This case comes to us for the third time, arising from a constitutional challenge to a provision of the Alabama Code prohibiting the commercial distribution of devices “primarily for the stimulation of human genital organs.” Ala.Code § 13A-12-200.2(a)(l). The only question remaining before us is whether public morality remains a sufficient rational basis for the challenged statute after the Supreme Court’s decision in
Lawrence v. Texas,
BACKGROUND
The American Civil Liberties Union (“ACLU”) 1 filed suit on behalf of individual users and vendors of sexual devices 2 to enjoin enforcement of Ala.Code § 13A-12-200.2(a)(1), which prohibits the distribution of “any device designed or marketed as useful primarily for the stimulation of human genital organs.” 3 Plaintiffs in this case include both married and unmarried users of prohibited sexual devices, as well as vendors of sexual devices operating both in typical retail storefronts and in “tupperware”-style parties where sexual aids and novelties are displayed and sold in homes. The stipulated facts establish that sexual devices have many medically and psychologically therapeutic uses, recognized by healthcare professionals and by the FDA. The statute exempts sales of sexual devices “for a bona fide medical, scientific, educational, legislative, judicial, or law enforcement purpose.” § 13A-12-200.4. Also, there are a number of other sexual products, such as ribbed condoms and virility drugs, that are not prohibited by the statute. The statute does not prohibit the use, possession, or gratuitous distribution of sexual devices. See § 13A-12-200.2 (“for anything of pecuniary value”).
The ACLU has argued throughout this litigation that the statute burdens and violates sexual-device users’ right to privacy and personal autonomy under the Fourteenth Amendment. Alternatively, it has argued that there is no rational relationship between a complete ban on the sale of sexual devices and a proper legislative purpose.
Our second opinion in this case (Williams TV) provides a thorough summary of the procedural history of the case:
*1319
Following a bench trial, the district court concluded that there was no currently recognized fundamental right to use sexual devices and declined the ACLU’s invitation to create such a right.
Williams v. Pryor,
On appeal, we reversed in part and affirmed in part.
[Williams II,
On remand, the district court again struck down the statute.
Williams v. Pryor,
pass[es] the right to use sexual devices like the vibrators, dildos, anal beads, and artificial vaginas” marketed by the vendors involved in this case. Id. The district court accordingly applied strict scrutiny to the statute. Id. Finding that the statute failed strict scrutiny, the district court granted summary judgment to the ACLU and once again enjoined the statute’s enforcement. Id. at 1307.
Williams v. Att’y Gen. of Ala.,
In
Williams IV
we again reversed the judgment of the district court, holding that there was no
pre-existing,
fundamental, substantive-due-process right to sexual privacy triggering strict scrutiny.
Id.
at 1238. In so holding, we determined that
Lawrence,
which had been decided after the district court’s decision in
Williams III,
did not recognize a fundamental right to sexual privacy.
Id.
Furthermore, we declined to recognize a
new
fundamental right to use sexual devices.
Id.
at 1250. With strict scrutiny off the table, we remanded the case for further proceedings consistent with the opinion.
Id.
We advised that on remand, the district court should “examine whether our holding in
Williams II
that Alabama’s law has a rational basis (e.g., public morality) remains good law” after
Laiorence
overruled
Bowers v. Hardwick,
*1320
On remand, the district court decided “not to invalidate the Alabama law in question here simply because it is founded on concerns over public morality.”
Williams v. King,
The ACLU now appeals the district court’s decision in Williams V granting the State’s summary judgment motion and denying the ACLU’s summary judgment motion.
STANDARD OF REVIEW
We review a summary judgment decision
de novo
and apply the same legal standard that bound the district court.
Cruz v. Publix Super Markets, Inc.,
DISCUSSION
In
Williams IV
we held that the Supreme Court in
Lawrence
“declined the invitation” to recognize a fundamental right to sexual privacy, which would have compelled us to employ strict scrutiny in assessing the constitutionality of the challenged statute.
Williams IV,
Rational basis review is “a highly deferential standard that proscribes only the very outer limits of a legislature’s power.”
Williams II,
On rational-basis review, ... a statute ... comes to us bearing a strong presumption of validity, and those attacking the rationality of the legislative classification have the burden to negative every conceivable basis which might support it. Moreover, because we never require a *1321 legislature to articulate its reasons for enacting a statute, it is entirely irrelevant for constitutional purposes whether the conceived reason for the challenged distinction actually motivated the legislature.
Id.
at 314-15,
We previously addressed the constitutionality of the challenged Alabama law under rational basis scrutiny and held that “[t]he State’s interest in public morality is a legitimate interest rationally served by the statute.”
Id.
at 949. We noted that “[t]he crafting and safeguarding of public morality has long been an established part of the States’ plenary police power to legislate and indisputably is a legitimate government interest under rational basis scrutiny.”
Id.
at 949; see
also Barnes v. Glen Theatre, Inc.,
Ordinarily, we would be bound by our holding in
Williams II
according to the law-of-the-case doctrine. Under the law-of-the-case doctrine, “the findings of fact and conclusions of law by an appellate court are generally binding in all subsequent proceedings in the same case in the trial court or on a later appeal.”
This That & The Other Gift And Tobacco, Inc. v. Cobb County, Ga.,
In
Lawrence
the Supreme Court held that the Texas sodomy statute challenged in that case “further[ed] no legitimate state interest which can justify its intrusion into the personal and private life of the individual.”
The ACLU argues that the Alabama statute at issue in this case, like the Texas sodomy statute at issue in Lawrence, intrudes into personal and private decisions about sexual intimacy. It argues that “this law intrudes just as deeply into the sphere of individual decision-making about sexuality as the law struck down in Lawrence.” Appellant’s Br. 29. Thus, the ACLU argues, this case is indistinguishable from Lawrence — just as in that case, in this case there is no legitimate state interest, including public morality, that supports the challenged Alabama statute. Therefore, it argues that the statute cannot survive constitutional scrutiny under Lawrence.
However, while the statute at issue in
Lawrence
criminalized
private
sexual conduct, the statute at issue in this case forbids
public, commercial
activity. To the extent
Lawrence
rejects public morality as a legitimate government interest, it invalidates only those laws that target conduct that is
both
private
and
non-commercial.
Lawrence,
This statute targets
commerce
in sexual devices, an inherently public activity, whether it occurs on a street corner, in a shopping mall, or in a living room. As the majority in
Williams IV
so colorfully put it: “There is nothing ‘private’ or ‘consensual’ about the advertising and sale of a dildo.”
Furthermore, we do not read
Lawrence,
the overruling of
Bowers,
or the
Lawrence
court’s reliance on Justice Stevens’s dissent, to have rendered public morality altogether illegitimate as a rational basis. The principle that “[t]he law ... is constantly based on notions of morality,”
Bowers,
Also, we have discussed the post-Liw-
rence
viability of public morality as a rational basis for legislation with approval.
See Lofton v. Sec’y of the Dept. of Children and Family Servs.,
Florida also asserts that the statute is rationally related to its interest in promoting public morality both in the context of child rearing and in the context of determining which types of households should be accorded legal recognition as families. Appellants respond that public morality cannot serve as a legitimate state interest .... [I]t is unnecessary for us to resolve the question. We do note, however, the Supreme Court’s conclusion that there is not only a legitimate interest, but a substantial government interest in protecting order and morality, and its observation that [i]n a democratic society legislatures, not courts, are constituted to respond to the will and consequently the moral values of the people.
Id.,
Accordingly, we find that public morality survives as a rational basis for legislation even after Lawrence, and we find that in this case the State’s interest in the preservation of public morality remains a rational basis for the challenged statute. By upholding the statute, we do not endorse the judgment of the Alabama legislature. As we stated in Williams II:
*1324 However misguided the legislature of Alabama may have been in enacting the statute challenged in this case, the statute is not constitutionally irrational under rational basis scrutiny because it is rationally related to the State’s legitimate power to protect its view of public morality. “The Constitution presumes that ... improvident decisions will eventually be rectified by the democratic process and that judicial intervention is generally unwarranted no matter how unwisely we may think a political branch has acted.” Vance v. Bradley,440 U.S. 93 , 97,99 S.Ct. 939 , 942-43,59 L.Ed.2d 171 (1979). This Court does not invalidate bad or foolish policies, only unconstitutional ones; we may not “sit as a super-legislature to judge the wisdom or desirability of legislative policy determinations made in areas that neither affect fundamental rights nor proceed along suspect lines.” New Orleans v. Dukes,427 U.S. 297 , 303,96 S.Ct. 2513 , 2517,49 L.Ed.2d 511 (1976).
Williams II,
CONCLUSION
For the foregoing reasons, we reaffirm our holding in Williams II that the challenged statute is constitutional and we affirm the judgment of the district court.
AFFIRMED.
Notes
. "The ACLU” will be used to refer collectively to appellants, as that organization was "the driving force” behind this litigation.
Williams v. Att'y Gen. of Ala.,
. We will use the shorthand term “sexual device” in place of the phrase "any device designed or marketed as useful primarily for the stimulation of the human genital organs.”
.The statute reads in pertinent part: "It shall be unlawful for any person to knowingly distribute, possess with intent to distribute, or offer or agree to distribute any obscene material or any device designed or marketed as useful primarily for the stimulation of human genital organs for any thing of pecuniary value.” Ala.Code § 13A~12-200.2(a)(l).
. The district court distinguished this case from
Lawrence
in part on the basis that
Lawrence
implicates equal protection concerns— the Texas statute targeted a "discrete and insular minority,” while this statute does not.
Williams V,
. Judge Barkett expressly makes the argument that the law-of-the-case doctrine does not apply to
Williams II
because
Lawrence
is subsequently released controlling authority dictating a contrary result.
See Williams IV,
. The ACLU emphasizes language in
Williams TV
where we stated that “for purposes of constitutional analysis, restrictions on the ability to purchase an item are tantamount to restrictions on the use of that item.”
