Lead Opinion
“[N]o official, high or petty, can prescribe what shall be orthodox in politics, nationalism, religion, or other matters of opinion or force citizens to confess by word or act their faith therein.” West Virginia State Board of Education v. Barnette,
I
In 1979 Illinois enacted this statute: “The Pledge of Allegiance shall be recited each school day by pupils in elementary educational institutions supported or maintained in whole or in part by public funds.” Ill.Rev.Stat. ch. 122 fl 27-3. We held in Palmer v. Board of Education,
The district court’s first opinion,
Following the amendment, the court dismissed the Society as a party.
A third opinion,
II
Defendants renew their jurisdictional arguments. The Shermans disdained to address them, asserting that only defendants who file cross-appeals may contest the jurisdiction of the district court. The Shermans overlook the enduring principle that judges must consider jurisdiction as the first order of business, and that parties must help the courts do so. Philbrook v. Glodgett,
The eleventh amendment deprives federal courts of jurisdiction to consider most suits against states. State agencies or officials sued in their official capacity are “the state” for this purpose, Will v. Michigan Department of State Police,
Defendants’ other jurisdictional objections have less punch. Richard Sherman, obliged by the school-attendance laws to be present during the Pledge and the potential object of coercion to participate, has standing to challenge the statute. Abington School District v. Schempp,
Doctrines that counsel abstention do not imply that the court lacks subject-matter jurisdiction. The defendants’ contention that the district court should have abstained while awaiting clarification of the meaning of the state’s law, if accepted, would require us to alter its judgment. To obtain such an alteration, the defendants needed to file appeals of their own. Federal Energy Administration v. Algonquin SNG, Inc.,
Now that the case has reached our court, certification to the Supreme Court of Illinois would be the best way to find out whether the state’s law requires each pupil to recite the Pledge of Allegiance. Houston v. Hill,
Although we could make the state court’s answer controlling by first deciding all of the Shermans’ constitutional arguments, leaving only the meaning of state law unresolved, such a course invites advisory adjudication. Thus the best course is
Ill
If Illinois requires every pupil to recite the Pledge, then Barnette scuttles the statute, and we need not consider whether “under God” distinguishes the Pledge from other patriotic exercises. Plaintiffs contend that the language of 1127-3 — “The Pledge of Allegiance shall be recited each school day by pupils in elementary educational institutions supported or maintained in whole or in part by public funds.” — is unambiguous and compulsory.
Defendants persuaded the district court that the lack of a penalty for silence eliminates any compulsion, or at least shows that the state legislature did not mean to require children to recite the Pledge. True, there was a penalty (expulsion from school) in Barnette. Yet other eases dealing with readings, prayers, or periods of silence in the classroom thought the absence of a formal penalty irrelevant. E.g., Engel v. Vitale,
What the law requires of principals, teachers, and pupils depends on the language it contains rather than the penalty it omits. And what II27-3 says is that the Pledge “shall be recited each school day by pupils” in public schools. Some pupils? Willing pupils? All pupils? It does not specify. If it means “all pupils” then it is blatantly unconstitutional; if it means “willing pupils” then the most severe constitutional problem dissolves. When resolving statutory ambiguities, the Supreme Court of Illinois adopts readings that save rather than destroy state laws. E.g., Country Mutual Insurance Co. v. Knight,
We have not overlooked some juicy tidbits of legislative history that plaintiffs proffer. Senator Netsch spoke against the adoption of ¶ 27-3, expressing a belief that the bill could not coexist with Barnette. Senator Knuppel replied: “it amazes me that these people get up and read that kind of garbage that Jackson [Justice Robert Jackson, author of the majority opinion in Barnette'] had there, his advise [sic] from the Supreme Court, I rate just about as highly as I do the advise [sic] from Congress.” Senate Debates, 81st Illinois General Assembly, May 22,1979, at 272. Senator Lemke. then called for the election , of federal judges and added: “Maybe we ought to abolish the Supreme • Court and have a dictatorship like in Russia because in Russia at least they say a pledge of allegiance to their own flag.” Ibid. It is hard to believe that an elected official of Illinois prefers totalitarian government to democracy under law just because dictatorships employ more patriotic slogans, which dictators may deem necessary to their success. That two state senators are able to bring obloquy upon themselves does not help us know whether ¶ 27-3 means “all pupils” rather than “willing pupils”. Senator Nimrod, the bill’s sponsor, treated the recitation as noncompulsory. Id. at 270-71. Statements on the floor of the state’s lower chamber may be read either way. These unenlightening exchanges do not show that Illinois enacted a law that would be stillborn under Barnette.
Notwithstanding the lack of penalties or efforts by teachers to induce pupils to recite, there remains social pressure to do so and a sense of exclusion when one’s beliefs enforce silence during a ceremony others welcome. When discussing the Pledge of Allegiance, four Justices remarked: “[I]t borders on sophistry to suggest that the ‘reasonable’ atheist would not feel less than a ‘full membe[r] of the political community’ every time his fellow Americans recited, as part of their expression of patriotism and love for country, a phrase he believed to be false.” Allegheny County v. Pittsburgh ACLU,
As an analogy this is sound. As an understanding of the first amendment it is defective — which was Justice Kennedy’s point in Allegheny. The religion clauses of the first amendment do not establish general rules about speech or schools; they call for religion to be treated differently. Recall that for now we are treating the Pledge as a patriotic expression, even though the objections to public patriotism may be religious (as they were in Bar-nette ). Patriotism is an effort by the state to promote its own survival, and along the way to teach those virtues that justify its survival. Public schools help to transmit those virtues and values. Separation of church from state does not imply separation of state from state. Schools are entitled to hold their causes and values out as worthy subjects of approval and adoption, to persuade even though they cannot compel, and even though those who resist persuasion may feel at odds with those who embrace the values they are taught.
Consider what a general assimilation of religion to patriotism and other values would mean for the public schools. The majority in Lee remarked, — U.S. at -,
A pupil who takes exception to the prescribed curriculum of the public schools — whether the textbooks or the class discussions or the civic ceremonies such as the Pledge of Allegiance — is asserting a right to accommodation of his political or religious beliefs. Humane government often calls for accommodation; programs such as tuition vouchers serve this interest without offending other constitutional norms. Witters v. Washington Department of Services for the Blind,
IV
All of this supposes that the Pledge is a secular rather than sectarian vow. Everything would be different if it were a prayer or other sign of religious devotion. Does “under God” make the Pledge a prayer, whose recitation violates the establishment clause of the first amendment?
The district court trudged through the three elements identified by the Court in Lemon, concluding that the Pledge passes every test. Of course Lemon was not devised to identify prayer smuggled into civic exercises, and its status as a general-purpose tool for administering the establishment clause is in doubt. Rumblings of discontent are frequent. The Court heard Lee v. Weisman in large part to reconsider Lemon, and Lee concluded without renewing Lemon’s lease. The majority opinion reserved decision on the future of Lemon. — U.S. at -,
Our approach is more direct. Must ceremonial references in civic life to a deity be understood as prayer, or support for all monotheistic religions, to the exclusion of atheists and those who worship multiple gods? You can’t understand a phrase such as “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion” by syllogistic reasoning. Words take their meaning from social as well as textual contexts, which is why “a page of history is worth a volume of logic.” New York Trust Co. v. Eisner,
James Madison, the author of the first amendment, issued presidential proclamations of religious fasting and thanksgiv
The Founders' tradition has endured. Presidents still issue proclamations of thanksgiving. Details such as the Pledge of Allegiance and the motto on the coinage testify to its force. The Pledge tracks Lincoln’s Gettysburg Address, which ends with a wish “that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.” The second inaugural address of that great statesman and poet concludes: “With malice toward none; with charity for all; with firmness in the right, as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in; to bind up the nation’s wounds; to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow, and his orphan — to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves, and with all nations.” Pupils who study this address with care will find 14 references to God among its 699 words.
When it decided Engel v. Vitale, the first of the school-prayer cases, the Court recognized this tradition and distinguished ceremonial references to God from supplications for divine assistance: “There is of course nothing in the decision reached here that is inconsistent with the fact that school children and others are officially encouraged to express love for our country by reciting historical documents such as the Declaration of Independence which contain references to the Deity or by singing
Justice Brennan, among the most stalwart of separationists, expressed similar thoughts when concurring in Schempp,
[W]e have simply interwoven the motto [In God We Trust] so deeply into the fabric of our civil polity that its present use may well not present that type of involvement which the First Amendment prohibits. This general principle might also serve to insulate the various patriotic exercises and activities used in the public schools and elsewhere which, whatever may have been their origins, no longer have a religious purpose or meaning. The reference to divinity in the revised pledge of allegiance, for example, may merely recognize the historical fact that our Nation was believed to have been founded “under God.” Thus reciting the pledge may be no more of a religious exercise than the reading aloud of Lincoln’s Gettysburg Address, which contains an allusion to the same historical fact.
By the time of Marsh v. Chambers,
An outcry in dissent that one or another holding logically jeopardizes the survival of this tradition always provokes assurance that the majority opinion carries no such portent. Engel was the first of these, and Allegheny,
The judgment of the district court with respect to the Attorney General of Illinois is vacated, and that portion of the case is remanded with instructions to dismiss for want of jurisdiction. In all other respects the judgment is affirmed.
Notes
. See Leonard W. Levy, The Establishment Clause: Religion and the First Amendment 100 (1986). In 1817, after leaving office, Madison confessed that these proclamations violated the principles of separation for which he stood but pleaded "the legal aphorism de minimis non curat lex.” Elizabeth Fleet (ed.), Madison's “Detached Memoranda”, 3 William & Mary Quarterly 534, 559 (1946), reprinted in Philip B. Kurland & Ralph Lerner (eds.), 5 The Founders’ Constitution 104 (1987).
. See his letter to Rev. Samuel Miller, in 5 The Founders’ Constitution 98-99.
. The treaties are collected in Robert L. Cord, Separation of Church and State: Historical Fact and Current Fiction 261-70 (1982).
. E.g., the Proclamation of October 3, 1789, which begins: "Whereas it is the duty of all nations to acknowledge the providence of Almighty God, to obey His will, to be grateful for His benefits, and humbly to implore His protection and favor" and then sets Thursday, November 26, 1789, as a day "to be devoted ... to the service of that great and glorious Being who is the beneficent author of all the good that was, that is, or that will be; that we may then all unite in rendering unto Him our sincere and humble thanks for His kind care”, and much more in the same vein. 5 The Founders' Constitution 94. Washington issued this proclamation on the joint recommendation of both Houses of Congress, ibid., which only days before (on September 25) had sent the text of the establishment clause to the states for ratification.
.Here is the preamble to Virginia’s Act for Establishing Religious Freedom, which Jefferson drafted in 1779 (and the state enacted in 1785): "Well aware that the opinions and belief of men depend not on their own will, but follow involuntarily the evidence proposed to their minds, that Almighty God hath created the mind free, and manifested his Supreme will that free it shall remain, by making it altogether insusceptible of restraint: That all attempts to influence it by temporal punishments or burthens, or by civil incapacitations, tend only to beget habits of hypocrisy and meanness, and are a departure from the plan of the holy author of our religion, who being Lord both of body and mind, yet chose not to propagate it by coercions on either, as was in his Almighty power to do, but to extend it by its influence op reason alone”. 5 The Founders’ Constitution 77.
Concurrence Opinion
concurring.
I concur with the court’s fine opinion and conclusion that reciting the Pledge of Allegiance does not offend the establishment clause. I write separately to emphasize that we need not totally denude the Pledge by reducing its language to the lowest common denominator of “ceremonial deism” as favored by Justice Brennan. A civic reference to God does not become permissible under the First Amendment only when it has been repeated so often that it is sapped of religious significance. Such an approach implies that phrases like “in God we trust” or “under God”, when initially used on American coinage or in the Pledge of Allegiance, violated the establishment clause because they had not yet been rendered meaningless by repetitive use. As this court shows, the Founders demonstrate by their behavior that the First Amendment was not intended to prohibit states from sanctioning ceremonial invocations of God. Such state action simply does not amount to an establishment of religion.
Another problem with the concept of “ceremonial deism” is that it selects only religious phrases as losing their significance through rote repetition. Why only “under God”? Why not “indivisible”, “liberty and justice for all”? Do not these equally repeated phrases also lose their meaning under the logic of “ceremonial deism”? The answer, quite simply, is that a court cannot deem any words to lose their meaning over the passage of time. Each term used in public ceremony has the meaning intended by the term.
There is a significant difference in a result which strikes down the Pledge as an endorsement of religion, and one which leaves the Pledge intact, accompanied by the official pronouncement that it is meaningless. While under the first alternative the Pledge is prohibited from civic functions, under the second alternative the Pledge is allowed, and people are free to ignore the pronouncement of this court, and recite the Pledge with any degree of meaning they desire.
There is no need, however, to apply either alternative. The Pledge of Allegiance with all of its intended meaning does not effectuate an establishment of religion. If legislative prayer based upon the Judeo-Christian tradition is permissible under Marsh v. Chambers,
