Silver v. BrownSilver v. Brown
- Reporters:
- , , ,
- Before:
- Traynor (en banc)
Philip Adams, Edward Napier Thomson and Roland Adickes, in pro. per., for Petitioners in Sac. No. 7681.
Thomas C. Lynch, Attorney General, Charles A. Barrett, Assistant Attorney General, and Sanford N. Gruskin, Deputy Attorney General, for Respondents in Sac. No. 7679.
Thomas C. Lynch, Attorney General, Charles A. Barrett, Assistant Attorney General, Sanford N. Gruskin, Deputy Attorney General, and Herman F. Selvin for Respondents in Sac. No. 7681.
Musick, Peeler & Garrett, Gerald G. Kelly, Richard T. Apel, William J. Emanuel, Bruce A. Bevan, Jr., Herman F. Selvin, Adrian Kuyper, County Counsel (Orange), Seymour S. Pizer, Assistant County Counsel, Woodruff J. Deem, District Attorney (Ventura), Paul L. McKaskle, Deputy District Attorney, Dannemeyer, Gustaveson & Tuohey and Conrad G. Tuohey for Interveners in Sac. No. 7679.
Phill Silver, in pro. per., Musick, Peeler & Garrett, Gerald G. Kelly, Richard T. Apel, William J. Emanuel, Adrian Kuyper, County Counsel (Orange), Seymour S. Pizer, Assistant County Counsel, Woodruff J. Deem, District Attorney (Ventura), Paul L. McKaskle, Deputy District Attorney, Dannemeyer, Gustaveson & Tuohey and Conrad G. Tuohey for Interveners in Sac. No. 7681.
Edward Napier Thomson, in pro. per., Gerald N. Hill and Gabriel Solomon as Amici Curiae in Sac. No. 7681.
TRAYNOR, C.J.
In these proceedings petitioners as citizens, taxpayers, and voters seek writs of mandate to enforce their rights and the rights of all others similarly situated to equal protection of the laws (
In 1961 the Legislature reapportioned the Senate and Assembly (
At the 1965 session of the Legislature, the Senate and the Assembly were unable to agree on a measure to reapportion the Senate, and the Legislature adjourned without meeting the federal court‘s July 1 deadline.
Since the validity of any apportionment of the Senate involves questions of both state and federal constitutional law and since the United States Supreme Court has stated its preference that appropriate state agencies including state courts be given adequate opportunity to adopt their own reapportionment plans before the federal courts act (Scott v. Germano (1965) 381 U.S. 407, 409 [85 S.Ct. 1525, 1527, 14 L.Ed.2d 477, 478] and cases cited), we took jurisdiction in the Senate case despite the pendency of the federal action. Since it also appeared that there were serious questions as to the validity of the apportionment of the Assembly, we also took jurisdiction of the Assembly case.
The invalidity of the Senate‘s present apportionment is of course now settled by Jordan v. Silver, supra, 381 U.S. 415. [1] Moreover, although the departures from population-based representation in the Assembly are not as extreme as those in the Senate, they are nevertheless large enough to deny equal protection
The United States Supreme Court has recognized that the policies underlying requirements of compactness and contiguity and the maintenance of the integrity of political subdivisions may justify some deviations from equally populous districts. Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533, 578-581; Roman v. Sincock, 377 U.S. 695, 710. It has also recognized that minor discrepancies in one house may be offset by compensating discrepancies in the other and that therefore the validity of the apportionment of each house must be determined in the light of that of the other. (Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533, 577; Maryland Committee v. Tawes, 377 U.S. 656, 673; Lucas v. Colorado Gen. Assembly, 377 U.S. 713, 735, fn. 27.) We are convinced, however, that under the decisions of the United States Supreme Court, the policies underlying the requirements of
[2] The Assembly contends, however, that it is now too late for the Legislature to be convened in special session to reapportion the Assembly in time to permit orderly conduct of the 1966 primary and general elections. It invokes
No reason appears, however, why inability to comply with section 6460 would interfere with the orderly conduct of the primary and general elections. Its purpose is merely to provide general electoral information. The critical date is 90 days before the June 7, 1966, primary election when the Secretary of State must transmit to each county clerk notice of the offices for which candidates are to be nominated. (
In Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533, 585, the court stated: “Remedial techniques in this new and developing area of the law will probably often differ with the circumstances of the challenged apportionment and a variety of local conditions. It is enough to say now that, once a State‘s legislative apportionment scheme has been found to be unconstitutional, it would be the unusual case in which a court would be justified in not taking appropriate action to insure that no further elections are conducted under the invalid plan.” In view of the time limits and alternatives discussed above, we believe this case is not such an unusual one as to permit the 1966 election of the Assembly to proceed under the present invalid plan.
The Legislature has already been given an opportunity to reapportion the Senate and has failed to do so. Petitioners in the Senate case therefore urge us to adopt an apportionment plan presented by them based on pairings of present assembly districts. The Senate contends, however, that if this court will set forth the standards under the California and United States Constitutions with which an apportionment measure must comply and give the Legislature an opportunity to reapportion both the Senate and the Assembly this fall, the Legislature can enact a valid apportionment measure for each house by December 9, 1965, in time for the 1966 elections. We believe that the Legislature should have that opportunity.
[3] Although the United States Supreme Court has eschewed establishing rigid mathematical standards for evaluating legislative apportionments (Roman v. Sincock, 377 U.S. 695, 710; Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533, 578), we deem it only fair to the Legislature to set forth limits within which an apportionment would at least carry a strong presumption of validity under the equal protection clause and beyond which it would be seriously suspect. Those limits are that no district depart from the ideal size by more than 15 per cent and that a majority of the members of each house be elected by the voters of districts containing at least 48 per cent of the total population. The former figure is that adopted by H.R. 5505 to govern congressional apportionment, which has been passed by the House of Representatives and is now pending in the United States Senate. (See also Toombs v. Fortson (1965) 241 F. Supp. 65, 69-70.) Adherence to the latter figure will insure making districts of maximum deviation the exception rather than the rule. [4] Reapportionment must be based on the 1960 census, for that requirement of
[5, 6] The question remains to what extent other provisions of the California Constitution governing apportionment can be reconciled with equal protection requirements. In addition to the clearly invalid part of section 6 providing that no county shall have more than one senate district or be included in a district with more than two other counties, sections 5 and 6 contain additional provisions that cannot all be given effect in the case of either the Assembly or the Senate.
Those sections provide for 40 senators and 80 assemblymen each of whom must be elected from a separate senate or assembly district. The districts are to be composed of contiguous territory, and in “the formation of assembly districts no county, or city and county, shall be divided, unless it contains sufficient population within itself to form two or more districts..., nor shall a part of any county, or of any city and county, be united with any other county, or city and county, in forming any assembly or senatorial district.” (
We find nothing in the California Constitution to indicate that any particular provision governing the makeup and apportionment of the Senate and the Assembly is to be preferred over any of the others. Due consideration should be given to all of them, but we believe that it is for the Legislature and the people in the exercise of the legislative power of the state vested in them by section 1 of article IV to determine which provision or provisions of sections 5 and 6 should be subordinated to comply with the equal protection clause of the United States Constitution. The makeup and apportionment of the Legislature involve peculiarly political questions that are not appropriate for this court to decide. They are far better entrusted to the collective political wisdom of the Legislature subject to the power of initiative and referendum reserved to the people. Our function under the decisions of the United States Supreme Court is to assure adherence to the requirements of the equal protection clause, not to resolve the purely political questions also inherent in legislative apportionment. (Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533, 586; Maryland Committee v. Tawes, 377 U.S. 656, 676.) To preserve diversity of representation, the Legislature may deem it wise to change the number of its members. It may deem it wise in some cases to provide for the election of more than one senator or assemblyman at large from a dual or multimember district. In other cases it may deem it preferable to join part of one county to another in forming a district.
[7] There is no merit in the contention that because the present apportionment of the Senate and Assembly is invalid, the Legislature is not empowered to act. By repeatedly encouraging invalidly apportioned state legislatures to reapportion themselves, the United States Supreme Court has clearly recognized that until a new legislature is elected, the existing legislature may validly legislate. (Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533, 586-587; Maryland Committee v. Tawes, 377 U.S. 656, 676; WMCA, Inc. v. Lomenzo, 377 U.S. 633, 655; see Scott v. Germano, 381 U.S. 407, 409.)
[8] There is also no merit in the contention that since the Legislature has had the opportunity but has failed to reapportion the Senate, the Reapportionment Commission should now do so. Even if we could reasonably disregard the express condition precedent to the commission‘s power, namely, that the Legislature must have failed to reapportion itself after the 1960 census, we could not hold the provision creating the commission severable from the invalid parts of section 6. In amending section 6 in 1926 the people created the commission to enforce a specific apportionment plan. We do not believe they would have delegated such broad legislative power to the commission as is now appropriate for the Legislature to exercise, had they known that the standards set forth in section 6 could not be followed consistently with the United States Constitution. (See Franklin Life Ins. Co. v. State Board of Equal., ante, p. 222 [45 Cal. Rptr. 869, 404 P.2d 477]; County of Los Angeles v. Jessup, 11 Cal.2d 273, 279 [78 P.2d 1131].)
The temporary apportionment plans we have prepared for both the Senate and the Assembly will become effective only if the Legislature fails to enact valid plans of its own. Since they are temporary plans, senators as well as assemblymen that may be elected thereunder will serve only two-year terms. They are set forth in appendices to this opinion,* and we announce them at this time so that all interested parties will know the alternative we propose if no valid reapportionment legislation is enacted. We are particularly concerned
It is not our function to decide the peculiarly political questions involved in reapportionment, but it is our duty to insure the electorate equal protection of the laws. Accordingly, in drafting plans that meet the 15 per cent and 48 per cent limits stated above, we have adhered to existing county and assembly district boundaries and refrained from drawing any new lines dividing counties or districts. It has therefore been necessary to create several districts for both the Senate and the Assembly that will elect two or more assemblymen or senators at large. In no case, however, will more than six assemblymen or three senators be elected at large.
Writs of mandate in these cases will not issue at this time, but we retain jurisdiction to review any reapportionment legislation that may be enacted by December 9, 1965, and to order our proposed plans into effect if necessary.
McComb, J., Peters, J., Tobriner, J., Peek, J., Mosk, J., and Burke, J., concurred.
The petitions of respondent governor and certain interveners for a rehearing were denied September 29, 1965.
APPENDIX I
Assembly Reapportionment to Become Effective if the Legislature Fails Validly to Reapportion the Assembly in Time for the 1966 Elections
| Seat Numbers | Territory Included | District Numbers* | Population Per Seat |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | Del Norte, Mendocino, Lake, and Humboldt Counties | 1 | 187,508 |
| 2 | Siskiyou, Trinity, Shasta, Tehama, Modoc, Lassen, Plumas, Sierra, and Glenn Counties | 2 | 180,381 |
| 3 | Butte, Colusa, Sutter, and Yolo Counties | 3 | 193,212 |
| 4 | Yuba, Nevada, Placer, El Dorado, Amador, Alpine, Calaveras, Tuolumne, Mariposa, Mono, and Inyo Counties | 4 | 195,199 |
| 5 | Marin, Sonoma, and Napa Counties | 5, 6 | 180,043 |
| 6 | Sacramento and Solano Counties | 7, 8, 9 | 212,523 |
| 7 | Present Assembly District No. 10 | 10 | 204,838 |
| 8 | Present Assembly District No. 11 | 11 | 204,192 |
| 9 | San Joaquin and Stanislaus Counties | 12, 13 | 203,642 |
| 10 | Present Assembly District No. 13 | 14 | 202,185 |
| 11 | Present Assembly District No. 14 | 15 | 178,522 |
| 12 | Present Assembly District No. 15 | 16 | 189,899 |
| 13 | Present Assembly District No. 16 | 17 | 168,397 |
| 14 | Present Assembly District No. 17 | 18 | 169,206 |
| Seat Numbers | Territory Included | District Numbers* | Population Per Seat |
|---|---|---|---|
| | City and County of San Francisco | 19, 20, 21, 22 | 185,079 |
| 16 | San Mateo County | 23, 24 | 222,194 |
| 17 | Santa Clara County | 25, 26, 27 | 213,100 |
| 18 | Merced, San Benito, and Santa Cruz Counties | 28 | 190,061 |
| 19 | Fresno and Madera Counties | 29, 30 | 203,207 |
| 20 | Monterey County | 31 | 198,351 |
| 21 | Kings and Tulare Counties (Present Assembly District No. 35) | 32 | 218,357 |
| 22 | Kern and San Luis Obispo Counties | 33, 34 | 186,514 |
| 23 | Santa Barbara County | 35 | 168,962 |
| 24 | Ventura County (Present Assembly District No. 37) | 36 | 199,138 |
| 25 | Present Assembly District No. 38 | 37 | 211,868 |
| 26 | Present Assembly District No. 39 | 38 | 207,600 |
| 27 | Present Assembly District No. 40 | 39 | 177,837 |
| 28 | Present Assembly District No. 41 | 40 | 182,128 |
| 29 | Present Assembly District No. 42 | 41 | 177,299 |
| 30 | Present Assembly District No. 43 | 42 | 177,000 |
| 31 | Present Assembly District No. 44 | 43 | 212,181 |
| 32 | Present Assembly District No. 45 | 44 | 186,287 |
| 33 | Present Assembly District No. 46 | 45 | 195,356 |
| | Territory Included | District Numbers* | Population Per Seat |
|---|---|---|---|
| 34 | Present Assembly District No. 47 | 46 | 202,370 |
| 35 | Present Assembly District No. 48 | 47 | 193,384 |
| 36 | Present Assembly District No. 49 | 48 | 195,729 |
| 37 | Present Assembly District No. 50 | 49 | 207,637 |
| 38 | Present Assembly District No. 51 | 50 | 191,671 |
| 39 | Present Assembly District No. 52 | 51 | 211,414 |
| 40 | Present Assembly District No. 53 | 52 | 182,567 |
| 41 | Present Assembly District No. 54 | 53 | 193,526 |
| 42 | Present Assembly District No. 55 | 54 | 187,416 |
| 43 | Present Assembly District No. 56 | 55 | 211,925 |
| 44 | Present Assembly District No. 57 | 56 | 194,876 |
| 45 | Present Assembly District No. 58 | 57 | 181,988 |
| 46 | Present Assembly District No. 59 | 58 | 188,554 |
| 47 | Present Assembly District No. 60 | 59 | 201,580 |
| 48 | Present Assembly District No. 61 | 60 | 205, |
| 49 | Present Assembly District No. 62 | 61 | 196,984 |
| 50 | Present Assembly District No. 63 | 62 | 186,037 |
| 51 | Present Assembly District No. 64 | 63 | 210,472 |
| Seat Numbers | Territory Included | District Numbers* | Population Per Seat |
|---|---|---|---|
| 52 | Present Assembly District No. 65 | 64 | 194,642 |
| 53 | Present Assembly District No. 66 | 65 | 184,260 |
| 54 | Present Assembly District No. 67 | 66 | 194,936 |
| 55 | Present Assembly District No. 68 | 67 | 177,654 |
| 56 | Orange and San Bernardino Counties | 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73 | 200,488 |
| 57 | Riverside and Imperial Counties | 74, 75 | 189,148 |
| 58 | Present Assembly District No. 76 | 76 | 208,394 |
| 59 | Present Assembly District No. 77 | 77 | 187,295 |
| 60 | Present Assembly District No. 78 | 78 | 222,179 |
| 61 | Present Assembly District No. 79 | 79 | 211,302 |
| 62 | Present Assembly District No. 80 | 80 | 203,495 |
STATISTICS
Largest population per seat is 222,194 in District 16.
Smallest population per seat is 168,397 in District 13.
Ratio of largest to smallest is 1.32 to 1.
The largest population per seat is 13.3 per cent greater than the ideal population of 196,167. The smallest is 14.2 per cent less than the ideal.
Voters in districts with 48.45 per cent of the total population can elect a majority of the Assembly.
APPENDIX II
Senate Reapportionment to Become Effective if the Legislature Fails Validly to Reapportion the Senate in Time for the 1966 Elections
| Seat Numbers | Territory Included† | District Numbers* | Population Per Seat |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | Proposed Assembly Districts 1 and 2 | 1 | 367,889 |
| 2 | 5 | 2 | 360,085 |
| 3 | 3 and 6 | 3, 4 | 415,391 |
| | 4 and 21 | 5 | 413,556 |
| 5 | 9 | 6 | 407,284 |
| 6 | 7, 8, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14 | 7, 8, 9 | 439,080 |
| 7 | 15 | 10, 11 | 370,158 |
| 8 | 16 | 12 | 444,388 |
| 9 | 17, 18 | 13, 14 | 414,681 |
| 10 | 19 | 15 | 406,414 |
| 11 | 20, 22, 23 | 16, 17 | 370,171 |
| 12 | 24, 44 | 18 | 394,014 |
| 13 | 29, 49 | 19 | 374,283 |
| 14 | 28, 51 | 20 | 392,600 |
| 15 | 30, 34 | 21 | 379,370 |
| 16 | 36, 41 | 22 | 389,255 |
| 17 | 37, 45 | 23 | 389,625 |
| 18 | 32, 35 | 24 | 379,671 |
| 19 | 27, 43 | 25 | 389,762 |
| 20 | 46, 48 | 26 | 394,039 |
| 21 | 33, 47 | 27 | 396,936 |
| 22 | 50, 52 | 28 | 380,679 |
| 23 | 39, 40 | 29 | 393,981 |
| 24 | 38, 53 | 30 | 375,931 |
| Seat Numbers | Territory Included† | District Numbers* | Population Per Seat |
|---|---|---|---|
| 25 | 25, 42 | 31 | 399,284 |
| 26 | 54, 55 | 32 | 372,590 |
| 27 | 26, 31 | 33 | 419,781 |
| 28 | 56 | 34, 35, 36 | 400,976 |
| 29 | 58, 59, 60, 61, 62 | 37, 38, 39 | 344,222 |
| 30 | 57 | 40 | 378,296 |
STATISTICS
Largest population per seat is 444,388 in District 8.
Smallest population per seat is 344,222 in District 29.
Ratio of largest to smallest is 1.29 to 1.
Largest population per seat is 13.3 per cent greater than the ideal population of 392,334. The smallest is 12.3 per cent less than the ideal.
Voters in districts with 49.94 per cent of the total population can elect a majority of the Senate.