MONTANA SPORTS SHOOTING ASSOCIATION, INC., аnd GARY S. MARBUT, Plaintiffs and Appellants, v. STATE OF MONTANA, MONTANA DEPARTMENT OF FISH, WILDLIFE, AND PARKS, Defendants and Appellees.
No. DA 07-0311.
Supreme Court of Montana
Decided June 3, 2008.
2008 MT 190 | 344 Mont. 1 | 185 P.3d 1003
Submitted on Briefs January 23, 2008.
For Appellees Robert N. Lane, John F. Lynch, and Rebecca Jakes Dockter, Montana Department of Fish, Wildlife and Parks, Helena.
JUSTICE MORRIS delivered the Opinion the Court.
¶1 Montana Sports Shooting Association, Inc., and Gary S. Marbut (Marbut) appeal from an order of the Fourth Judicial District, Missoula County, denying Montana Sports Shooting Association‘s motion for summary judgment. We affirm.
¶2 Montana Sports Shooting Association presents the following issue on appeal:
¶3 Whether the District Court properly determined that the Montana Department of Fish, Wildlife, and Parks (FWP) did not violate the statutory prohibition against political activity under
PROCEDURAL AND FACTUAL BACKGROUND
¶4 The Montana Spоrts Shooting Association is a Montana non-profit corporation. Gary Marbut is the Montana Sports Shooting Association‘s president. We will refer in this opinion to Montana Sports Shooting Association and Gary Marbut collectively as “MSSA” for purposes of clarity. MSSA asserts that it lobbies the Montana Legislature to protect its members’ rights and interests. MSSA alleges that FWP‘s competing lobbying efforts often conflict with its own lobbying efforts. MSSA filed a complaint for declaratory judgment and a request for preliminary and permanent injunction in the District Court. MSSA requested a declaratory judgment that FWP may not lobby the Legislature, may not appear before it as either a proрonent or opponent of proposed legislation, or otherwise act to influence legislative decisions.
¶5 MSSA relied on the language in
While retaining the right to vote as he may please and to express his opinions on all political questions, no employee of [FWP] may use his official authority or influence for the purpose of interfering with an election or affecting the results thereof or for the purpose of coercing or influencing the political actions of any person or body.
MSSA argued that this prohibition on FWP employee political activity includes lobbying the Legislature or its members and appearing before
¶6 MSSA moved for summary judgment. MSSA supported the motion with an affidavit submitted by Marbut. Marbut‘s affidavit noted specific instances in which FWP employees had testified in support of a proposed senate bill and otherwise had attempted to influence the Legislature. FWP admitted that it routinely lobbies the Legislature and that its employees appear at legislativе hearings. MSSA contended that the plain language of
¶7 The District Court examined the history of statutory limitations on FWP political activity. The court examined the meaning of the word “politics” and its treatment in other jurisdictions. The court also examined the operation of other Montana and federal statutes limiting executive political activity. The court conсluded that MSSA‘s interpretation would restrict too narrowly FWP‘s internal and external activities. The District Court denied MSSA‘s motion for summary judgment. Although not stated expressly, the court‘s order, in effect, granted summary judgment to FWP. Neither party asserted that any genuine issue of material fact precluded summary judgment. Consistent with this interpretation, FWP filed a notice of entry of judgment. MSSA appeals.
STANDARD OF REVIEW
¶8 We review de novo a district court‘s decision to grant summary judgment, using the criteria applied by the district court under M. R. Civ. P. 56. Farmers Co-op. Ass‘n v. Amsden, LLC, 2007 MT 286, ¶ 24, 339 Mont. 445, ¶ 24, 171 P.3d 690, ¶ 24. A district court properly grants a motion for summary judgment when no genuine issue of material fact exists and the moving party is entitled to judgment as a matter of law. Farmers Co-op., ¶ 24.
DISCUSSION
¶9 Whether the District Court properly determined that FWP did not
¶10 The parties disagree over the proper interpretation of the term “political actions” under
¶11 We interpret a statute first by looking to its plain language. State v. Letasky, 2007 MT 51, ¶ 11, 336 Mont. 178, ¶ 11, 152 P.3d 1288, ¶ 11. We construe a statute by reading and interpreting the statute as a whole, “without isolating specific terms from the context in which they are used by the Legislature.” City of Great Falls v. Morris, 2006 MT 93, ¶ 19, 332 Mont. 85, ¶ 19, 134 P.3d 692, ¶ 19 (citation omitted). We will not interpret the statute further if the language is clear and unambiguous. Letasky, ¶ 11. We look to legislative intent if the language is not clear and unambiguous, and give effеct to the legislative will. Letasky, ¶ 11. Statutory construction should not lead to absurd results if a reasonable interpretation can avoid it. Letasky, ¶ 11. We must harmonize statutes relating to the same subject, as much as possible, giving effect to each. Yellowstone Federal Credit Union v. Daniels, 2008 MT 111, ¶ 18, 342 Mont. 451, ¶ 18, 181 P.3d 595, ¶ 18.
¶12 Section
¶13 MSSA urges this Court to construe the modifier “political” to connote all activities “of or relating to the conduct of government.” MSSA argues that the plain meaning of the phrase “political actions”
¶14 MSSA‘s broad interpretation of
¶15 We must presume in construing these statutes that the Legislature intended to make some change in existing law by passing it. Cantwell v. Geiger, 228 Mont. 330, 333-34, 742 P.2d 468, 470 (1987). MSSA‘s interpretation of
¶16 MSSA‘s argument regarding political actions would not be limited, moreover, to a particular branch of government, or a particular kind of governmental conduct. MSSA‘s interpretation would prevent FWP and its employees from fulfilling the agency‘s statutory obligations to cooperаte and make agreements with other state agencies, federal agencies, tribes, and state and local governments. For example,
¶17 Indeed, MSSA‘s interpretation of “political actions,” when read together with the statute‘s application to any body, would prohibit FWP employees from influencing any action within FWP itself. This interpretation would eliminate FWP‘s ability to make policy decisions and carry out executive branch mandates. MSSA‘s interpretation would limit FWP to conducting only the most basic, clerical functions. This interpretation of
¶18 The Dissent similarly urges an untenable construction of
¶19 The Dissent concedes that the employees of executive agencies need to lobby and testify before the Legislature. Dissent, ¶ 19. The Dissent acknowledges that construing
¶20 We must construe
¶21 Section
¶22 The Legislature has amended
While retaining the right to vote as he may please, and to express his opinions on all political questions, no Fish and Game Warden or Deputy shall take any active part in political management or political campaigns, nor shall he use his official authority or influence for the purpose of interfering with an election, or effecting the results, thereof, or for the purpose of coercing or influencing the political actions of any person or body. Section 3658, RCM (1921) (emphasis added).
¶23 This Court examined the 1921 version of the statute in State v. Sullivan, 98 Mont. 425, 40 P.2d 995 (1935). Sullivan concerned outgoing Governor Erickson‘s appointment of several fish and game commissiоners. Erickson appointed four men to the commission in 1932 to serve in staggered terms through 1936. Sullivan, 98 Mont. at 434-35, 40 P.2d at 996. Erickson resigned and F.H. Cooney replaced him as governor in 1933. Sullivan, 98 Mont. at 435, 40 P.2d at 996. Governor Cooney revoked Erickson‘s appointments and removed the
¶24 The sole issue before the Court in Sullivan concerned whether the Governor had authority to remove Erickson‘s appointees without notice and opportunity to be heard in their defense. Sullivan, 98 Mont. at 437, 40 P.2d at 997. The Court looked in part to legislative intent to reach its conclusion. The Court examined the history of FWP and the statutes that governed the agency. Sullivan, 98 Mont. at 442, 40 P.2d at 999-1000. The Court determined that the Legislature had enacted § 3658, RCM, to ensure that FWP is “at all times ... [made up of] a majority of experienced members-a continuing body removed from political control and manipulation.” Sullivan, 98 Mont. at 443, 40 P.2d at 1000. The Court concluded that the statute “clearly denotes the intention of the Legislature to remove [FWP] from the control of the Governor ....” Sullivan, 98 Mont. at 443, 40 P.2d at 1000. The District Court in this case determined, in light of Sullivan, that the Legislature intended
¶25 We previously have looked to other jurisdictions having similar statutes to guide our interpretation in the absence of sufficient Montana law on an issue. E.g. In re Custody and Parental Rights of A.P., 2007 MT 297, ¶ 24, 340 Mont. 39, ¶ 24, 172 P.3d 105, ¶ 24. The U.S. Supreme Court has encоuntered language similar to the language in
¶26 Congress enacted the Civil Service Act of 1883 a year after Curtis, and, in language nearly identical to that of
¶27 The Court, on the same day that it decided Letter Carriers, upheld an Oklahoma statute modeled after the Hatch Act, in Broadrick v. Oklahoma, 413 U.S. 601, 93 S. Ct. 2908 (1973). The Court upheld Oklahoma‘s prohibition on employee “assessment[s], subscription[s], or contribution[s] for any ... political purpose.” Broadrick, 413 U.S. at 603 n. 1, 93 S. Ct. at 2911 n. 1. The Court upheld the Oklahoma statute insofar as it forbid partisan political associations. The Court took additional support from the Oklahoma Attorney Generаl‘s interpretation of the statute as restricting only “clearly partisan political activity.” Broadrick, 413 U.S. at 617, 93 S. Ct. at 2918-19.
¶28 The Court determined that Congress intended restrictions on the political activities of federal employees to refer to employee involvement in partisan politics. Letter Carriers, 413 U.S. at 564, 93 S. Ct. at 2889-90. The Court emphasized in Letter Carriers the fact that Congress had exempted from regulation “nonpartisan political activity ... not identified with national or state political parties ... including issues with respect to constitutional amendments, referendums, approval of municipal ordinances, and the like.” Letter Carriers, 413 U.S. at 575-76, 93 S. Ct. at 2895-96.
¶29 Letter Carriers and Broadrick comport with this Court‘s determination in Sullivan that the Legislature enacted
¶30 [1] We conclude that the statutory prohibition on using “official authority or influence ... for the purpose of coercing or influencing the political actions of any person or body,” under
¶31 We affirm.
JUSTICES LEAPHART, WARNER and RICE concur.
JUSTICE NELSON, dissenting.
¶33
Political activity of employees. While retaining the right to vote as he may please and to express his opinions on all political questions, no employee of the department [of fish, wildlife, and parks] may use his official authority or influence for the purpose of interfering with an election or affecting the results thereof or for the purpose of coercing or influencing the political actions of any person or body.
¶34 In construing this statutory language, I begin with three fundamental canons of statutory construction. First, “[i]n construing a statute, this Court will look first to the language used. If the statutory language is clеar and unambiguous, the statute speaks for itself and there is nothing left for the Court to construe.” Mont. Contractors’ Ass‘n v. Dept. of Highways, 220 Mont. 392, 394, 715 P.2d 1056, 1058 (1986); accord Miller v. District Court, 2007 MT 149, ¶ 38, 337 Mont. 488, ¶ 38, 162 P.3d 121, ¶ 38. Second, in the construction of a statute, this Court‘s job is “simply to ascertain and declare what is in terms or in substance contained therein, not to insert what has been omitted or to omit what has been inserted.”
¶35 With these principles in mind,
¶36 It is patently obvious that each of these activities falls under the rubric of “influencing the political actions of any person or body.” This conclusion is supported by the commonly understood meanings of the
1. To talk with a legislator, sometimes in a luxurious setting, in an attempt to influence the legislator‘s vote <she routinely lobbies for tort reform in the state legislature>. 2. To support or oppose (a measure) by working to influence a legislator‘s vote <the organization lobbied the bill through the Senate>. 3. To try to influence (a decision-maker) <the lawyer lobbied the judge for a favorable ruling>.
Blaсk‘s Law Dictionary 956 (emphases added, citation omitted).
¶37 Notably, the definition of “lobby” is synonymous with the conduct proscribed by
¶38 The Court tacitly concedes this point, acknowledging that
“I don‘t know what you mean by ‘glory,’ ” Alice said.
Humpty Dumpty smiled contemptuously, “Of course you don‘t—till I tell you. I meant ‘there‘s a nice knock-down argument for you!‘”
“But ‘glory’ doesn‘t mean ‘a nice knock-down argument,‘” Alice objected.
“When I use a word,” Humpty Dumpty said, in rather a scornful tone, “it means just what I choose it to mean—neither more nor less.”
Lewis Carroll, Alice Through the Looking-Glass 128 (Candlewick Press 2005) (originally published in 1871 as Through the Looking-Glass and
¶39 To justify its approach, the Court recites a parade of horribles that supposedly would ensue under MSSA‘s plain-language interpretation of
¶40 In any event, the Court‘s fear that
¶41 First, the Legislature is presumed to act with deliberation and with full knowledge of all existing laws on a subject; as a result, it is further presumed that the Legislature does not intend to interfere with or abrogate a former law relating to the same matter unless the repugnancy between the two is irreconcilable. Ross v. City of Great Falls, 1998 MT 276, ¶ 17, 291 Mont. 377, ¶ 17, 967 P.2d 1103, ¶ 17. Second, it is our duty to reconcile statutes if it appears possible to do so, consistent with legislative intent. Fletcher v. Paige, 124 Mont. 114, 119, 220 P.2d 484, 487 (1950). Third, when there is a statute dealing with a subject in general and comprehensive terms, and another statute dealing with a part of the same subject in a more minute and definite way, the two should be read together and harmоnized, as much as possible, giving effect to each. State ex rel. Boone v. Tullock, 72 Mont. 482, 486, 234 P. 277, 278-79 (1925); Schuman v. Bestrom, 214
¶42 The Court points out that FWP is required by
¶43 Whereas
¶44 Rather than attempt to harmonize these statutes, the Court decides simply to insert the word “partisan” into the clear and unambiguous language of
¶45 Notably, the Court fails to explain what conduct by an FWP employee would constitute “use [of] his official authority or influence ... for the purpose of coercing or influencing the [partisan] political actions of any person or body.” However, the Court‘s suggestion that the legislative process is anything but partisan defies the reality of Montana‘s Legislature. It is common knowledge that legislators generally vote along party lines in support of, or in opposition to, statutes drafted to implement the planks in the parties’ respective plаtforms. Similarly, the suggestion that lobbyists—of whatever ilk—do not play to this partisan polarization is specious. Consequently, even under the Court‘s remanufactured version of
¶46 The Court offers one additional justification for its approach—namely, that
¶47 In this regard, the Court relies on State ex rel. Nagle v. Sullivan, 98 Mont. 425, 40 P.2d 995 (1935) (per curiam), to explain the meaning of “political actions.” Opinion, ¶¶ 23-24, 29. However, Nagle did not involve the issue of whether lobbying and appearing before the Legislaturе was “political action” within the meaning of
¶48 I do agree with the Court that
¶49 That said, in light of the Court‘s reliance on decisions from other jurisdictions, I note that in State ex rel. Green v. City of Cleveland, 33 N.E.2d 35 (Ohio App. 1940), the court considered a prohibition similar to
It seems clear to us that whenever a voter casts his ballot, such an action is “political action,” on his part, whether he votes on candidates or for or against some issue submitted on the ballot. Therefore, if any city official should threaten with a loss of his job any employee refusing to vote for or against a special levy, bond issue or charter amendment, such a threat would constitute within the meaning of the above provision an attempt to use the official authority of such official “to influence or coerce the political actiоn” of the employee so threatened.
¶50 The Ohio court‘s interpretation of “political action” is no less persuasive than the various interpretations offered by this Court in ¶¶ 25-28 of the Opinion. Green supports the proposition that whenever a legislator casts his or her vote with respect to some issue before the Legislature, such an action is a “political action,” and if any FWP employee uses his or her official authority or influence for the purpose of influencing that vote, then the employee is engaged in the conduct proscribed by
¶51 Does
¶52 In sum, lobbying the Legislature, appearing before it as a proponent or opponent of legislation, and otherwise influencing the decisions of individual legislators are included within the
¶53 I dissent.
