Sierra Club v. Donald TrumpSierra Club v. Donald Trump
Case Information
*4 BEFORE: THOMAS, Chief Judge, and WARDLAW and COLLINS, Circuit Judges
Opinion by Chief Judge Sidney R. Thomas; Dissent by Judge Collins
THOMAS, Chief Judge:
This appeal presents the question of whether the emergency military
construction authority provided by
I Following the longest partial government shutdown in United States history, Congress passed the 2019 Consolidated Appropriations Act (“2019 CAA”) on February 14, 2019. Pub. L. No. 116-6, div. A, 133 Stat. 13 (2019). Although the President requested $5.7 billion for border wall construction, the 2019 CAA made available only $1.375 billion “for the construction of primary pedestrian fencing . . . in the Rio Grande Valley Sector [in Texas].” On February 15, 2019 the President signed the 2019 CAA into law, but announced that he was “not happy” with the amount of border wall funding he had obtained. Remarks by President Trump on the National Security and Humanitarian Crisis on Our Southern Border, *6 White House at 12 (Feb. 15, 2019), https://perma.cc/5SE7-FS7F (“ Rose Garden Remarks ”).
On the same day, the President invoked his authority under the National
Emergencies Act,
Since February 2019, Congress has attempted to terminate the national emergency on two separate occasions. On March 14, 2019, Congress passed a joint resolution to terminate the emergency declaration, but it was vetoed the next day by the President, and Congress failed to override the Presidential veto. See H.R.J. Res. 46, 116th Cong. (2019); 165 Cong. Rec. H2799, H2814–15 (2019). On September 27, 2019, Congress passed a second joint resolution to terminate the emergency declaration, but once again, the President vetoed this resolution, *7 and Congress failed to override the veto. See S.J. Res. 54, 116th Cong. (2019); 165 Cong. Rec. S5855, S5874–75 (2019).
Congress has an ongoing obligation to consider whether to terminate the emergency every six months, but the President renewed the declaration of a national emergency on February 13, 2020. Message to Congress on the Continuation of the National Emergency with Respect to the Southern Border of the United States , White House (Feb. 13, 2020).
Although the President’s declaration of a national emergency was issued in February 2019, the administration did not announce that it had made a decision to divert the funds until September 3, 2019, when the Secretary of Defense announced that it was necessary to divert $3.6 billion from military construction projects to border wall construction projects.
The Secretary of Defense announced that the funds would be diverted to fund eleven specific border wall construction projects in California, Arizona, New Mexico, and Texas. Altogether, the projects include 175 miles of border wall. The projects fall into three basic categories: (1) two projects on the Barry M. Goldwater Range military installation in Arizona, (2) seven projects on federal public domain land that is under the jurisdiction of the Department of the Interior, and (3) two projects on non-public land that would need to be acquired through *8 either purchase or condemnation before construction could begin. The first two projects would be built on the Goldwater Range, and “the remaining nine will be built on land assigned to Fort Bliss, an Army base,” with its headquarters in El Paso, Texas.
On September 5, 2019, the Secretary of Defense identified which military
construction projects the Department of Defense (“DoD”) intended to defer in
order to fund border wall construction. The Secretary authorized the diversion of
funding from 128 military construction projects, 64 of which are located within
the United States, and 17 of which are located within the territory of the Plaintiff
States—California, Colorado, Hawai’i, Maryland, New Mexico, Oregon, Virginia,
and Wisconsin—totaling over $500 million in funds.
[1]
Pursuant to
II
The Organizational Plaintiffs in this case, Sierra Club and the Southern
Border Communities Coalition (“SBCC”) (collectively, “Sierra Club”) and the
*9
State Plaintiffs
[2]
filed separate suits challenging the Federal Defendants’
[3]
anticipated diversion of federal funds to fund border wall construction pursuant to
various statutory authorities, including
In both cases, the parties first litigated the claims challenging the Federal
Defendants’ transfer of funds pursuant to Section 8005 and Section 9002 of the
Department of Defense Appropriations Act of 2019, Pub. L. No. 115-245, 132
Stat. 2981 (2018) (“Section 8005”)—the claims that were the subject of the prior
appeals considered by this panel. The parties agreed that while litigating the
Section 8005 claims, they would stay the summary judgment briefing schedule as
to the
Nine states, including California, Colorado, Hawai’i, Maryland, New
Mexico, New York, Oregon, Wisconsin, and the Commonwealth of Virginia
(collectively, the “States”), filed a motion for partial summary judgment on their
On December 11, 2019, in a single opinion addressing the claims of both
State and Sierra Club Plaintiffs, the district court granted summary judgment and
a declaratory judgment to the Plaintiffs on their
The Federal Defendants timely appealed the district court’s grant of summary judgment and declaratory relief to Sierra Club and the States and the grant of a permanent injunction to Sierra Club. The States timely cross-appealed the district court’s denial of their request for a permanent injunction.
III
We first provide a brief background of the statutory framework at issue: the
National Emergencies Act. The NEA empowers the President to declare national
emergencies. It states that “[w]ith respect to Acts of Congress authorizing the
*12
exercise, during the period of a national emergency, of any special or
extraordinary power, the President is authorized to declare such a national
emergency.”
In the event of a declaration of war or the declaration by the President of a national emergency in accordance with the National Emergencies Act (50 U.S.C. 1601 et seq.) that requires use of the armed forces, the Secretary of Defense, without regard to any other provision of law, may undertake military construction projects, and may authorize the Secretaries of the military departments to undertake military construction projects, not otherwise authorized by law that are necessary to support such use of the armed forces.
Although the NEA empowers presidential action in national emergencies, it also empowers Congress to check that action. The NEA’s legislative history makes clear that it was passed to “[e]nsure that the powers now in the hands of the Executive will be utilized only in time of genuine emergency and then only under safeguards providing for Congressional review,” and that it “[was] not intended to enlarge or add to Executive power.” The National Emergencies Act (Public Law 94-412), Source Book: Legislative History, Text, and Other Documents 50, 292 (1976) (“ NEA Source Book ”). Instead it was “an effort by the Congress to establish clear procedures and safeguards for the exercise by the President of emergency powers conferred upon him by other statutes.” Id. at 292.
As originally enacted, the NEA allowed Congress to terminate any national emergency declared by the President by concurrent resolution. See Pub. L.
94–412, 90 Stat. 1255, §202(a)(1) (1976) (“Any national emergency declared by
the President in accordance with this title shall terminate if . . . Congress
terminates the emergency by concurrent resolution.”). However, the landmark
Supreme Court decision,
INS v. Chadha
,
Until now,
Chadha
had little impact because, prior to the President’s
declaration of a national emergency on the southern border, Congress had never
once voted to terminate a declaration of a national emergency. Indeed,
IV We first consider whether Plaintiffs are the proper parties to challenge the Federal Defendants’ actions. We conclude that Plaintiffs have Article III standing and a cause of action to challenge the border wall construction projects.
A
Although the Federal Defendants do not challenge either the States’ or
Sierra Club’s Article III standing, we have “an independent obligation to assure
that standing exists, regardless of whether it is challenged by any of the parties.”
Summers v. Earth Island Inst.
,
1 The States put forth three different injuries in support of Article III standing. We conclude that border wall construction will inflict environmental and quasi-sovereign injuries in fact upon California and New Mexico and economic injuries in fact upon the remaining states. We conclude that all nine states have standing.
a
California and New Mexico will suffer injuries similar to those asserted in
the prior appeals. States are “entitled to special solicitude in our standing
analysis.”
Massachusetts v. EPA
,
California will suffer an injury in fact based on its environmental injuries. California asserts that it “has an interest in the natural resources of [its] State—such as wildlife, fish, and water—that are held in trust by the State for its residents and are protected by state and federal laws.” If construction occurs, “dozens of sensitive plant and animal species that are listed as ‘endangered,’ ‘threatened,’ or ‘rare’ will be seriously at risk,” and construction will “create environmental harm.” For instance, the border wall construction projects will undermine the recovery of several federally listed endangered species and *17 California Species of Special Concern [5] and damage those species’ habitats. San Diego Project 4 and 11 fall within the California Floristic Province, one of the world’s biodiversity hotspots, which contains plants not found elsewhere in the United States, construction will likely have detrimental effects on the Quino Checkerspot Butterfly, the Coastal California Gnatcatcher, the Western Burrowing Owl, and vernal pool habitat and species, among other species.
California has adequately set forth facts and other evidence, which, taken as true, support these allegations for the purpose of Article III standing. It has demonstrated that border wall construction will injure its environmental interests.
The proposed construction areas for San Diego Projects 4 and 11 “would cut through designated critical habitat for the endangered Quino Checkerspot Butterfly,” which has “been documented immediately adjacent to the border fence *18 and on the surrounding slopes to the north, well within the proposed project area.” The “proposed work, including resurfacing of the roadways where the butterfly and its host plants have been found, will crush and bury diapausing larvae and host plant seed bank in the area,” causing “irreparable harm to the Quino Checkerspot Butterfly population and its critical habitat on Otay Mesa.”
Gnatcatchers are found within the project area for San Diego Project 4, and construction activities “will result in significant displacement of California gnatcatchers into already diminished and limited habitat areas.” Because the species is “restricted to coastal southern California in areas of open coastal sage scrub,” and gnatcatcher “territories average approximately 9 acres,” gnatcatchers affected by construction “will either be required to move or challenge adjacent pairs for their occupied territories,” ultimately resulting in “a substantial reduction of the population in the area, and irreparable harm to the species and its habitat.”
San Diego Project 4 would also harm the Western Burrowing Owl. The owl is “restricted to the western U.S. and northern Mexico,” owls occur in the project area, and eastern Otay Mesa, where San Diego Project 4 is expected to occur, “is the last stronghold for the species in the County.” The “loss of both occupied burrows and foraging habitat [where construction takes place] will only hasten [the owl’s] decline.” The owl will be further impacted because it is *19 “especially sensitive to construction due to [its] unique behavior,” and it is “easily flushed [from its burrows] by adjacent human disturbance or activities.” “Repeated flushing during periods of incubation or while feeding chicks has extremely negative effects, including cooling of eggs, reduced feeding of chicks, or increased exposure to predators, reducing the percentage of chicks surviving to adulthood.”
San Diego Project 4 will also impact and harm delicate vernal-pool habitats, which are home to a number of endangered species, like the San Diego Fairy Shrimp. The landscape “leading to San Diego 4[] supports numerous vernal pools,” and “[s]everal of these pools occur within and adjacent to dirt roads that will be utilized by heavy equipment, and where additional grading, vegetation clearing and filling may occur,” which “would damage vernal pools and cause irreparable harm to the fairy shrimp and other vernal pool species.”
New Mexico will also suffer an injury in fact based on its environmental injuries. If the New Mexico Projects are built, they will “impose environmental harm to the State” and the damage “would include the blocking of wildlife migration, flooding, and habitat loss.” The New Mexico Projects will be built primarily in the “Bootheel” of New Mexico in the Animas and Playas Valleys, an area in southwestern New Mexico that is a “pinch point for ecological diversity, *20 migration, and dispersal in the western North American continent.” Border wall construction “for the New Mexico Projects will create fragmented habitat and block wildlife corridors for numerous protected species” such as the white-sided jackrabbit, a rare and threatened species under New Mexico law, and the jaguar, a federally endangered species.
New Mexico has also adequately set forth facts and other evidence, which, taken as true, support these allegations for the purpose of Article III standing. It has demonstrated that border wall construction will injure its environmental interests.
“Currently, the only area that the white-sided jackrabbit . . . inhabits in the United States is in the Animas and Playas Valleys, where the proposed El Paso 2 and 8 Projects are being constructed.” The “species is already in distress and its numbers are falling due to habitat loss and roadkill incidents from U.S. Border Patrol vehicles which increased dramatically after Customs and Border Protection completed road improvements in 2008.” The current population “is estimated to be 61 hares.” The hares “cross back and forth” across the US-Mexico border “to avoid predators, and to access food, water and mates,” but construction would block crossings because the border wall’s “steel concrete-filled bollards [are] spaced four inches apart,” and “jackrabbits cannot fit through the 4-inch gaps.” El *21 Paso Project 8 and the eastern portion of El Paso Project 2 block important habitat corridors for the hare, including “the sole route the hares can utilize to access habitat on both sides of the border because they cannot navigate the mountainous terrain that surrounds the Animas and Playas Valleys.” Construction would therefore “cut off the last remaining population of the white-sided jackrabbit in the United States,” and “[t]he outlook for the jackrabbit’s survival in New Mexico and the United States [would be] dismal if El Paso 2 and 8 are built.”
Likewise, “[c]onstruction of El Paso 2 and 8 will also harm the federally endangered jaguar . . . as both projects are immediately adjacent to the jaguar’s critical habitat.” Jaguars have been documented in the region, including on “lands that directly adjoin the location of El Paso 2 Project in the Animas Valley.” “Habitat connectivity is critical to the jaguar’s survival,” because “[t]he jaguar’s survival depends on it being able to access habitat on both sides of the U.S.- Mexican border to access prey, mate and suitable habitat,” but the “El Paso Projects impede the jaguar’s recovery by blocking a key wildlife corridor.”
In addition, California will suffer an injury in fact to its quasi-sovereign
interests. California has alleged that it has “an interest in its exercise of sovereign
power over individuals and entities within the State, including enforcement of its
legal code.” The Federal Defendants ordinarily would have to comply with
*22
various California laws designed to protect public health and the environment to
proceed with construction, but
California has adequately set forth facts and other evidence, which, taken as true, support these allegations for the purpose of Article III standing.
Under California law, the California State Water Resources Control Board
and nine regional boards establish water quality objectives and standards, and, for
the California Projects, where the discharge of dredged or fill material into waters
of the United States is expected to occur, a regional board must ordinarily certify
compliance with water quality standards. The record indicates that El Centro
*23
Projects 5 and 9 and Yuma Project 6 are “to be constructed, at least in part, in
areas under the jurisdiction of the Colorado River Basin Water Board.”
Therefore, absent the use of
Additionally, but for the use of
Likewise, the use of
Although the Federal Defendants assert they “will implement control measures,” implementing control measures is not the same as implementing a complete dust control plan, and there is no indication that the Federal Defendants intend to comply fully with California’s air quality laws.
New Mexico will also suffer an injury in fact to its quasi-sovereign
interests. The Federal Defendants would ordinarily have to comply with various
New Mexico laws designed to protect public health and the environment. Such
laws include the dust control plan New Mexico adopted under the Clean Air Act
and its Wildlife Corridors Act,
New Mexico has adequately set forth facts and other evidence, which, taken as true, support these allegations for the purpose of Article III standing.
Absent the use of
Likewise, the Federal Defendants’ use of
Moreover, the New Mexico Projects will harm species that New Mexico’s laws were enacted to protect, such as the white-sided jackrabbit, as previously explained. The Projects will bisect important habitats, impairing the access of the Mexican wolf to those habitats. In sum, California and New Mexico have adequately shown one or more injuries in fact supported by facts and evidence.
Turning to the causation requirement, we conclude that California and New
Mexico will suffer both environmental and sovereign injuries that are fairly
traceable to the Federal Defendants’ conduct. The declarations in support of the
environmental harms clearly demonstrate how the proposed construction will
*27
harm species, and
It is also clear that a favorable judicial decision would redress California
and New Mexico’s asserted injuries. Without
b The remaining states assert theories of economic loss and the loss of tax revenues as the basis for standing. Economic loss and the loss of tax revenues can be sufficient to establish Article III injury in fact. See, e.g. , Wyoming v.
Oklahoma
,
The States have each individually alleged that the
Colorado has standing based on its economic injury and loss of tax revenues because it faces the defunding of a Space Control Facility at the Peterson Air Force Base resulting in an estimated loss of $1 million in state and local tax revenues.
Hawai’i has standing based on its economic injury and loss of tax revenues because it faces the defunding of two projects—a consolidated training facility at the Joint Base Pearl Harbor-Hickam and security improvements at the Marine Corps base at Kaneohe Bay—resulting in an estimated loss of $2.5 million in state and local tax revenues.
Maryland has standing based on its economic injury and loss of tax revenues because it faces the defunding of three projects—an expansion of cantonment area roads at Fort Meade, construction of a hazardous cargo loading and unloading pad and an explosive ordinance disposal training range at Joint Base Andrews, and construction of a child development center at Joint Base Andrews—resulting in an estimated loss of $5 million in state and local tax revenues.
New Mexico also has standing based on its economic injury and loss of tax revenues because it faces defunding of two projects—the construction of an air combat training facility for unmanned vehicles at Holloman Air Force Base and *30 an Information Systems Facility at White Sands Missile Range—resulting in an estimated loss of $9 million in state and local tax revenues.
New York has standing based on its economic injury and loss of tax revenues because it faces the defunding of two projects—an Engineering Center and Parking Structure at the U.S. Military Academy at West Point—resulting in an estimated loss of $13 million in state and local tax revenues.
Oregon has standing based on its economic injury and loss of tax revenues because it faces the defunding of the construction of an indoor small arms training range at the Klamath Falls International Airport resulting in an estimated loss of $600,000 in state and local tax revenues.
Virginia has standing based on its economic injury and loss of tax revenues because it faces the defunding of four projects—the construction of a cyber operations facility at Joint Base Langley-Eustis, the replacement of two different Hazardous Materials Warehouses at Norfolk Naval Station in Norfolk and the Norfolk Naval Shipyard in Portsmouth, and the conversion and repair of a major Ships Maintenance Facility at the Naval Support Station in Portsmouth—resulting in an estimated loss of $5 million in state and local tax revenues.
Wisconsin has standing based on its economic injury and loss of tax revenues because it faces the defunding of the construction of an indoor small *31 arms training range at Truax Field resulting in an estimated loss of $600,000 in state and local tax revenues.
The injuries are “fairly traceable” to the Federal Defendants’ conduct. The
States have illustrated that there is a “line of causation between the [Federal
Defendants’] action and [their] harm” that is “more than attenuated.”
Wash. Envtl.
Council v. Bellon
,
A favorable judicial decision barring
2
Sierra Club and SBCC also have standing. An organization has standing to
sue when “its members would otherwise have standing to sue in their own right,”
and when “the interests it seeks to protect are germane to the organization’s
purpose.”
United Food and Commercial Workers Union Local 751 v. Brown
Grp., Inc.
,
Sierra Club has standing to sue on behalf of its members. It has alleged that the Federal Defendants’ actions will cause particularized and concrete injuries to its members. Sierra Club has more than 400,000 members in California, over 9,700 of whom belong to its San Diego Chapter. Sierra Club’s Grand Canyon Chapter, which covers the State of Arizona, has more than 16,000 members.
Sierra Club’s Rio Grande Chapter includes over 10,000 members in New Mexico and West Texas. Sierra Club’s Lone Star Chapter, which covers the State of Texas, has over 26,100 members, more than 440 of whom live in the Lower Rio Grande Valley.
These members visit border areas such as: the Tijuana Estuary (California), the Otay Mountain Wilderness (California), the Jacumba Wilderness Area (California), the Sonoran Desert (Arizona), Cabeza Prieta National Wildlife Refuge (Arizona), the Chihuahan Desert (New Mexico), Santa Ana National Wildlife Refuge (Texas), the Lower Rio Grande Valley National Wildlife Refuge (Texas), Bentsen-Rio Grande Valley State Park (Texas), La Lomita Historical Park (Texas), and the National Butterfly Center (Texas).
Sierra Club’s members obtain recreational, professional, scientific, educational, and aesthetic benefits from their activities along the U.S.-Mexico border, and from the wildlife dependent upon the habitat in these areas. The *34 construction of a border wall and related infrastructure will acutely injure these interests because the Department of Homeland Security (“DHS”) is proceeding with border wall construction without ensuring compliance with any federal or state environmental regulations designed to protect these interests.
Sierra Club has adequately set forth facts and other evidence, which, taken as true, support these allegations for the purpose of Article III standing.
For instance, Sierra Club member Bill Broyles has a “substantial professional and personal connection to the lands identified for construction as projects Yuma 2 and 10/27 (on the Goldwater Range) and Yuma 3 (on Cabeza Prieta).” He has “written and edited several books and articles on Cabeza Prieta and the Goldwater Range,” and he “also co-wrote and co-published a visitor’s guide to the historic trail, El Camino del Diablo, that the proposed wall parallels and crosses, and that would be harmed by construction vehicle traffic.” He participated in many meetings sponsored by the Range and Refuge concerning their management plans over the years. He believes that the “proposed wall is antithetical to [the] successful cooperative efforts of the Range and Refuge partners,” and it would “desecrate” the historic El Camino del Diablo. He asserts that harm to wildlife species, “the incessant lighting associated with the wall and *35 its construction,” and the “attendant noise and dust” of construction will harm his enjoyment of these areas.
Sierra Club member Orson Bevins lives near the U.S.-Mexico border and states that Yuma Sector Project 6 would “fragment” the vista he usually enjoys. He also states that the “tall and intrusive pedestrian barrier would disrupt the desert views and inhibit [him] from fully appreciating this area,” and that a border wall “would greatly degrade [his] experience visiting and living in this area.”
Richard Guerrero is a Sierra Club member who resides in San Diego, California, and he hikes the trails in and around the Otay Open Space Preserve “about once a month,” and “often hike[s] in areas that are within the sightline of where [he] understand[s] the government plans to construct San Diego Project 4.” The “wall would directly impact [his] ability to enjoy recreating in this area” by adding “a destructive human-created element to this otherwise peaceful open desert landscape.”
Likewise, Sierra Club member Daniel Watman, who leads “border tours” through the Otay Mountain Wilderness, will be harmed by San Diego Project 4 and San Diego Project 11. If San Diego Project 4 is built, he will “no longer be able to lead [his] border tours because the purpose of the tours—to see nature continuing unimpeded across the border—would be lost.” Moreover, he enjoys *36 visiting the bi-national town of Tecate, and he believes “San Diego 11 project would seriously reduce the enjoyment [he] get[s] from the area, because seeing this large, out-of-place wall would mar [his] views of the beautiful mountain range on the American side” and “cause extensive and possibly irreparable damage to the native flora” in the area.
Sierra Club member Robert Ardovino “currently recreate[s] in what [he] understand[s] to be the El Paso Project 2 and 8 areas,” and has “done so for several decades.” He claims that construction will “drastically change [his] ability to appreciate [the] views” of the “sprawling vistas near Antelope Wells,” because the lighting planned for the construction projects “would completely change the landscape,” and the construction would harm the species he appreciates while camping, “permanently ruin[ing]” his “use and enjoyment of these areas.”
Thomas Miller is a Sierra Club member who works at Laredo College conducting environmental research with students in the Rio Grande Valley, and he asserts that Laredo Project 7 will injure him “professionally, recreationally, and aesthetically.” For the last 15 years, his “research has largely focused on the now endangered Texas Hornshell Mussel.” He is “concerned that [Laredo Project 7] and its construction will destroy essential habitat for freshwater mussels and other species of plants and animals,” because the “construction process and the *37 existence of a wall would lead to river siltation when parts of the desert soil and rocks are displaced” and could potentially lead to “chemicals polluting the water sources” in the area. Likewise, Jerry Thompson, a Sierra Club member and Professor of History at Texas A&M International University, whose research focuses on “Texas history, border history, and the history of the American Civil War” asserts that Laredo Project 7 “would be extremely detrimental to [his] research and career as it would foreclose [his] ability to do site visits and visualize the area before writing about it.” He has written numerous books about the Texas-Mexico border, has visited the Laredo 7 Project area around twenty times in the course of his research, intends to return within the next few years to view the section of the Rio Grande where Laredo 7 project is slated for construction, and “plan[s] to continue to write about the Texas-Mexico border.”
Carmina Ramirez is a Sierra Club member who “will be harmed culturally and aesthetically” if construction proceeds for El Centro Projects 5 and 9 because she has spent her entire life in the area surrounding the U.S.-Mexico Border, including the El Centro Sector, and she believes that border wall construction would “obstruct [the] view [of the Valley area],” “divide [her community],” “further militariz[e] the border,” and “drastically impact [her] ability to enjoy the local natural environment.” Construction will make her “less likely to hike Mount *38 Signal and enjoy outdoor recreational activities; and when [she does] undertake those activities, [her] enjoyment of them will be irreparably diminished.”
Lastly, the interests of Sierra Club’s members in this lawsuit are germane to the organization’s purpose. Sierra Club is “a national organization . . . dedicated to exploring, enjoying, and protecting the wild places of the earth; to educating and enlisting humanity to protect and restore the quality of the natural and human environment; and to using all lawful means to carry out these objectives.” Sierra Club’s organizational purpose is at the heart of this lawsuit, and it easily satisfies this secondary requirement.
SBCC has also alleged facts that support its standing to sue on behalf of itself and its member organizations. SBCC alleged that, since the Federal Defendants proposed border wall construction, it has had to “mobilize[] its staff and its affiliates to monitor and respond to the diversion of funds and the construction caused by and accompanying the national emergency declaration.” These “activities have consumed the majority of SBCC staff’s time, thereby interfering with SBCC’s core advocacy regarding border militarization, Border Patrol law-enforcement activities, and immigration reform,” but it has had no choice because it “must take these actions in furtherance of its mission to protect and improve the quality of life in border communities.”
SBCC has adequately set forth facts and other evidence, which, taken as true, support these allegations for the purpose of Article III standing. SBCC Director Vicki Gaubeca has confirmed that the border wall construction projects have “caused [SBCC] to reduce the time that [it] devote[s] to [its] core projects,” and “frustrated SBCC’s mission of advancing the dignity and human rights of border communities.” SBCC has “been forced to expend resources on countering the emergency instead of on [its] other initiatives, including Border Patrol accountability, community engagement on local health and education issues, and public education about immigration policies more broadly.”
Moreover, Southwest Environmental Center (“SWEC”), an organization that forms part of the SBCC, has also been harmed by the proposed construction. SWEC was founded “to reverse the accelerating loss of plants and animals worldwide through protection and restoration of native wildlife and their habitats in the southwest,” and it “has been actively involved in restoring riparian and aquatic habitats along the Rio Grande in southern New Mexico and west Texas. Border wall construction projects, however, have “required SWEC to shift its focus to more urgent, defensive campaigns,” and “[s]taff time and resources that would normally go towards [its] longer-term restoration efforts to protect landscapes and wildlife species . . . are instead being channeled to immediate *40 border wall advocacy.” Without such defensive efforts, however, the wall will “cause[] irreversible damage to border lands that SWEC’s members enjoy and cherish.”
The Texas Civil Rights Project (“TCRP”) is also a member organization of the SBCC and is comprised of separate programs, including a Racial and Economic Justice Program, a Voting Rights Program, and a Criminal Justice Reform Program. The “announcement of imminent land seizure and ‘military construction’ across 52 miles of borderlands in Laredo, Texas has caused and will continue to cause TCRP to divert scarce resources in protection of Texas landowners.” TCRP has had to expand its operations into Laredo, Texas, even though Laredo is “a substantial distance from the nearest TCRP office” in Alamo, Texas, and it is “prohibitive to directly represent anyone in a region where [TCRP] do[es] not have a physical TCRP office.” TCRP has had no choice but to take on this additional burden because declining to represent these landowners would undermine the organization’s goal to fight for a “Texas where all communities thrive with dignity and justice and without fear.”
These allegations are sufficient to establish that, if funds are diverted to the border wall construction projects, Sierra Club members and SBCC will suffer injuries in fact.
Sierra Club and SBCC have also shown that such injuries are “fairly traceable to the challenged action[s] of the [Federal Defendants], and not the result of the independent action of some third party not before the court.” Mendia v.
Garcia
,
The injury to Sierra Club and SBCC is likely to be redressed by a favorable
judicial decision. The Federal Defendants have no authority to undertake the
border wall projects if the Court holds that
B The Federal Defendants assert that the Plaintiffs do not have a cause of action. We hold that the States have a cause of action under the APA and Sierra Club has a constitutional cause of action.
1
The APA provides for judicial review of “final agency action for which
there is no other adequate remedy in a court.”
As a threshold matter,
The Supreme Court has clarified that, in the APA context, the zone of
interests test does “not require any ‘indication of congressional purpose to benefit
the would-be plaintiff.’”
Patchak
,
*45
The States are suitable challengers to enforce
Moreover,
Patchak
establishes that when a statute deals with land use, the
“neighbors to the use” may sue and their “interests, whether economic,
environmental, or aesthetic, come within [the statute’s] regulatory ambit.” 567
U.S. at 227–28. Here,
Therefore, the States fall within
2
The Supreme Court’s decision in
Bond
, and our decisions in
McIntosh
and
the prior
Sierra Club
appeal, provide ample support that Sierra Club has a cause
*47
of action under the Appropriations Clause to challenge the Federal Defendants’
use of
“[I]ndividuals, too, are protected by the operations of separation of powers
and checks and balances; and they are not disabled from relying on those
principles in otherwise justiciable cases and controversies.”
Bond v. United
States
,
Although the terms of
If the zone of interests test applies at all here, the Appropriations Clause of
the Constitution defines the zone of interests because it is the “particular provision
of law upon which [Sierra Club] relies” in seeking relief.
Bennett
,
To the extent the zone of interests test ever applies to constitutional causes
of action, it asks only whether a plaintiff is “arguably within the zone of interests
to be protected . . . by the . . . constitutional guarantee in question.”
Boston Stock
Exch. v. State Tax Comm’n
,
Applying that generous formulation of the test here, Sierra Club falls within
the Appropriations Clause’s zone of interests. Because the diversion of funds was
not authorized by the terms of
V
Next, we consider whether the terms of
A
First, the record illustrates that the border wall projects are intended to benefit DHS and its subagencies, CBP and U.S. Border Patrol (“USBP”), not the armed forces. The record demonstrates that DoD primarily considered the many benefits to these civilian agencies in determining that physical barriers are necessary. DoD determined that physical barriers would “[i]mprove CBP’s detection, identification, classification, and response capabilities,” “[r]educe vulnerabilities in key border areas and the time it takes Border Patrol agents to apprehend illegal migrants,” “improv[e] CBP force allocation,” “reduce the challenges to CBP,” “effectively reduce the enforcement footprint and compress USBP operations to the immediate border area,” “serve to channel illegal immigrants towards locations that are operationally advantageous to DHS,” “enable CBP agents to focus less on the rugged terrain,” and “give a distinct and enduring advantage to USBP as a force multiplier.”
To the extent DoD decision-makers believed that construction would
benefit DoD at all, the record demonstrates that the construction is merely
expected to help DoD
help
DHS. DoD determined that the barriers would serve as
“force multipliers,” by allowing military personnel to cover other high-traffic
border areas without existing barriers, a benefit plainly intended to assist DHS,
which, by statute, is tasked with “[s]ecuring the borders, territorial waters, ports,
*52
terminals, waterways, and air, land, and sea transportation systems of the United
States.”
Second, the Federal Defendants have not even alleged, let alone established as a matter of fact, that the border wall construction projects are “necessary” under any ordinary understanding of the word. See M ERRIAM -W EBSTER O NLINE D ICTIONARY (defining “necessary” as “absolutely needed: required”); O XFORD E NGLISH D ICTIONARY O NLINE (defining “necessary” as “[i]ndispensable, vital, essential”). In assessing the necessity of the border wall construction projects, the Federal Defendants concluded: “In short, these barriers will allow DoD to provide support to DHS more efficiently and effectively. In this respect the contemplated construction projects are force multipliers.” Efficiency and efficacy are not synonymous with necessity.
The Federal Defendants contend that “
The Federal Defendants also cite
Commissioner v. Heininger
,
“Necessary” as it appears in
The remainder of the Federal Defendants’ arguments do not compel an
opposite conclusion. First, the Federal Defendants assert that the determination of
whether military construction is necessary to support the use of the armed forces
is “committed to the discretion of the Secretary of Defense by law.” They argue
that questions of military necessity turn on “a complicated balancing of a number
of factors which are peculiarly within [the Secretary’s] expertise” and that the
Court should defer to such expertise.
Heckler v. Chaney
,
“[T]he claim of military necessity will not, without more, shield governmental operations from judicial review.” Koohi v. United States , 976 F.2d 1328, 1331 (9th Cir. 1992). A decision is generally committed to an agency decision by law only when a court would have “no meaningful standard against which to judge the agency’s exercise of discretion.” Perez Perez v. Wolf , 943 F.3d 853, 860 (9th Cir. 2019) (quoting Pinnacle Armor, Inc. v. United States , 648 F.3d 708, 719 (9th Cir. 2011)).
As we have explained, the Federal Defendants have simply claimed
“military necessity” without more, and this alone cannot shield their actions from
*57
judicial review. Further, as we have noted, the judgment at issue here is not a
military one. The border wall construction projects further the goals of DHS—a
civilian law enforcement agency—and the determination that the projects are
necessary, in any sense, is a law enforcement calculation, not a military one. Such
determinations involve distinctly different calculations than those present in the
military deference cases cited by the Federal Defendants, like
Gilligan v. Morgan
,
which involved the ongoing judicial oversight of the Ohio National Guard.
See
Gilligan v. Morgan
,
What is more, nothing in the language of the statute suggests that this determination is committed to the discretion of the Secretary of Defense. Here, the phrase “that are necessary to support such use of the armed forces,” provides standards against which to judge that exercise of discretion; as demonstrated *58 above, the statutory language is susceptible to basic statutory interpretation. If Congress had committed these issues to the unfettered discretion of the Secretary, we would—of course—defer. But it did not, so it is our task to determine whether the Secretary has complied with the statutory requirements.
Further, judicial review of statutes conferring specific emergency powers to the President is critical because, as explained by the Senate Committee on Government Operations in passing the NEA, the NEA left “the definition of when a President is authorized to declare a national emergency . . . to the various statutes which give him extraordinary powers.” NEA Source Book at 292.
Therefore, the President’s emergency authority is conferred only by statute. Were
we to conclude that judicial review of such a statute was precluded, the
President’s emergency authority would be effectively unbounded, contravening
the purpose of the NEA. Thus, the language of
Alternatively, the Federal Defendants assert that “[e]ven if the Secretary’s military-necessity determinations were reviewable, this Court . . . should defer to the Secretary’s conclusion that the challenged projects are necessary to improve the effectiveness and efficiency of DoD personnel deployed to the border.” But, as we have discussed, it does not follow from the idea that a project is designed to *59 improve effectiveness and efficiency that a project is necessary in any ordinary sense. And absent from the record is any determination by the Secretary that the projects are actually necessary. Under these circumstances, deference, in the classic administrative law sense, is not appropriate.
In sum, based on the record, we conclude that the construction of the
challenged border wall projects does not comply with the statutory requirements
of
B
Because the border wall construction projects plainly qualify as
“construction,” the key inquiry here is whether they are being “carried out with
respect to a military installation.” “Interpretation of a statute must begin with the
statute’s language.”
Rumsey Indian Rancheria of Wintun Indians v. Wilson
, 64
F.3d 1250, 1257 (9th Cir. 1994) (citations omitted). “[S]tatutory language must
always be read in its proper context,” and courts must look to the “design of the
statute as a whole and to its object and policy,”
UMG Recordings, Inc. v. Shelter
Capital Partners LLC
,
The Federal Defendants make two separate arguments that border wall
construction satisfies the requirements of
We must, then, determine (1) whether administratively assigning the projects to Fort Bliss renders them one and the same as Fort Bliss for purposes of the statute, and if not, (2) whether bringing land under military jurisdiction for real property accountability purposes renders the border wall “other activity under the jurisdiction of the Secretary of a military department.”
We hold that, for purposes of the emergency construction authority
provided by
*62 1
Although the border wall construction projects may be considered part of
Fort Bliss for purposes of real property accounting, we find that a number of
reasons support that the projects should not be considered a part of Fort Bliss for
purposes of
First, we state the most obvious reason why the border wall construction projects need not be considered a part of Fort Bliss in this context. To begin, the projects are not physically connected to Fort Bliss—on their face, they are not “part” of that military installation. In fact, most projects are hundreds of miles away from Fort Bliss.
Moreover, the projects are not functionally part of Fort Bliss. The Federal
Defendants cite no operational ties between the projects and any of the military
activities conducted at Fort Bliss. This is contrary to other examples of sites
which are geographically separate from the military installation to which they
have been assigned. For example, the Federal Defendants highlight that the Green
River Test Complex site in Utah is considered part of the White Sands Missile
Range in New Mexico, even though the two are in different states and located
hundreds of miles apart. But these sites share a close functional connection.
Throughout the 1960s, the military tested Athena missiles by launching them from
*63
the Green River Test Complex to detonate on the White Sands Missile Range. No
such functional nexus exists, or has even been alleged, here. Although a
functional nexus may not be required for administrative assignment, it matters for
purposes of
Additionally, the Federal Defendants cite no other purpose underlying the
administrative assignment, besides pure administrative convenience, that compels
the conclusion that the projects should be considered part of Fort Bliss for
purposes of
Further, reading the words of
Moreover, to construe the statute so broadly would also be contrary to the
purpose of the statutory scheme of which
2
The Federal Defendants’ second argument fails for similar reasons. To hold
that the border wall construction projects constitute “other activity” under military
*66
jurisdiction would transform the definition of “military installation” to include not
just “other activity,” but “any activity” under military jurisdiction, contradicting
the text of the statute. The terms “base, camp, post, station, yard, [or] center”
supply meaning and provide boundaries to the term “other activity,” and they are
not mere surplusage.
See Yates v. United States
,
The Federal Defendants cite
United States v. Apel
,
If anything,
Apel
provides support for our reasoning with respect to the
Federal Defendants’ first argument.
Apel
undermines the notion that the use,
possession, or control of land—such as through the process of administrative
assignment—is central to the inquiry of what constitutes a military installation.
Apel
,
Second, as the district court explained, the Federal Defendants’
interpretation of “other activities” would grant them “essentially boundless
authority to reallocate military construction funds to build anything they want,
*69
anywhere they want, provided they first obtain jurisdiction over the land where the
construction will occur.” These arguments are closely related to those outlined in
the previous section, and as explained there, no restrictions constrain when land
can be brought under military jurisdiction.
See
Section V.B.1. Although the
Federal Defendants assert that “the government does not contend that the entire
‘Southern border’ is a military installation,” the Federal Defendants cite no limit to
their interpretation that would prevent them from making it one. This means that,
if we were to adopt their interpretation of “other activity,” and, as the district court
explained, “provided [they] complete the right paperwork,” the Federal Defendants
would be free to divert billions of dollars from projects funded by congressional
appropriations to projects of their own choosing. As demonstrated by this case,
this would allow the Federal Defendants to redirect funds at will without regard for
the normal appropriations process. Ordinarily, we reject interpretations with
“unnecessarily expansive result[s], absent more explicit guidance or indication
from Congress,” and instead, adopt more “rational” or “natural” readings.
Ariz.
State Bd. for Charter Sch. v. U.S. Dep’t of Educ.
,
Finally, to interpret “other activities” so broadly would run afoul of the
constitutional separation of powers, which provide Congress with exclusive control
over appropriations, and of the NEA, which was passed to “[e]nsure that the
powers now in the hands of the Executive will be utilized only in time of genuine
emergency and then only under safeguards providing for Congressional review.”
NEA Source Book
at 50. Particularly in the context of this case, where Congress
declined to fund the very projects at issue and attempted to terminate the
declaration of a national emergency (twice), we cannot interpret the statute to give
the Executive Branch unfettered discretion to divert funds to any land it deems
under military jurisdiction.
[11]
“Presidential powers are not fixed but fluctuate,
depending on their disjunction or conjunction with those of Congress,” and
“[w]hen the President takes measures incompatible with the expressed or implied
will of Congress, his power is at its lowest ebb.”
Youngstown
,
Therefore, we conclude that
VI
The district court held that Sierra Club was entitled to a permanent
injunction enjoining the Federal Defendants “from using military construction
funds appropriated for other purposes to build a border wall in the” project areas
challenged in this appeal. We review a district court’s grant of injunctive relief for
abuse of discretion.
eBay Inc. v. MercExchange, LLC
,
A permanent injunction is appropriate when: (1) a plaintiff will “suffer[] an
irreparable injury” absent injunction, (2) available remedies at law are
“inadequate,”
[13]
(3) the “balance of hardships” between the parties supports an
equitable remedy, and (4) the public interest is “not disserved.”
Id.
When the
*72
government is party to a case, the balance of equities and public interest factors
merge.
See Drakes Bay Oyster Co. v. Jewell
,
The district court properly considered each of these elements. It held that Sierra Club suffered irreparable injury because the Federal Defendants’ conduct “will impede [Sierra Club’s members’] ability to enjoy, work, and [re]create in the wilderness areas they have used for years along the U.S.-Mexico border,” and that the organizations themselves had suffered irreparable harm as a result of the Federal Defendants’ conduct, because they “have spent resources creating new education, outreach, and monitoring programs related to the construction projects, rather than on other activities related to their respective missions.” In part, because the Federal Defendants “have not pointed to any factual developments that were not before Congress and that may have altered its judgment” to appropriate border wall funding, the district court took the position that the public interest was best served by “ensuring that the statutes enacted by . . . representatives are not imperiled by executive fiat,” “by respecting the Constitution’s assignment of the power of the purse to Congress,” and “by deferring to Congress’s understanding of the public interest as reflected in its repeated denial of more funding for border barrier construction.” The district court’s analysis is reasonable and does not indicate that it abused its discretion.
The Federal Defendants’ arguments to the contrary are unavailing. They
contend that the district court abused its discretion because, in staying the
permanent injunction with respect to the Section 8005 case, the Supreme Court
“necessarily determined that the harm to the federal government from an injunction
prohibiting border-barrier construction outweighs those interests.” The Federal
Defendants do not expand upon this point, and the Supreme Court’s stay order
does not address the appropriateness of injunctive relief. If anything, the order
alludes only to the merits of Sierra Club’s cause of action arguments; it contains
nowhere a suggestion that the district court abused its discretion in balancing the
equities and weighing the public interest.
See Trump v. Sierra Club
,
The Federal Defendants, as they did in the prior appeal, also argue that
Winter v. NRDC, Inc.
,
Winter is further distinguishable because the public interest there balanced “mission-critical,” id. at 14, technology used for the Pacific Fleet’s “top war- fighting priority,” id. at 12, against possible “harm to an unknown number of marine mammals,” id. at 26. By contrast, the Federal Defendants here have cited no such critical interest at stake, and the permanent environmental and economic harms to the Plaintiffs are far more serious and far less speculative than those alleged in Winter .
Finally, the Federal Defendants challenge the district court’s reasoning that “by enacting the Consolidated Appropriations Act, Congress had already balanced the equities in plaintiffs’ favor” because “the CAA did not prohibit DoD from relying on separate and preexisting statutory authorities to spend its own previously appropriated funds on border barriers.” This argument is unavailing because the budgetary standoff, government shutdown, and the resulting 2019 CAA clearly indicate that Congress determined that the interests of the entire country did not favor funding more expansive border wall construction. While this determination might be broader than the balance of equities between the parties here, it certainly incorporates them, and the district court did not abuse its discretion by giving weight to Congress’s judgment in its own analysis.
We therefore affirm the permanent injunction granted to Sierra Club. Given that we have resolved the merits of this appeal, the district court’s stay pending appeal is terminated, and we dismiss Sierra Club’s emergency motion to lift the stay pending appeal as moot.
VII
The district court denied the States’ request for a separate permanent
injunction enjoining the Federal Defendants’ use of
The district court did not abuse its discretion. It held that “[b]ecause . . . the Court finds that Sierra Club Plaintiffs have established that a permanent injunction is warranted as to all eleven proposed projects, the Court denies State Plaintiffs’ duplicative request for a permanent injunction as moot.” Injunctive relief is an equitable remedy, and “an award of an injunction is something that a plaintiff is generally not entitled to as a matter of right.” 42 Am. Jur. 2d Injunctions § 14 (2020). “Even if facts justifying an injunction . . . have been proven, a court must still exercise its discretion to decide whether to grant an injunction.” Id. Here the district court did not abuse this discretion because it granted Sierra Club a permanent injunction enjoining the construction of the same border wall projects challenged by the States. Although it subsequently stayed that injunction, it did so because of a Supreme Court stay imposed in a prior appeal which was based on, conceivably, a similar legal issue. Therefore, though we might weigh the *77 considerations present in this case differently, we hold that the district court did not abuse its discretion in denying the States injunctive relief.
VIII
Although we recognize that in times of national emergency we generally
owe great deference to the decisions of the Executive, the particular circumstances
of this case require us to take seriously the limitations of the text of Section 2808
and to hold the Executive to them. The “power to legislate for emergencies
belongs in the hands of Congress.”
Youngstown
,
We affirm the judgment of the district court. We hold that the States and Sierra Club both have Article III standing and a cause of action to challenge the Federal Defendants’ border wall construction projects, that Section 2808 did not authorize the challenged construction, and that the district court did not abuse its discretion in either granting a permanent injunction to Sierra Club or in denying a separate permanent injunction to the States. [14]
AFFIRMED. *79 FILED Sierra Club, et al. v. Trump, et al. , No. 19-17501; State of California, et al. v.
Trump, et al.
, Nos. 19-17502 & 20-15044
OCT 9 2020 MOLLY C. DWYER, CLERK
COLLINS, Circuit Judge, dissenting:
U.S. COURT OF APPEALS
We once again consider challenges to the Department of Defense’s
construction of border barriers and related infrastructure along our southern border.
See Sierra Club v. Trump
,
The majority concludes that both the Organizations and the States have Article III standing; that the States have a cause of action to challenge the construction projects under the Administrative Procedure Act (“APA”) and that the Organizations have a cause of action under the Appropriations Clause of the Constitution; that the construction projects are unlawful; and that the district court properly determined that the Organizations are entitled to declaratory and injunctive relief while the States are entitled to only declaratory relief. I agree that at least the Sierra Club, California, and New Mexico have established Article III standing, and I conclude that they have a cause of action to challenge the construction projects under the APA. But in my view the construction projects are lawful. Accordingly, I would reverse the district court’s partial judgments and remand for entry of partial summary judgment in favor of the Defendants. I respectfully dissent.
I Although these appeals arise from the same underlying lawsuits as the prior appeals, the particular dispute at issue here involves a different statutory framework and a distinct procedural history. Before turning to the merits, I will briefly review both that framework and that history.
2
A
Under the National Emergencies Act,
In light of this declaration, the Secretary of Defense was authorized to
“undertake military construction projects . . . not otherwise authorized by law that
are necessary to support such use of the armed forces.”
3 *82 military construction projects.” “Based on analysis and advice from the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff and input from the Commander, U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, the Department of Homeland Security (DHS), and the Department of the Interior,” the Secretary determined that these “11 military construction projects along the international border with Mexico, with an estimated total cost of $3.6 billion, are necessary to support the use of the armed forces in connection with the national emergency.” The Secretary stated that, because “[t]hese projects will deter illegal entry, increase the vanishing time of those illegally crossing the border, and channel migrants to ports of entry,” the projects would support the use of the armed forces by “reduc[ing] the demand for DoD personnel and assets at the locations where the barriers are constructed and allow[ing] the redeployment of DoD personnel and assets to other high-traffic areas on the border without barriers.” “In this respect,” the Secretary explained, “the contemplated construction projects are force multipliers.”
4 *83 including “the National Environmental Policy Act, the Endangered Species Act, . . . [and] the Clean Water Act.”
The 11 projects authorized by the Secretary contemplated a total of 175 miles of border-barrier construction. They include two projects on the Barry M. Goldwater Range (a military installation in Arizona), seven projects on federal public-domain land, and two projects on non-public land that would need to be acquired through either purchase or condemnation. Because the latter nine projects, unlike the first two, were to be on land that was not then within any military installation, the Secretary’s memorandum ordered the Department of the Army to “add such land to the Department of the Army’s real property inventory, either as a new installation or as part of an existing military installation.” The Army subsequently designated the land for the latter nine projects as under the jurisdiction of the U.S. Army Garrison Fort Bliss, which is in Texas.
5 *84 stated that the “estimated total cost” of the 11 projects was $3.6 billion. The Secretary further stated that the necessary funds would be obtained by deferring “military construction projects that are not scheduled for award until fiscal year 2020 or later,” and that the first $1.8 billion of funding would come from the deferral of certain projects “outside of the United States.” Only after that would funds be obtained by deferring other construction projects within the United States. In an additional memorandum to other DoD officials, the Secretary identified the 128 specific projects that were slated to be deferred. Forty-three of those projects were located in U.S. States, 21 in U.S. territories, and 64 were overseas. Of the 43 deferred projects in U.S. States, 19 of them were located in the nine States that are parties to this appeal. [2]
B
After the President’s emergency declaration, but before DoD formally
invoked its emergency military construction authority, the Organizations filed an
action in the district court against the Acting Defense Secretary, DoD, and a
*85
variety of other federal officers and agencies. In their March 18, 2019 First
Amended Complaint, they sought to challenge,
inter alia
, any projects undertaken
by the Secretary under
After the Secretary of Defense reached that final decision on September 3,
2019, as explained above, the parties filed cross-motions for summary judgment.
On October 11, 2019, the Organizations moved for partial summary judgment on
the ground that DoD’s invocation of
7
*86
judgment motion that same day. Although that motion sought injunctive and
declaratory relief against any deferral of funding for projects in the nine States, it
only sought direct relief against the border-wall construction itself with respect to
the subset of seven construction projects that were to be undertaken in California
and New Mexico. Defendants filed cross-motions for summary judgment on the
legality of DoD’s construction efforts under
On December 11, 2019, the district court granted partial summary judgment
and declaratory relief to both the Organizations and the States, concluding that
DoD’s construction efforts under
8 *87 of Civil Procedure 54(b), the district court entered partial judgments in favor of both the Organizations and the States.
II
The Government has not contested the Article III standing of the Plaintiffs in
its merits briefs on appeal, but as the majority notes, “we have ‘an independent
obligation to assure that standing exists, regardless of whether it is challenged by
any of the parties.’”
See
Maj. Opin. at 14 (quoting
Summers v. Earth Island Inst.
,
9
*88
of fact could find Article III standing.
Lujan v. Defenders
,
In their briefs below concerning the parties’ cross-motions, the Plaintiffs asserted a variety of theories as to why they have standing. The Sierra Club and SBCC each asserted that Defendants’ allegedly unlawful conduct would cause harm to their members’ recreational, aesthetic, and environmental interests. California and New Mexico asserted that Defendants’ allegedly unlawful construction activities within their borders would cause both harm to the States’ sovereign interests in enforcing their environmental laws as well as actual environmental harm to animals and plants within the States. And all the States, except California, asserted that Defendants’ deferral of funding for military construction projects located in those States would cause financial harm to the States in the form of a loss of economic activity and tax revenues. Accepting the Plaintiffs’ evidence as true, and drawing all reasonable inferences in their favor, a reasonable trier of fact could conclude that at least the Sierra Club has standing in the Organizations’ suit and that at least California and New Mexico have standing in the States’ suit. [3]
*89 A
The Sierra Club has presented sufficient evidence to demonstrate that it has associational standing under Hunt v. Washington State Apple Advert. Comm’n , 432 U.S. 333 (1977). Under the Hunt test, an association has standing if “(a) its members would otherwise have standing to sue in their own right; (b) the interests it seeks to protect are germane to the organization’s purpose; and (c) neither the claim asserted nor the relief requested requires the participation of individual members in the lawsuit.” Id . at 343. The Sierra Club has presented sufficient evidence as to each of these three requirements.
To establish that its members would suffer irreparable harm absent a
permanent injunction, the Sierra Club presented declarations from members who
regularly visit each of the 11 respective project areas. These members described
how the construction and the resulting border barriers would interfere with their
enjoyment of the surrounding landscape and would impede their ability to camp, to
hike, to hunt, to monitor wildlife, and to participate in other related activities near
the project sites. These injuries to the members’ recreational, aesthetic, and
environmental interests are sufficient to constitute an injury in fact for Article III
summary judgment, nor did the district court address Article III standing in its
ruling. However, Plaintiffs’ evidentiary showing of injury in support of a
permanent injunction provides a sufficient basis for evaluating their Article III
standing.
See California v. Trump
,
11
*90
purposes.
See Lujan v. Defenders
,
The other
Hunt
requirements are also satisfied. These members’ interests
are clearly germane to the Sierra Club’s mission to protect the natural environment
and local wildlife and plant life. And in seeking declaratory and injunctive relief,
the lawsuit does not require the participation of individual members.
See Hunt
,
Because the Sierra Club satisfies the applicable standing requirements as to
all of the challenged projects in its partial summary judgment motion, we may
proceed to the merits of the Organizations’ motion without having to address the
standing of SBCC.
See Secretary of the Interior v. California
,
12
*91
obstacle to entering judgment against both the Sierra Club
and
SBCC without
determining whether SBCC has standing.
See Steel Co. v. Citizens for a Better
Env’t
,
B In my view, California and New Mexico have presented sufficient evidence to demonstrate that they have standing based on their inability to enforce their environmental laws. [4]
The Secretary of Defense has directed DoD to undertake the 11 border
barrier projects “without regard to any other provision of law that could impede
such expeditious construction in response to the national emergency,” and “[s]uch
laws include, but are not limited to, the National Environmental Policy Act, the
Endangered Species Act, . . . [and] the Clean Water Act.” Because the Clean
Water Act would otherwise require compliance with certain state water pollution
requirements,
see
,
e.g.
,
Because California and New Mexico satisfy the applicable standing
requirements as to all seven of the challenged projects in their partial summary
judgment motion, we are free to proceed to the merits of the States’ motion without
having to address the standing of the other States.
See Secretary of the Interior v.
California
,
14
standing.
See Steel Co.
,
III
Our next task is to determine whether the Plaintiffs have asserted a viable
cause of action that properly brings the lawfulness of the construction projects
before us.
See Air Courier Conf. v. American Postal Workers Union AFL-CIO
,
In authorizing suit by any person “adversely affected or aggrieved by agency
action within the meaning of a relevant statute,”
In applying this test, we must first identify the “statutory provision whose
violation forms the legal basis for [the] complaint” or the “gravamen of the
complaint.”
Lujan v. NWF
,
17
*96
invocation of
Although both the Organizations and the States also invoke the
Appropriations Clause and the constitutional separation of powers in contending
that Defendants’ actions are unlawful, any such constitutional violations here can
*97
be said to have occurred
only if
the construction efforts violated the limitations set
forth in
*98
Having identified the relevant statute, our next task is to “discern the
interests arguably to be protected by the statutory provision at issue” and then to
“inquire whether the plaintiff’s interests affected by the agency action in question
are among them.”
National Credit Union Admin. v. First Nat’l Bank & Trust Co.
,
In the prior appeals, the transfer of appropriated funds occurred pursuant to
“§ 8005” of the relevant annual appropriations law. In concluding that the
Plaintiffs did not fall within the zone of interests of that provision, I noted that
§ 8005 did not “mention environmental interests”; that it did not “require the
Secretary to consider such interests”; that environmental harms were “not among
the harms that § 8005’s limitations seek to address or protect”; and that § 8005 did
“not itself mention or contemplate the displacement of state [environmental] laws.”
See California v. Trump
,
20
*99
completely separate statute”). Here, the opposite is true. On its face,
The Supreme Court’s decision in
Patchak
confirms the correctness of this
conclusion. In
Patchak
, the Secretary of the Interior had been granted statutory
authority to “acquire property ‘for the purpose of providing land for Indians.’” 567
U.S. at 211 (quoting
21
*100
the casino’s operation.”
Id.
at 211–12. In addressing whether the plaintiff’s
asserted harms fell within the statute’s zone of interests, the Court emphasized that
“[t]he question is not whether
*101 IV
Although the Sierra Club, California, and New Mexico have a cause of
action under the APA, I conclude that their claims fail on the merits because DoD
properly invoked
In the event of a declaration of war or the declaration by the President of a national emergency in accordance with the National Emergencies Act (50 U.S.C. 1601 et seq.) that requires use of the armed forces, the Secretary of Defense, without regard to any other provision of law, may undertake military construction projects, and may authorize the Secretaries of the military departments to undertake military construction projects, not otherwise authorized by law that are necessary to support such use of the armed forces. Such projects may be undertaken only within the total amount of funds that have been appropriated for military construction, including funds appropriated for family housing, that have not been obligated.
“stood to benefit significantly from federal military construction funding” falls
within the zone of interests of
23
*102
Under the plain language of these provisions, three requirements must be
satisfied in order for DoD’s construction activities to comply with
A
The President has issued Proclamation 9844 expressly invoking § 201 of the
NEA, which is the provision of the NEA that authorizes the President to declare a
national emergency that would, in turn, authorize the invocation of emergency
powers set forth in other statutes.
24
*103
the NEA, which requires the President to personally specify which emergency
powers have been invoked, the Proclamation further determines “that this
emergency requires use of the Armed Forces and . . . that the construction authority
provided in
The States do not contest this element, but the Organizations do, at least in
part. The Organizations do not dispute that the President has properly declared a
national emergency,
[12]
and they acknowledge that the President has expressly
declared that this emergency requires use of the armed forces. They contend,
however, that the national emergency does not
actually
require use of the armed
forces and that
The relevant language of
But once it is recognized that the President’s “declaration” must itself include the determination that the emergency “requires use of the armed forces,”
26
*105
the Organizations’ statutory argument collapses. By its terms, this statute is
triggered, not by the
existence
of the specified kind of “national emergency,” but
by the “
event of a declaration
” of such an emergency.
B
To qualify as “military construction” that is authorized under the emergency
authority granted in
27
*106
respect to a military installation.”
By its terms, the statute authorizes any construction project “of any kind”
that is “carried out with respect to” an “
activity
under the jurisdiction of the
Secretary of a military department.”
The majority nonetheless rejects this reading as contrary to ejusdem generis , “the statutory canon that where general words follow specific words in a statutory enumeration, the general words are construed to embrace only objects similar in nature to those objects enumerated by the preceding specific words,” Circuit City
29
*108
Stores, Inc. v. Adams
,
As an initial matter, the majority overlooks the fact that
ejusdem generis
“does not control . . . when the whole context dictates a different conclusion.”
Norfolk & W. Ry. Co. v. American Train Dispatchers Ass’n,
30
*109
points towards an even
broader
reading of the generic term than the Government
urges here. And Plaintiffs would plainly lose under that broader view, because it is
simply indisputable that the construction projects here are all “carried out with
respect to” an “
activity
under the jurisdiction” of a military department.
In any event, the majority’s application of
ejusdem generis
fails for the
additional reason that it overlooks the fact that the statute
itself
tells us what the
unifying characteristic of the enumerated items is—namely, they are all places
“
under the jurisdiction of the Secretary of a military department
.”
The majority contends that this reading of the text cannot be correct because the resulting flexibility in emergency construction authority would be, in the
31 *110 majority’s view, unreasonably broad and “would run afoul of the constitutional separation of powers.” See Maj. Opin. at 70. Both contentions are wrong.
As to the first, the majority overlooks the fact that the exact same grant of
construction authority at issue here applies, not just in the event of a “declaration
. . . of a national emergency,” but also “[i]n the event of a
declaration of war
.”
32
*111
accordance with the [NEA],” as required by
The majority is also wrong in contending that Congress’s grant of such
flexibility raises separation-of-powers concerns. The majority argues that allowing
this much flexibility over how to spend funds appropriated for military
construction would infringe on Congress’s “exclusive control over appropriations.”
See
Maj. Opin. at 70. The suggestion is, as I have previously explained, “‘wholly
insubstantial and frivolous,’”
see California v. Trump
,
33
*112
U.S. 919 (1983), we have no business undertaking to give legal effect to our own
perceptions of the “big-picture ‘denial’ [of funding] that we think is implicit in the
‘real-world events in the months and years leading up to the 2019 appropriations
bills.’”
California v. Trump
,
Because the 11 border barrier construction projects here are all taking place
with respect to land that is under the jurisdiction of the Secretary of a military
department, they are taking place with respect to a military installation. This
requirement of
C
The final requirement of
These projects will deter illegal entry, increase the vanishing time of those illegally crossing the border, and channel migrants to ports of entry. They will reduce the demand for DoD personnel and assets at the locations where the barriers are constructed and allow the redeployment of DoD personnel and assets to other high-traffic areas on the border without barriers. In short, these barriers will allow DoD to provide support to DHS more efficiently and effectively. In this respect, the contemplated construction projects are force multipliers. 34
This determination is more than sufficient to satisfy this final requirement of
The Government contends that the Secretary’s determination is “committed
to agency discretion by law,”
35
*114
a peculiarity of the caselaw concerning the Constitution’s Necessary and Proper
Clause,
id
. at 52–54.
[14]
Indeed, the majority acknowledges that “necessary” has the
same general meaning as “required,” and I have already explained why that latter
term likewise “includes ‘something that is wanted or needed’ or ‘something called
for or demanded.’”
California v. Trump
,
Council
,
With this understanding of “necessary” in mind, I think it is clear that the
Secretary properly determined that the construction projects here are “necessary to
support such use of the armed forces.”
The majority wrongly ignores the statutory language focusing on whether
the construction projects are necessary to support “such use of the armed forces,”
37
*116
resources to the Department of Homeland Security at the southern border.” 84
Fed. Reg. at 4949. As a result, the majority gets things exactly backwards when it
says that the construction does not support such use of the armed forces here
because
it will “support and benefit DHS.”
See
Maj. Opin. at 50–52. Given that,
under the terms of the statute, military support for DHS’s mission
is
the relevant
“use of the armed forces” that has been declared by the President, the fact that the
construction furthers
that
mission weighs decidedly in favor of finding that it is
“necessary to support such use of the armed forces.”
* * *
Because all of the requirements of
38
V
Plaintiffs’ final argument on the merits is that, even if the construction was
otherwise authorized under
Section 739 provides, in its entirety, as follows: None of the funds made available in this or any other appropriations Act may be used to increase, eliminate, or reduce funding for a program, project, or activity as proposed in the President’s budget request for a fiscal year until such proposed change is subsequently enacted in an appropriation Act, or unless such change is made pursuant to the reprogramming or transfer provisions of this or any other appropriations Act.
Pub. L. No. 116-6, Div. D, § 739, 133 Stat. 13, 197 (2019). Plaintiffs’ argument is
that DoD’s invocation of emergency military construction authority alters funding
levels from what was proposed in the budget or enacted in the 2019 appropriations
statutes, and that
39 *118 fundamental canon of statutory construction that the words of a statute must be read in their context and with a view to their place in the overall statutory scheme.”) (simplified).
As I have previously explained, the terms of an appropriations-law
restriction “can only be understood against the backdrop of th[e] [appropriations]
process” and must take account of any settled meanings attached to the particular
terms used as well as any established understanding surrounding the budgetary
practices being referenced.
California v. Trump
,
Specifically, the phrase “program, project, or activity” (“PPA”) is a phrase
of art that refers to an “element within a budget account.”
See
U.S. G OV ’ T
A CCOUNTABILITY O FF . (“GAO”), GAO-05-734SP,
A Glossary of Terms Used in
the Federal Budget Process
80 (2005) (“
Glossary
”);
see generally
40
*119
or reduce” funding for a PPA corresponds to the familiar budgetary concepts of a
reprogramming or transfer of funds. The GAO defines a “reprogramming” as
“[s]hifting funds
within
an appropriation or fund account to use them for purposes
other than those contemplated at the time of appropriation; it is the shifting of
funds from one object class to another within an appropriation or from one
program activity to another.”
Id
. at 85 (emphasis added). A transfer, by contrast,
is defined as a “[s]hifting of all or part of the budget authority in one appropriation
or fund account to another.”
Id
. at 95;
see also California v. Trump
, 963 F.3d at
969 (Collins J., dissenting). Viewed against this backdrop, § 739’s reference to
action that would “increase, eliminate, or reduce funding for a program, project, or
activity” clearly refers to the sort of change in funding that would require the
agency to undertake a formal reprogramming or transfer. That reading of the
phrase is further confirmed by the remainder of § 739, which states that such action
may not be undertaken “unless such change is made pursuant to the
reprogramming or transfer provisions
of this or any other appropriations Act.”
See
This understanding of § 739 confirms that it does not apply to an invocation
of emergency military construction authority under
41
*120
“transfer” because such allocations take place outside of “the normal planning,
programming, and budgeting process.”
See
Department of Defense Directive
4270.5, ¶ 4.1 (February 12, 2005);
see also id
. at ¶ 4.2 (“Reprogramming is not
necessary for projects under Sections 2804 and 2808[.]”). Congress is presumably
well aware of this settled understanding as to how an allocation of funds under
42
*121
does not include an allocation of funding under the emergency military
construction authority granted in
Any doubt on this score is confirmed by the doctrine disfavoring repeals by
implication, which “‘applies with full vigor when . . . the subsequent legislation is
an
appropriations
measure.’”
Tennessee Valley Auth. v. Hill
,
VI Based on the foregoing, I conclude that at least the Sierra Club, California, and New Mexico have Article III standing. They have a cause of action under the
43
*122
APA to challenge these
Notes
[1] Although there are 19 total defunded projects within the Plaintiff States, the States only assert harms from 17 of these projects.
[2] Specifically, the action was filed by the following states: California, Colorado, Connecticut, Delaware, Hawai’i, Illinois, Maine, Maryland, Minnesota, Nevada, New Jersey, New Mexico, New York, Oregon, the Commonwealth of Virginia, and Attorney General Dana Nessel on behalf of the People of Michigan. The complaint was later amended to add the following states: Rhode Island, Vermont, Wisconsin, and the Commonwealth of Massachusetts.
[3] Both lawsuits named as defendants Donald J. Trump, President of the United States, Patrick M. Shanahan, Former Acting Secretary of Defense, Kirstjen M. Nielsen, former Secretary of Homeland Security, and Steven Mnuchin, Acting Secretary of the Treasury in their official capacities, along with numerous other Executive Branch officials (collectively referenced as “the Federal Defendants”).
[4] The U.S. House of Representatives is also involved in this litigation as an amicus curiae supporting the Plaintiffs.
[5] A species of special concern is “a species, subspecies, or distinct population of an animal native to California that currently satisfies one or more of the following (but not necessarily mutually exclusive) criteria: is extirpated from the State . . .; is listed as Federally-, but not State-, threatened or endangered; meets the State definition of threatened or endangered but has not formally been listed; is experiencing, or formerly experienced, serious (noncyclical) population declines or range retractions (not reversed) that, if continued or resumed, could qualify it for State threatened or endangered status; has naturally small populations exhibiting high susceptibility to risk from any factor(s), that if realized, could lead to declines that would qualify it for State threatened or endangered species.” C AL . D EPT . OF F ISH AND W ILDLIFE , S PECIES OF S PECIAL C ONCERN , https://wildlife.ca.gov/Conservation/SSC.
[6] When considering the analogous role played by Section 8005, Judge N.R.
Smith, in dissent, acknowledged that a plaintiff who suffered an economic injury as
a result of a statutory diversion of funds would likely have a cause of action to
challenge whether the diversion satisfied the terms of the statute.
See Sierra Club
v. Trump
,
[7] Excluding California from this analysis, the expert estimates that total would be much greater: the total lost business sales within the remaining states would be $789 million.
[8] We address only whether Sierra Club has a constitutional cause of action because Sierra Club did not argue in any detail that it has a cause of action under the APA in its opening brief.
[9]
Ayestas v. Davis
,
[10] The Plaintiffs do not challenge that the projects on the Goldwater Range satisfy the definition of “military construction,” and we do not consider this issue; therefore, our holding is limited only to the remaining nine construction projects. Our determination that the funding of the projects is not necessary to support the use of the armed forces is sufficient to hold all eleven projects unlawful.
[11] We do not express a view with respect to whether this is a “real” national emergency, but instead, we merely construe the statute narrowly in light of Congress’s determinations on the matter.
[12] See Kristen Eichensehr, The Youngstown Canon: Vetoed Bills and the Separation of Powers , 70 D UKE L.J. __ (forthcoming 2021), available at SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=3680748.
[13] The parties do not contest this element, and we do not address it here.
[14] Because we conclude that the projects are unlawful because they are not
authorized by
[1] The nine States are California, New Mexico, Colorado, Hawaii, Maryland, New York, Oregon, Virginia, and Wisconsin. California and New Mexico had likewise taken the lead in the prior appeals.
[2] On April 29, 2020, Defendants “provided[d] notice [to the district court] of
recent changes to the funding sources for the eleven border barrier military
construction projects the Secretary of Defense decided to undertake on September
3, 2019, pursuant to
[3] None of the Plaintiffs addressed Article III standing when they moved for partial 10
[4] I express no view as to whether the majority is correct in concluding that California and New Mexico have standing based on the theory that the construction will cause actual environmental harm to species within those States. See Maj. Opin. at 15–21. 13
[5] I therefore also have no occasion to address whether the majority is correct in concluding that the remaining States may assert Article III standing based on the theory that, due to the deferral of particular military construction projects within their borders, those States have assertedly suffered a loss of economic activity and tax revenues. See Maj. Opin. at 27–32.
[6] Although the Organizations invoke the APA only as a fallback to their preferred
non-statutory claims, I think it is appropriate to first consider whether they have a
statutory
cause of action under the APA.
Cf
.
Chamber of Commerce v. Reich
, 74
F.3d 1322, 1326–27 (D.C. Cir. 1996) (suggesting that, if a plaintiff relies on both
the APA and non-statutory-review claims, the APA claim should be considered
first);
see also California v. Trump
,
[7] The Supreme Court has not squarely addressed whether the zone-of-interests test
applies to a plaintiff who claims to have “suffer[ed] legal wrong because of agency
action,” which is the other class of persons authorized to sue under the APA,
[8] While their complaints mention the President’s proclamation, neither the
Organizations nor the States seek to overturn the proclamation or assess its
validity. They only challenge whether the declared national emergency satisfies
the qualifications in
[9] Plaintiffs also contend that
[10] Plaintiffs also assert that DoD’s ability to spend the funds at issue under
[11] Because this narrower ground provides an adequate basis for concluding that California and New Mexico have a cause of action under the APA, I express no view as to whether the majority is correct in its broader theory that any State that 22
[12] We therefore have no occasion in this case to address the issues raised by certain amici curiae as to whether the President was correct in concluding that the situation at the southern border properly qualifies as a “national emergency.” We likewise are not presented with any issue concerning the availability of any other emergency authority under any other statute, nor do we have before us any possible constitutional limitations on the use of any such other authorities. 25
[13] One exception, which is relevant to certain of DoD’s actions here, is that
“military construction” also “includes . . . any acquisition of land” by DoD,
without any further statutory limitation.
[14] The majority attempts to distinguish
Ayestas
on the ground that the relevant
statutory phrase there was “reasonably necessary” and not just “necessary.”
See
Maj. Opin. at 55 n.9. This effort fails, because, in the course of construing the
statutory language at issue in
Ayestas
, the Supreme Court first addressed the use of
the word “necessary”—by itself—in “ordinary speech,” and it is
that
explication
that refutes the majority’s flawed analysis.
See
[15] In light of my resolution of the merits, I would not terminate the district court’s stay pending appeal, and I would deny the Organizations’ emergency motion to lift the stay. 44