Sports Shooting Ass'n v. State, Mt. Dept. of FwpSports Shooting Ass'n v. State, Mt. Dept. of Fwp
Lead Opinion
delivered the Opinion the Court.
¶1 Mоntana Sports Shooting Association, Inc., and Gary S. Marbut (Marbut) appeal from an order of the Fourth Judicial District, Missoula County, denying Montana Sports Shooting Association’s motion for summary judgment. We affirm.
¶2 Montana Sports Shooting Association presents the following issue on appeal:
¶3 Whether the District Court properly determined that the Montana Department of Fish, Wildlife, and Parks (FWP) did not violate the statutory prohibition against political activity under
PROCEDURAL AND FACTUAL BACKGROUND
¶4 The Montana Sports Shooting Association is a Montana non-profit corporation. Gary Marbut is the Montana Sports Shooting Association’s president. We will refer in this opinion to Montana Sports Shоoting Association and Gary Marbut collectively as “MSSA” for purposes of clarity. MSSA asserts that it lobbies the Montana Legislature to protect its members’ rights and interests. MSSA alleges that FWP’s competing lobbying efforts often conflict with its own lobbying efforts. MSSA filed a complaint for declaratory judgment and a request for preliminary and permanent injunction in the District Court. MSSA requested a declaratory judgment that FWP may not lobby the Legislature, may not appear before it as either a proponent or opponent of proposed legislation, or otherwise act to influence legislative decisions.
¶5 MSSA relied on the language in
While retaining the right to vote as he may please and to express his opinions on all political questions, no employee of [FWP] may use his official authority or influence for the purpose of interfering with an election or affecting the results thereof or for the purpose of coercing or influencing the political actions of any person or body.
MSSA argued that this prohibition on FWP employee political activity includes lobbying the Legislature or its members and appearing before
¶6 MSSAmoved for summaryjudgment. MSSA supported the motion with an affidavit submitted by Marbut. Marbut’s affidavit noted specific instances in which FWP employees had testified in support of a proposed senate bill and otherwise had attempted to influence the Legislature. FWP admitted that it routinely lobbies the Legislature and that its employees appear at legislative hearings. MSSA contended that the plain language of
¶7 The District Court examined the history of statutory limitations on FWP political activity. The court examined the meaning of the word “politics” and its treatment in other jurisdictions. The court also examined the operation of other Montana and federal statutes limiting executive political activity. The court concluded that MSSA’s interpretation would restrict too narrowly FWP’s internal and external activities. The District Court denied MSSA’s motion for summary judgmеnt. Although not stated expressly, the court’s order, in effect, granted summaryjudgment to FWP. Neither party asserted that any genuine issue of material fact precluded summary judgment. Consistent with this interpretation, FWP filed a notice of entry of judgment. MSSA appeals.
STANDARD OF REVIEW
¶8 We review de novo a district court’s decision to grant summary judgment, using the criteria applied by the district court under M. R. Civ. P. 56. Farmers Co-op. Ass’n v. Amsden, LLC,
DISCUSSION
¶9 Whether the District Court properly determined that FWP did not
¶10 The parties disagree over the proper interpretation of the term “political actions” under
¶11 We interpret a statute first by looking to its plain language. State v. Letasky,
¶12
¶13 MSSA urges this Court to construe the modifier “political” to connote all activitiеs “of or relating to the conduct of government.” MSSA argues that the plain meaning of the phrase “political actions”
¶14 MSSA’s broad interpretation of
¶15 We must presume in construing these statutes that the Legislature intended to make some change in existing law by passing it. Cantwell v. Geiger,
¶17 Indeed, MSSA’s interpretation of “political actions,” when read together with the statute’s application to any body, would prohibit FWP employees from influencing any action within FWP itself. This interpretation would eliminate FWP’s ability to make policy decisions and carry out executive branch mandates. MSSA’s interpretation would limit FWP to conducting only the most basic, clerical functions. This interpretation of
¶18 The Dissent similarly urges an untenable construction of
¶19 The Dissent concedes that the employees of executive agencies need to lobby and testify before the Legislature. Dissent, ¶ 19. The Dissent acknowledges that construing
¶20 We must construe
¶21
¶22 The Legislature has amended
While retaining the right to vote as he may please, and to express his opinions on all political questions, no Fish and Game Warden or Deputy shall take any active part in political management or politicаl campaigns, nor shall he use his official authority or influence for the purpose of interfering with an election, or effecting the results, thereof, or for the purpose of coercing or influencing the political actions of any person or body. Section 3658, RCM (1921) (emphasis added).
¶23 This Court examined the 1921 version of the statute in State v. Sullivan,
¶24 The sole issue before the Court in Sullivan concerned whether the Governor had authority to remove Erickson’s appointees without notice and opportunity to be heard in their defense. Sullivan,
¶25 We previously have looked to other jurisdictions having similar statutes to guide our interpretation in the absence of sufficient Montana law on an issue. E.g. In re Custody and Parental Rights of A.P.,
¶26 Congress enacted the Civil Service Act of 1883 a year after Curtis, and, in language nearly identical to that of
¶27 The Court, on the same day that it decided Letter Carriers, upheld an Oklahoma statute modeled after the Hatch Act, in Broadrick v. Oklahoma,
¶28 The Court determined that Congress intended restrictions on the political activities of federal employees to refer to employee involvement in partisan politics. Letter Carriers,
¶29 Letter Carriers and Broadrick comport with this Court’s determination in Sullivan that the Legislature enacted
¶30 [1] We conclude that the statutory prohibition on using “official authority or influence ... for the purpose of coercing or influencing the political actions of any person or body,” under
¶31 We affirm.
Dissenting Opinion
dissenting.
¶33
Political activity of employees. While retaining the right to vote as he may please and to express his opinions on all political questions, no employee of the department [of fish, wildlife, and parks] may use his official authority or influence for the purpose of interfering with an election or affecting the results thereof or for the purpose of coercing or influencing the political actions of any person or body.
¶34 In construing this statutory language, I begin with three fundamental canons of statutory construction. First, “[i]n construing a statute, this Court will look first to the language used. If the statutory language is clear and unambiguous, the statute speaks for itself and there is nothing left for the Court to construe.” Mont. Contractors’ Ass’n v. Dept. of Highways,
¶35 With these principles in mind,
¶36 It is patently obvious that each of these activities falls under the rubric of “influencing the political actions of any person or body.” This conclusion is supported by the commonly understood meanings of the
1. To talk with a legislator, sometimes in a luxurious setting, in an attempt to influence the legislator’s vote <she routinely lobbies for tort reform in the state legislatures 2. To support or oppose (a measure) by working to influence a legislator’s vote <the organization lobbied the bill through the Senates 3. To try to influence (a decision-maker) <the lawyer lobbied the judge for a favorable rulings
Black’s Law Dictionary 956 (emphases added, citation omitted).
¶37 Notably, the definition of “lobby” is synonymous with the conduct proscribed by
¶38 The Court tacitly concedes this point, acknowledging that
“I don’t know what you mean by ‘glory,’ ” Alice said.
Humpty Dumpty smiled contemptuously, “Of course you don’t-till I tell you. I meant ‘there’s a nice knock-down argument for you’!”
“But ‘glorj^ doesn’t mean ‘a nice knock-down argument,’ ” Alice objected.
“When I use a word,” Humpty Dumpty said, in rather a scornful tone, “it means just what I choose it to mean-neither more nor less.”
Lewis Carroll, Alice Through the Looking-Glass 128 (Candlewick Press 2005) (originally published in 1871 as Through the Looking-Glass and
¶39 To justify its approach, the Court recites a parade of horribles that supposedly would ensue under MSSA’s plain-language interpretation of
¶40 In any event, the Court’s fear that
¶41 First, the Legislature is presumed to act with deliberation and with full knowledge of all existing laws on a subject; as a result, it is further presumed that the Legislature does not intend to interfere with or abrogate a former law relating to the same matter unless the repugnancy between the two is irreconcilable. Ross v. City of Great Falls,
¶42 The Court points out that FWP is required by
¶43 Whereas
¶44 Rather than attempt to harmonize these statutes, the Court decides simply to insert the word “partisan” into the clear and unambiguous language of
¶45 Notably, the Court fails to explain what conduct by an FWP employee would constitute “use [of] his official authority or influence ... for the purpose of coercing or influencing the [partisan] political actions of any person or body.” However, the Court’s suggestion that the legislative process is anything but partisan defies the reality of Montana’s Legislature. It is common knowledge that legislators generally vote along party lines in support of, or in opposition to, statutes drafted to implement the planks in the parties’ respective platforms. Similarly, the suggestion that lobbyists-of whatever ilk-do not play to this partisan polarization is specious. Consequently, even under the Court’s remanufactured version of
¶46 The Court offers one additional justification for its approach-namely, that § 87 1-204, MCA, “provides no clear or unambiguous meaning for the phrase ‘political actions.’ ” Opinion, ¶ 12. Yet, ambiguity presupposes that the language is susceptible to at least two reasonable but conflicting meanings. See Mary J. Baker Revoc. Trust v. Cenex Harvest,
¶47 In this regard, the Court relies on State ex rel. Nagle v. Sullivan,
¶48 I do agree with the Court that
¶49 That said, in light of the Court’s reliance on decisions from other jurisdictions, I note that in Slate ex rel. Green v. City of Cleveland,
It seems clear to us that whenevеr a voter casts his ballot, such an action is “political action,” on his part, whether he votes on candidates or for or against some issue submitted on the ballot. Therefore,'if any city official should threaten with a loss of his job any employee refusing to vote for or against a special levy, bond issue or charter amendment, such a threat would constitute within the meaning of the above provision an attempt to use the official authority of such official “to influence or coerce the political action” of the employee so threatened.
Green,
¶50 The Ohio court’s interpretation of “political action” is nо less persuasive than the various interpretations offered by this Court in ¶¶ 25-28 of the Opinion. Green supports the proposition that whenever a legislator casts his or her vote with respect to some issue before the Legislature, such an action is a “political action,” and if any FWP employee uses his official authority or influence for the purpose of influencing that vote, then the employee is engaged in the conduct proscribed by
¶51 Does
¶52 In sum, lobbying the Legislature, appearing before it as a proponent or opponent of legislation, and otherwise influencing the decisions of individual legislators are included within the
¶53 I dissent.
Notes
This theory relied on by the Court in reaching its holding was not argued by FWP in its appellate briefs. Rather, it has been created by the Court from whole cloth.