers and keep Minnesota roads safe,” Bernard,
We recognize that the available alternatives may not be as efficient as the current procedure under the test-refusal statute. But these alternatives serve the state’s compelling interest in securing the safety . of its roadways without infringing on a driver’s fundamental right to refuse an unreasonable search of his blood. Because the. test-refusal statute as applied fails strict scrutiny, Trahan’s right to due process under the Minnesota and United States Constitutions was violated.
The constitutionality of the test-refusal statute depends in part on whether a warrantless, noncónsensual search would have violated the Fourth Amendment. Bernard,
DECISION
Because the test-refusal statute as applied to appellant violates his right to substantive due process by criminalizing his refusal of an unconstitutional search, appellant’s conviction must be reversed.
Reversed and remanded.
Notes
. We note that neither Minn.Stat. § 609.035 (2012) nor the double-jeopardy clause bars retrial under an amended complaint. State v. Schmidt,
. According to the complaint, after several attempts, Trahan failed to provide a sufficient urine sample, and instead put water from the sink into the sample bottle.
. The state urges us to conclude that Trahan refused the urine test by conduct and that a urine test would have been constitutional as a search incident to arrest. We decline to consider on this record whether a nonconsensual urine test would have been constitutional because the factual basis for Trahan's guilty plea does not establish the elements of first-degree test refusal in that regard.
. We note that procedural rules permit search ■ warrants to be secured remotely under certain conditions. See Minn. R.Crim. P. 36.01-.08.
Dissenting Opinion
(dissenting).
I respectfully dissent from the majority’s conclusion that the test-refusal statute violates substantive due process for two reasons, one fundamental and one specific. First, I disagree fundamentally with the assumed premise that has been accepted in some recent test-refusal cases, including Bernard, that the United States Supreme Court decision in Missouri v. McNeely provides suspected drunk drivers a legitimate substantive due process challenge to the state’s chemical test-refusal criminal statute. Second, recognizing that we are nonetheless bound to accept that premise in light of Bernard’s reasoning, I also disagree with the majority’s conclusion that the test-refusal statute is not narrowly tailored to achieve the state’s compelling interest.
Criminalizing a suspected impaired driver’s chemical test refusal does not trigger strict scrutiny.
Recognizing that we are bound to follow Bernard’s rationale, I merely note that I fundamentally disagree that the United States Supreme Court decision in Missouri v. McNeely elevates to the level of strict scrutiny a substantive due process challenge to the state’s chemical test-refusal criminal statute.
I am convinced that McNeely neither expressly nor implicitly stands for anything beyond its two-tier holding. Its first-tier holding informs us that police cannot, without a warrant or an exception to the warrant requirement, forcibly draw blood from a suspected drunk driver under the . Fourth Amendment. Missouri v. McNeely, — U.S. -,
McNeely involved an actual nonconsen-sual search. As such, it answers' whether the search in that case — a nonconsensual blood draw — -was permissible under the Fourth Amendment. It answers nothing more. And its reasoning does not undermine the Supreme Court’s consistent rec
The Supreme Court’s recognition that states can constitutionally rely on a driver’s test refusal to convict that driver of the crime of drunk driving implies strongly that, even though a nonconsensual chemical test is a “search” under the Fourth Amendment, due process is not offended when the state criminally punishes test refusal as a crime in itself. This recognizes that the right to refuse testing for drunk driving is different in nature from other rights. Notice for example that, by contrast, due process would never allow a jury to infer a defendant’s guilt for refusing to consent to a search in the traditional, non-drunk-driving setting. See, e.g., United States v. Runyan,
For the reasons I stated previously in our unpublished opinion in State v. Chasingbear, given the Supreme Court’s deferential approach to the states’ authority to penalize suspected impaired drivers for test refusals, I do not agree that Minnesota’s test-refusal statute invites a strict-scrutiny analysis. No. A14-0S01,
Applying the reasoning of the state supreme court decision in Bernard, the majority concludes that a fundamental, Fourth Amendment right is at stake here. As I have stated, I believe that no Fourth Amendment right is implicated here because, unlike in McNeely, no search occurred. I think we should instead decide more specifically whether a suspected impaired-driver’s refusal to submit to chemical testing is itself a fundamental right. The caselaw informs us how to approach that question. The United States Supreme Court has explained, “[W]e have regularly observed that the Due Process Clause specially protects those fundamental rights .and liberties which are, objectively, deeply rooted in this Nation’s history and tradition ... and implicit in the concept of ordered liberty, such that neither liberty nor justice would exist if they were sacrificed.” Washington v. Glucksberg,
The narrow approach to defining the right is the correct approach. The Supreme Court has “required in substantive-due-process cases a ‘careful description’ of the asserted fundamental liberty interest.” Id. at 721,
I believe we should follow the Supreme Court’s lead, narrowly rather than broadly construing the right to be tested here. And narrowly construed, the right at stake is the right of suspected impaired drivers to refuse to submit to chemical testing for alcohol content. No one can say that this is a right deeply rooted in national history and tradition. Far from it: to the extent history and tradition illuminate the subject, they embrace state impaired-driving laws that prohibit impaired-driving suspects from refusing police requests for chemical testing, and they do so in the implied-consent setting without any regard to whether exigent circumstances exist, to support a warrantless blood draw, penalizing those who refuse to be tested. See McNeely,
The short history and tradition of automobile regulation indicate that laws regulating automobile use have existed since the advent of the automobile. Automobile history is short; just over one hundred years ago, auto travel was so rare that operators of horse-drawn vehicles had the statutory authority to demand — by a mere wave of the hand — that any passing motor vehicle must yield until the horse-drawn vehicle passed, and an automobile driver’s failure to stop when so signaled was illegal. See Mahoney v. Maxfield,
But while relatively few cars were on the road at the advent of automobile transportation, the statutory prohibition against operating a motor vehicle while intoxicated developed in unison with the state’s restrictions on issuing driver’s licenses. See, e.g., Mannheimer Bros. v. Kan. Cas. & Sur. Co.,
Given the relevant history, it is clear to me that a suspected impaired driver’s right to refuse drug and alcohol testing is not among those “fundamental rights and liberties which are, objectively, deeply rooted in this Nation’s history and tradition.” In my view, nothing in this claimed right is “implicit in the concept of ordered liberty such that neither liberty nor justice would exist if [it] were sacrificed.” This would lead us to test the statute under a rational-basis analysis, not a strict-scrutiny analysis, and the statute would easily pass muster.
Even under strict scrutiny, the statute criminalizing a suspected impaired driver’s refusal to undergo a chemical test is not unconstitutional.
Of course, this court is bound to faithfully follow supreme court precedent, including Bernard. Although I therefore reluctantly join the majority in accepting that Bernard implies that the United States Supreme Court decision in Missouri v. McNeely requires us to apply strict scrutiny in a substantive due process challenge to the state’s chemical test-refusal criminal statute when blood has been requested, I believe the statute nonetheless survives strict scrutiny. I therefore dissent on this specific ground.
The majority recognizes that the state has a compelling interest at stake here, but I believe that it too broadly identifies that interest and, therefore, mistakenly holds that the test-refusal statute fails to be sufficiently narrowly tailored. The majority correctly identifies only part of the state’s compelling interest, which is its “compelling interest in highway safety that justifies efforts to keep impaired drivers off the road.” But examining the statutory scheme more closely, I believe that the state’s interest goes deeper because it contains a related complementary component. The statutory scheme evidences the state’s interest not only in obtaining scientific evidence of the suspected impaired drivers’ chemical impairment to facilitate accurate convictions to keep- them .off the road; it also evidences the state’s strong interrelated interest in protecting suspected impaired drivers from being customarily subjected to forced blood draws by police, who have the constitutional authority to easily obtain a warrant and draw blood from every suspect.
Chemical tests are essential to securing impaired-driving convictions, which in turn allow the. state to incarcerate offenders and keep them off the road. And as a practical matter, the only way the state can subject an unwilling suspected impaired driver to a chemical test is to draw the driver’s blood; police have no apparatus to forcibly extract a person’s breath or urine. The legislature is aware that, unless constrained by statute', police could draw blood after every traffic stop during which the officer develops probable cause (a very low standard)' to believe that the driver may be impaired by drugs or alcohol. All the officer must do is smell an alcoholic beverage on the driver’s- breath or notice a slur in the driver’s speech and redness in his eyes, and the officer could quickly obtain the obligatory warrant. See U.S. Const, amend. IV (requiring probable cause for search warrants); Minn.Stat. § 626.11(a) (2012) (“If the judge is satisfied ... that there is probable cause ... the judge must issue a signed search warrant. ...”); Minn.Stat. § 169A.20, subd. 1
The state achieves its first objective of removing drunk drivers from the roadways by that part of the impaired-driving law that criminalizes both impaired driving and a suspected impaired driver’s refusing to submit to chemical testing. Minn.Stat. § 169A.20, subds. 1, 2 (2012). The state achieves its related second objective of preventing police from routinely invading the bodily integrity of drivers by prohibiting police from drawing blood from unwilling suspects. The test-refusal law declares bluntly, “If a person refuses to permit a test, then a test must not be given.” Minn.Stat. § 169A.52, subd. 1 (2012).
I would have no difficulty concluding that the state’s interest in protecting its citizens from constitutionally permitted but legislatively intolerable police intrusion is a compelling interest. The nation’s founders pledged their lives and fortunes and fought a revolution primarily to resist oppressive governmental power. See The Declaration of Independence para. 2 (U.S. 1776) (objecting to “a long train of abuses and usurpations” in order “to provide new Guards for their future security”). Both the federal and state constitutional framers fortified “the right of the people to be secure in their persons ... against unreasonable searches.” U.S. Const, amend. IV; Minn. Const, art. I, § 10. And the people have perpetually negotiated the border between the public commitment to liberty and the law enforcement tendency to expand its policing power. The federal constitution establishes only the outer edge of that border and allows states to more tightly restrain police activity through constitutional and statutory law. See California v. Greenwood,
This state has exercised that right to restrain its police more tightly than the federal Constitution. The supreme court has, on several occasions, interpreted the state constitutional language that echoes the Fourth Amendment more restrictively than the way the United States Supreme Court interprets the Fourth Amendment. See, e.g., Ascher v. Comm’r of Pub. Safety,
I also would have no difficulty concluding that the state’s complementary law is narrowly tailored to further the state’s interest in protecting citizens from constitutionally permitted but intolerable police intrusion while most effectively removing impaired drivers from the roadways. I see no other means for the state to accomplish this dual objective. The majority suggests three alternatives, but they are clearly inadequate.
■ Of course the state could, as the majority first suggests, “offer a breath test [instead of a blood test] to a suspected drunk driver and then, if the [breath] test is refused, the state may charge the person with the crime of test refusal.” But a breath test reveals only the presence of alcohol, not any of the myriad controlled substances that also cause the impairment that the impaired-driving statute criminalizes. See Skinner v. Ry. Labor Execs.’ Ass’n,
The majority suggests second that the state could instead prosecute the arrested driver without the benefit of any chemical test at all. This also is no solution because it both weakens prosecutions and jeopardizes the innocent. Chemical test results arm the jury with forensic evidence without which more innocent drivers would likely be convicted and more guilty drivers would certainly be acquitted. Over half a century ago the Supreme Court recqgnized this, observing that, as to the guilty, a blood test “is a scientifically accurate method of detecting alcoholic content in the blood, thus furnishing an exact measure upon which to base a decision as to intoxication,” and as to the innocent, “the [blood] test likewise may establish innocence, thus affording protection against the treachery of judgment based on one or more of the senses.” See Breithaupt,
The majority’s third suggested substitute for the criminal test-refusal statute is simply that “police can secure a search warrant to test the person’s blood.” The majority is correct that police can indeed secure a search warrant to test every non-consenting, suspected impaired driver’s blood. The majority fails to notice, however, that this is exactly the harm the statute attempts to avoid. Police could obtain a warrant in every stop in which the statute authorizes an officer to request a blood test because the same low standard — prob
To understand why the majority’s three alternatives to the test-refusal statute fail to satisfy both aspects of the state’s compelling interest is to understand why the statute is precisely tailored to achieve the-dual interests it addresses. I cannot conceive of any arrangement more tightly fitted to the statute’s objective to remove impaired drivers from the road by potential incarceration and at the same time to protect suspected impaired drivers from being routinely subjected to forced, non-consensual blood draws by police. Under the statute, the public is best protected from the dangers of impaired' drivers because in every case the state will obtain either the necessary evidence to pursue an impaired-driving conviction or the necessary evidence' to pursue a similarly weighted test-refusal conviction. And this protection occurs while every driver retains the absolute liberty to reject a blood test altogether, because, if he does, “no test shall be given.” Everyone wins.
But after today’s decision, police should never merely request a blood test, because if they do, upon refusal, not only is no test permitted, but also conviction is far less likely. Every police' officer doing her duty to gather evidence to ensure the criminal conviction of apparently drug-impaired drivers has but one remaining course: give the driver no choice; call a judge every time; get a warrant every time; and administer a blood draw (the most invasive and costly of the three types of chemical tests) if necessary by force, every time. The state will continue to obtain its evidence to convict and remove impaired drivers from the road, but it will cost the people their significant statutory restraint on police power.
The majority therefore gives the defense bar a hollow victory: today one suspected impaired driver escapes his conviction for exercising his supposedly constitutional right to refuse to consent to a blood test, and tomorrow every suspected impaired driver has effectively lost the right to refuse to consent to a blood test.
