STATE ex rel. Theodore B. SCOTT and Ed Stegner, Relators, v. James C. KIRKPATRICK, Secretary of State, State of Missouri, Respondent, Thomas D. Graham, Intervenor-Respondent.
No. 58080.
Supreme Court of Missouri, En Banc.
Sept. 6, 1972.
484 S.W.2d 161
MORGAN, Judge.
Cullen Coil, Forrest P. Carson and Ronald R. McMillin, Jefferson City, for relators.
John C. Danforth, Atty. Gen., B. J. Jones, Asst. Atty. Gen., Jefferson City, for respondent.
MORGAN, Judge.
In the trial court, relators, who were identified as citizens and taxpayers of this state, sought a peremptory writ of mandamus to compel respondent, the Secretary of State, to accept for filing and certify as legally sufficient certain “initiative petitions” calling for submission to the electorate at the General Election to be held on November 7, 1972, a proposed amendment, commonly referred to as the “soft drink tax” amendment, to the constitution of this state. Intervenor, also identified as a citizen and taxpayer, was allowed to intervene as а party respondent. Relief was denied and relators have appealed. We affirm.
Initially, we note that the trial court premised its denial of relief solely on the alleged deficiency of such petitions as was asserted by respondent secretary, i. e.,
That the petitions as filed fail to conform to such constitutional dictates is obviously apparent for they contain no enacting clause whatever. Relators seek to rationalize the absence thereof on the following grounds: (1) substantial compliance with constitutional prоvisions considered as a whole is sufficient, (2) the requirement there be an enactment clause is simply directory and not mandatory, and (3) the desires of a large number of citizens should not be “subverted by the lack of a technical introduction.” To sustain such arguments, relators cite and rely on the following Missouri cases: City of Cape Girardeau v. Riley, 52 Mo. 424 (1873); State ex rel. Halliburton v. Roach, 230 Mo. 408, 130 S.W. 689 (1910); and, State v. Holman, Mo., 296 S.W.2d 482 (1956).
As suggested by the respondent secretary, it must be noted that the Riley case did not involve the initiative process fоr it was decided in 1873 under the Missouri Constitution of 1865 which made no provision for the same. The later Constitution of 1875 was amended on November 3, 1908, to include for the first time the initiative process. Nevertheless, the Riley case involved the validity of an act passed by the General Assembly and signed by the governor which violated the constitutional requirement, then in effect, that the style of laws should be: “Be it enacted by the General Assembly of the State of Missouri as follows: . . .” The court ruled the law valid on the basis it would not sacrifice “substance to mere form,” but went on to buttress its holding by noting (1) it had been duly passed by both branches of the legislature and signed by the governor “bearing sufficient evidence that it is really and truly a law,” and, (2) that it did “not pretend to be an original act.” The provision designating a similar “style” for legislative acts has been carried forward and may be found in
The Roach case, supra, concerned issues relative to the “title” of the text of an enactment and other matters not directly on the point now at issue. The Holman case, supra, primarily involved the questioned compliance with publication requirements of proposed amendments as specified in
Further guidance may be found in Moore v. Brown, supra, wherein this court declared, 165 S.W.2d at l. c. 659, that: “It is fundamental that the people themselves are bound by their own constitution * * *. Where they have provided therein a method for amending it, they must conform to that procedure * * *.”
We need not look to specific cases from other states as it is sufficient to note the general rule as expressed in 82 C.J.S. Statutes § 134, page 235, to-wit: “Enacting clause. A provision in a state constitution requiring an enacting clause in a statute applies to initiative measures and is mandatory, and under such a requirement the omission of an enacting clause in a proposed initiative measure renders it void.”
Finally, we consider whether or not there is any legal basis whatever for sustaining relators’ arguments, previously noted, that the absence of an enacting
Second, in recognition of the argument as made, we, nevertheless, consider whether the requirement there be an enacting clause is mandatory or direсtory. As both noted and emphasized, that portion of
Third, we recognize what, in fact, is not truly a legitimate legal argument, but one presented—that “the desire of a large number of Missouri citizens [approximately 160,000] should not be subverted by the lack of a technical introduction.” The weakness of this argument is twofold. In the first place, the basic purpose and laudable objective of requiring an enacting clause, previously discussed, makes it an obvious misnomer to classify the same as a “technical introduction.” As said in State v. Hitchcock, supra, 146 S.W. at l. c. 51: “. . . the courts have done far more harm and injustice by judicial legislation—that is, by interpolating into statutes and Constitutions words and phrases which the lawmakers never placed therein, and by striking therefrom words and phrases which were placed there by the lawmakers—than they have by clinging to the so-called technicalities.”
For the reasons indicated, we have concluded that the respondent secretary acted properly in rejecting such petitions for filing and certification, and that the trial court ruled correctly in sustaining such action.
However, we deem it appropriate to note the further arguments of intervenor that such petitions are not legally proper. They are: (1) The petitions violate
It is not necessary for us to consider each of the additional challenges made, in view of our ruling in connection with the absence of an enacting clause; but at first blush, they appear such as to call for our paraphrasing the oft-quoted comment of the late Judge Lamm that even he who runs should be able to see.
The judgment is affirmed.
FINCH, C. J., DONNELLY, BARDGETT and HENLEY, JJ., and SMITH, Special Judge, concur.
SEILER, J., dissents in separate dissenting opinion filed.
HOLMAN, J., not participating.
SEILER, Judge (dissenting).
I respectfully dissent. In my opinion, the majority opinion exalts mere form over substance, leaves the merits of this case unresolved, and is contra to the basic rule that “. . . In the matter of . . . initiative and referendum, the people are exercising power reserved to them and the provisions under which they proceed should be construed liberally to the end that their right to determine all proper questions by free and open elections shall be secure . . .“, as declared by the court in State ex rel. Voss v. Davis, (Mo.Sup.) 418 S.W.2d 163, 167.
The majority opinion does not contend that the “Be it resolved“, etc. language furnishes any helpful information as to what the proposed measure is about, but instead finds in the words a purpose of solemnly warning the potential signer of the grave action he is about to take—that he is about to participate in an effort
In the first place, signing an initiative petition does not accomplish аny change in the fundamental law. All it does is to assist in getting the matter presented to the voters, who are the ones who make the change, if any is made. In the second place, the people of Missouri have the right to change their constitution, and this right is not circumscribed by any requirement that they must be solemnly warned about it before they have a right to do so. In the third place, the thought that there is a need for a solemn wаrning rests on the unjustified assumption that the people of Missouri are not very knowledgeable.
If there is merit to the point of view of the majority that the people must be solemnly warned before they propose an initiative, why, then is there an absence of any such requirement when the matter is actually put to a vote by the entire electorate? Why warn only the 8% who sign the petitions and do nothing about requiring an equаlly solemn warning to the 100% of the electorate eligible to vote on the proposed measure? It is at the election that the constitution will be changed, if it is to be changed, yet all the constitution requires for the election is that “. . . any measure proposed shall take effect when approved by a majority of the votes cast thereon . . .” There is no requirement that the voters shall be solemnly admonished they are voting to amend the constitution. All the voters need be concerned about is the “measure proposed“, and in the case before us, there is no dispute but that the full text of the measure has been set forth in the petition. With all deference to the undoubted clarity and force of expression of the majority opinion, it seems to me that the view espoused is, in the final analysis, strained and artificial.
When the electorate of the state votes on the proposed amendment аll they have before them is the fact they are voting on the measure and a brief statement of its content. If this is all that is required when the voters are actually voting on adoption or rejection, certainly no more is needed when all that is being done is to sign a petition to get the matter before the voters. The fact is that the more than 160,000 Missouri citizens mentioned by the majority opinion as having signed the petition in question аre not changing or tampering with the constitution at all, nor could they. All they are doing is trying to present the matter to the people for adoption or rejection, but we are denying the people a chance to vote because they failed to include certain magic words, which add nothing to the proposed measure, and which the majority opinion itself characterize as nothing more than “рrocedural.”
In response to the above it may be said, “Yes, what you say may all be true, but we are confronted with
Inasmuch as the majority opinion decides this case on the basis of the failure to include the magic words, I do not attempt to reach the additional questions raised by the intervenor.
