Lead Opinion
Opinion for the Court filed by Circuit Judge TATEL.
Petitioners Ahmed Belbacha, Abu Dhiab, and Shaker Aamer are detainees who, although cleared for release, remain held at the United States Naval Station at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. Protesting their continued confinement, they and other similarly situated detainees have engaged in a hunger strike, refusing to eat unless and until released. In response, the government instituted a force-feeding protocol. Petitioners, each of whom had already sought release via a writ of habeas corpus, moved in those habeas actions for a preliminary injunction preventing the government from subjecting them to force-feeding. Two separate district judges denied their requests, each concluding that the Military Commissions Act (MCA) stripped federal courts of jurisdiction to consider such challenges brought by Guantanamo detainees. For the reasons set forth in this opinion, we conclude that under the law of this circuit petitioners’ challenges to the conditions of their confinement properly sound in habeas corpus and thus are not barred by the MCA. We also conclude, however, that although their claims are not insubstantial, petitioners have failed to establish their entitlement to preliminary injunctive relief.
I.
A declaration submitted by the Senior Medical Officer at Guantanamo Bay summarizes the government’s force-feeding protocol. According to the declaration, the protocol “follows the Federal Bureau of Prisons’ model and guidelines for managing hunger strikers.” Decl. of Commander [Redacted], M.D., 8. The medical staff at Guantanamo begins by designating a detainee as a “hunger striker ... based on the detainee’s intent, purpose, and behavior,” the detainee’s “[w]eight loss to a level less than 85% of the detainee’s Ideal Body Weight,” or the detainee’s missing “nine consecutive meals.” Id. Then, if “medical personnel determine the detainee’s refusal to voluntarily consume adequate food or nutrients could now threaten his life or health,” the detainee may be “approved for enteral feeding” — that is, force-feeding using “nasogastric tubes” inserted through the detainee’s nose and into his stomach. Id. at 4. The declaration states that even after a detainee is approved for such treatment, “medical personnel will only implement enteral feeding when it becomes medically necessary to preserve a detainee’s life and health.” Id. The medical staff will also offer the detainee a final “opportunity to eat a standard meal or consume [a] liquid supplement orally, instead of being enterally fed.” Id.
If the detainee refuses, officials will strap him to a “restraint chair.” Decl. of
Medical staff designated petitioners Dhiab, Belbacha, and Aamer as hunger strikers in March 2013. Deck of Commander [Redacted], M.D., 7. The staff approved Dhiab for enteral feeding that same month, and Belbacha shortly thereafter. Id. A declaration submitted by petitioners’ counsel reports that, as of May 30, 2013, medical personnel had regularly subjected Belbacha to force-feeding. See Cri-der Deck 6. Belbacha stated that the process “hurt[ ] a great deal” and caused one of his nostrils to swell shut. Id. Dhiab, the same declaration recounted, had also been regularly force-fed — except when, because of “severe pain,” he had instead voluntarily consumed a liquid supplement. Id. at 14, 17. Although Aamer was never approved for enteral feeding, apparently because he had been willing to consume the minimal amount of nutrition necessary to avoid such treatment, he asserted through counsel that “if force-feeding were not permitted, he would escalate his peaceful protest and refuse food.” Id. at 12. The government has informed us that although neither Belbacha nor Aamer is currently designated as a hunger striker, Dhiab retains that designation. See Appellees’ Letter Regarding Case Status, November 8, 2013; Appellees’ Letter Regarding Case Status, October 24, 2013.
In June, petitioners — together with fellow Guantanamo detainee Nabil Hadjarab, who has since been released — invoked the district court’s habeas jurisdiction and moved for a preliminary injunction prohibiting the authorities from force-feeding them. According to petitioners, the practice violated both their constitutional rights and the Religious Freedom Restoration Act (RFRA), 42 U.S.C. § 2000bb-l.
Judge Kessler considered Dhiab’s petition separately from those of the other petitioners. Holding that section 7 of the Military Commissions Act of 2006(MCA), Pub.L. No. 109-366, 120 Stat. 2600, had stripped the district courts of subject-matter jurisdiction over claims, such as Dhiab’s, relating to the “conditions of confinement of an alien who is or was detained by the United States and has been determined by the United States to have been properly detained as an enemy combatant,” she rejected the request for a preliminary injunction. Dhiab v. Obama,
Judge Collyer subsequently denied the remaining petitioners’ applications for a preliminary injunction. Aamer v. Obama,
After both sets of petitioners appealed, we consolidated the cases. Petitioners assert, as they did in the district court, that their claims are properly raised in a petition for habeas corpus. They further contend that the two district courts should have granted them the preliminary relief they sought.
II.
We begin, as we must, with the question of subject-matter jurisdiction. See Steel Co. v. Citizens for a Better Environment,
A.
Congress and the Supreme Court have engaged in an extensive back-and-forth regarding the scope of federal court jurisdiction over claims brought by Guantanamo detainees. A brief review of this dialogue is necessary to understand the question now before us.
The story starts with Rasul v. Bush,
Shortly thereafter, Congress passed the Detainee Treatment Act of 2005(DTA), Pub.L. No. 109-148, 119 Stat. 2739, which contained a provision designed to abrogate Rasul and strip federal courts of jurisdiction over Guantanamo detainees’ claims. See DTA § 1005(e). After the Supreme Court held that this provision could not apply retroactively to cases pending at the time the DTA was enacted, see Hamdan v. Rumsfeld,
(1) No court, justice, or judge shall have jurisdiction to hear or consider an application for a writ of habeas corpus filed by or on behalf of an alien detained by the United States who has been determined by the United States to have been properly detained as an enemy combatant or is awaiting such determination.
(2) Except as provided [in section 1005(e) of the DTA], no court, justice, or judge shall have jurisdiction to hear or consider any other action against the United States or its agents relating to any aspect of the detention, transfer, treatment, trial, or conditions of confinement of an alien who is or was detained by the United States and has been determined by the United States to have been properly detained as an enemy combatant or is awaiting such determination.
28 U.S.C. § 2241(e).
Passage of the MCA required the Supreme Court to confront the constitutional question it had until then successfully avoided: may Congress eliminate federal habeas jurisdiction over Guantanamo without complying with the requirements of the Suspension Clause? In Boumediene v. Bush,
This court addressed Boumediene’s effect on the relevant jurisdictional statutes in Kiyemba v. Obama,
Subsequently, in Al-Zahrani v. Rodriguez,
B.
Kiyemba and Al-Zahrani make clear that the jurisdictional question we consider here is relatively narrow: are petitioners’ claims the sort that may be raised in a federal habeas petition under section 2241? As the government emphasizes, petitioners challenge neither the fact nor the duration of their detention, claims that would lie at the heart of habeas corpus. See, e.g., Preiser v. Rodriguez,
If, as petitioners assert, their claims fall within the scope of habeas, then the district courts possessed jurisdiction to consider them because the federal habeas corpus statute extends, in its entirety, to Guantanamo. See Kiyemba,
Contrary to the contentions of the government and the dissent, in order to resolve this jurisdictional question we have no need to inquire into Congress’s intent regarding federal court power to hear Guantanamo detainees’ claims. Although Congress undoubtedly intended to preclude federal courts from exercising jurisdiction over any claims brought by Guantanamo detainees, it chose to do so through a statute that separately pro
For the same reasons, we have no need to explore the reach or breadth of the Suspension Clause. Simply put, there is no longer any statute in place that might unconstitutionally suspend the writ. We express no view on whether Congress could constitutionally enact legislation designed to preclude federal courts from exercising jurisdiction over the particular species of habeas claim petitioners advance. For our purposes, it suffices to say that Congress has not done so. Moreover, because of our focus on statutory habeas corpus, we have less need in this case to examine the writ’s scope at the time the Constitution was ratified than we might in a case in which the constitutional question was presented. Compare St. Cyr,
C.
The Supreme Court once suggested— indeed, held — that the scope of the writ encompasses conditions of confinement claims such as those petitioners assert. In Johnson v. Avery,
Subsequently, however, in Preiser v. Rodriguez,
Since Preiser, the Court has continued — quite expressly — to leave this question open. In Bell v. Wolfish,
Although the Supreme Court has avoided resolving the issue, this circuit has not. Our precedent establishes that one in custody may challenge the conditions of his confinement in a petition for habeas corpus, and we must “adhere to the law of our circuit unless that law conflicts with a decision of the Supreme Court.” Rasul v. Myers,
Most important is our decision in Hudson v. Hardy,
Hudson II’s description of the writ’s availability to test “not only the fact but also the form of detention” was integral to our ultimate disposition of the case, and thus constitutes binding precedent. If ha-beas jurisdiction would not lie over the inmate’s claims, we would have had no need to direct the district court to conduct further proceedings regarding the mootness of any such habeas petition. We based the necessary antecedent conclusion regarding habeas jurisdiction on two premises: that the petitioner attacked the conditions of his confinement while in custody; and that such claims may be raised in habeas corpus. Doing so quite explicitly, we held that the inmate’s petition— which, again, alleged that jail officials “had subjected him to cruel and unusual punishment, to punishment without cause, and to unconstitutional discrimination,” Hardy II,
The dissent seeks to avoid this conclusion in three ways. First, the dissent asserts that because we remanded for the district court to make findings as to mootness, we could not have issued a precedential decision as to whether the petitioner’s claims sounded in habeas, for by doing so we would have “flouted the rule that on any appeal ‘the first and fundamental question is that of jurisdiction.’ ” Dissenting Op. at 1045 (quoting Steel Co.,
Hudson II’s characterization of the scope of habeas corpus is by no means an outlier in this circuit’s jurisprudence — even if it is the only decision that is precedential on that precise question. We invoked the very same principle in United States v. Wilson,
Equally significant is Miller v. Overholser,
During oral argument, the government asserted that our decisions recognize only that a habeas petitioner may challenge the place of confinement, not the conditions therein. It is true that the petitioner in Miller alleged that his confinement in a particular place was illegal. See Miller,
In any event, we see little reason to distinguish a place of confinement challenge, which unquestionably sounds in habeas, see, e.g., Kiyemba,
The principal functional difference between the two sorts of challenges lies in the relief that a court might grant. In a place of confinement claim, the petitioner’s rights may be vindicated by an order of transfer, while in a conditions of confinement claim, they may be vindicated by an order enjoining the government from continuing to treat the petitioner in the challenged manner. But even this distinction is largely illusory, as either of these two forms of relief may be reframed to comport with the writ’s more traditional remedy of outright release. That is, in both types of cases, a court may simply order the prisoner released unless the unlawful conditions are rectified, leaving it up to the government whether to respond by transferring the petitioner to a place where the unlawful conditions are absent or by eliminating the unlawful conditions in the petitioner’s current place of confinement. See Bonner,
Indeed, as Miller illustrates, the near-complete overlap between these two sorts of challenges ultimately reflects the fact that in this circuit the underlying rationale for exercising habeas jurisdiction in either case is precisely the same. Miller relied on Coffin v. Reichard,
This circuit is by no means alone in adopting this reasoning. Several of our sister circuits have concluded that an individual in custody may utilize habeas corpus to challenge the conditions under which he is held. See, e.g., United States v. DeLeon,
Of course, as the government emphasizes, other circuits have reached a contrary conclusion. But even if we had authority to depart from our own precedent, none of these decisions would provide a compelling reason to do so.
The Fifth Circuit appears to have relied on its own, longstanding precedent in holding that a habeas petitioner may not challenge his treatment while in custody. See Cook v. Hanberry,
The other circuits that have reached a similar conclusion appear to have done so on the basis of an even more questionable rationale, one reflecting a fundamental misunderstanding of the Supreme Court’s decision in Preiser. As recounted above, see supra at 1050, Preiser imposed a habe-as-channeling rule, not a habeas-limiting rule: the Court held only that claims lying at the “core” of the writ must be brought in habeas, and expressly disclaimed any intention of restricting habeas itself. See Davis v. U.S. Sentencing Commission,
In sum, although the Supreme Court has left the question open, the law of this circuit — which is consistent with the weight of the reasoned precedent in the federal Courts of Appeal — compels us to conclude that a prisoner may, in a federal habeas corpus petition, “challenge the conditions of his confinement.” Wilson,
III.
“ ‘A plaintiff seeking a preliminary injunction must establish [1] that he is likely to succeed on the merits, [2] that he is likely to suffer irreparable harm in the absence of preliminary relief, [3] that the balance of equities tips in his favor, and [4] that an injunction is in the public interest.’ ” Sherley v. Sebelius,
A.
We begin with the first and most important factor: whether petitioners have established a likelihood of success on the merits. Petitioners advance two separate substantive claims regarding the legality of force-feeding.
Their first and central claim is that the government’s force-feeding of hunger-striking detainees violates their constitutionally protected liberty interest — specifically, the right to be free from unwanted medical treatment, see Cruzan v. Director, Missouri Department of Health,
In their briefs, petitioners detail the significant number of international organizations, medical associations, and public figures who have criticized the practice of force-feeding prisoners unwilling to eat. Appellants’ Br. 33-39 (citing, inter alia, World Medical Association, WMA Declaration of Malta on Hunger Strikers (1991); International Committee of the Red Cross, Hunger strikes in prisons: the ICRC’s position (2013); Letter from Senator Dianne Feinstein to Secretary of Defense Chuck Hagel (June 19, 2013), available at: http://www.feinstein.senate.gov/public/ index.cfm/files/serve/?FileJd=17585d4 b-c235-4f32-b957-50648d4e6252). Since oral argument in this case, a task force organized by the Institute on Medicine as a Profession and the Open Society Foundation has issued a scathing report detailing the abuses of medical ethics in the government’s treatment of detainees in Guantanamo, Afghanistan, and Iraq, concluding specifically that doctors who assist in the treatment of hunger-striking Guantanamo detainees “have become agents of a coercive and counter-therapeutic procedure that for some detainees continued for months and years, resulting in untold pain, suffering, and tragedy for the detainees for whom they were medically responsible.” Task Force Report, Ethics Abandoned: Medical Professionalism and Detainee Abuse in the War on Terror 84 (2013) (submitted by petitioners pursuant to Fed. R.App. P. 28(j)); see also Denise Grady & Benedict Carey, Medical Ethics Have Been Violated at Detention Sites, a New Report Says, N.Y. TIMES, Nov. 5, 2013, at A16 (describing the task force’s report). Given these authorities — and, we might add, given the government’s own description of its force-feeding protocol— we have no doubt that force-feeding is a painful and invasive process that raises serious ethical concerns.
For petitioners to be entitled to injunctive relief, however, it is not enough for us to say that force-feeding may cause physical pain, invade bodily integrity, or even implicate petitioners’ fundamental individual rights. This is a court of law, not an arbiter of medical ethics, and as such we must view this case through Turner's, restrictive lens. The very premise of Turner is that a “prison regulation [that] impinges on inmates’ constitutional rights” may nonetheless be “valid.” Turner,
The government has identified two penological interests at stake here: preserving the lives of those in its custody and maintaining security and discipline in the detention facility. As the government emphasizes, many courts have concluded that such interests are legitimate and justify prison officials’ force-feeding of hunger-striking inmates. E.g., In re Grand Jury Subpoena John Doe v. United States,
Thus, the overwhelming majority of courts have concluded, as did Judge Collyer and as we do now, that absent exceptional circumstances prison officials may force-feed a starving inmate actually facing the risk of death. See Freeman,
Instead, petitioners attempt to distinguish the many decisions upholding the lawfulness of force-feeding by tying their challenge to an attack on the legality of the fact of their detention itself, arguing that “[t]here cannot be a legitimate penological interest in force-feeding the Guantanamo Bay detainees to prolong their indefinite detention” because force-feeding then simply “facilitates the violation of a fundamental human right.” Appellants’ Br. 40. But this court has repeatedly held that under the Authorization for the Use of Military Force, Pub.L. No. 107-40, 115 Stat. 224 (2001), individuals may be detained at Guantanamo so long as they are determined to have been part of A1 Qaeda, the Taliban, or associated forces, and so long as hostilities are ongoing. See, e.g., Al-Bihani v. Obama,
In reaching this conclusion, we emphasize that we are addressing only petitioners’ likelihood of success on the merits, not the actual merits of their claim. It is conceivable that petitioners could establish that the government’s interest in preserving the lives of those detained at Guantanamo is somehow reduced, or demonstrate that the government has such complete control over Guantanamo detainees that hunger-striking inmates present no threat to order and security, or even show that there are “ready alternatives” to force-feeding that the government might employ to achieve these same legitimate interests. Turner,
Finally, we reject petitioners’ attempt to advance for the first time in their reply brief, and then again at oral argument, a very different ground for relief— that the government’s force-feeding protocol must be enjoined not because force-feeding is inherently unconstitutional, but because the government subjects detainees to such treatment before they are actually at risk. As petitioners’ counsel phrased this contention at oral argument: “[A] reasonable alternative would be to not force feed them until ... they’re at risk of death or permanent organ injury.” Oral Arg. Tr. 16. But prior to their reply brief, the only “alternative” petitioners identified to the current force-feeding protocol was that the government bring petitioners to trial or set them free. Appellants’ Br. 40. Ac
This brings us, then, to petitioners’ second claim — that the force-feeding protocol violates their rights under the Religious Freedom Restoration Act (RFRA) because it prevents them from engaging in communal prayers during Ramadan. Before discussing the merits of this claim, we must first address the government’s contention that it has become moot.
Although it is true, as the government points out, that Ramadan is now over, and thus petitioners cannot claim that the force-feeding protocol currently infringes on their observation of that month, the RFRA claim clearly falls within the “capable of repetition yet evading review” exception to the mootness doctrine. See Clarke v. United States,
We agree with the government, however, that the law of this circuit clearly forecloses petitioners’ RFRA claim. In Rasul v. Myers,
Petitioners argue that Citizens United v. FEC,
B.
We need discuss only briefly the three remaining factors that govern the decision to grant a preliminary injunction: the likelihood that petitioners will suffer irreparable harm, the balance of the equities, and the public interest. See Winter,
IV.
For the forgoing reasons, we affirm the district courts’ denials of petitioners’ applications for a preliminary injunction.
So ordered.
Dissenting Opinion
dissenting:
As the majority aptly explains, Maj. Op. at 1028-81, the current state of Congress’s back-and-forth with the courts over federal jurisdiction to consider claims by detainees at Guantanamo is this: claims that sound in habeas may be heard; all others may not. Today we decide which category embraces a challenge to a detainee’s conditions of confinement. The majority concludes that such a claim sounds in habeas. I disagree. Although we once toyed with that idea (in dictum), we have never held habeas to reach a prisoner’s conditions of confinement. And the majority provides no persuasive reason why we should reach that decision for the first time today. Congress has repeatedly and forcefully sought to withdraw the federal courts’ jurisdiction over Guantanamo detainees. I would not enlarge the writ to encompass a novel theory in the face of such clear congressional intent.
The Supreme Court’s most recent position on whether habeas encompasses prisoner challenges to their conditions of confinement has been one of agnosticism. Maj. Op. at 1031-32 (citing Preiser v. Rodriguez,
Hudson’s background is simple. In an action styled a petition for a declaratory judgment, Hudson sought an order granting him certain privileges, release from a control cell, or outright release from custody. In our initial pass at the case, we held that the district court had been too hasty in granting summary judgment against Hudson, applying the standards for summary judgment with a “strict literalness” that was inappropriate for a pro se prisoner. Hudson v. Hardy,
First we noted that if plaintiff sought money damages, the case was not moot.
Indeed, nowhere in the opinion did we purport to actually find jurisdiction. Although we didn’t explicitly invoke the principle and practice that in determining jurisdiction a court assumes the validity of plaintiffs merits claims, see, e.g., Coleman v. Miller,
And with good reason. For us to have applied substantive law before finding jurisdiction would have flouted the rule that on any appeal “the first and fundamental question is that of jurisdiction.” Steel Co. v. Citizens for a Better Environment,
Recognizing that an absence of jurisdiction would preclude Hudson from having precedential effect, the majority seeks to characterize the merits of Hudson’s claim as itself a jurisdictional question, so that the Hudson court (permissibly) resolved it before resolving mootness. Maj. Op. at 1033-34. Some elements of 28 U.S.C. § 2241 doubtless are jurisdictional. For example, issuance of the writ requires (absent waiver) personal jurisdiction over the
The majority reads the discussion of potential alternative grounds for jurisdiction in Bell v. Wolfish to stand for the proposition that the scope of habeas is normally a jurisdictional issue. Maj. Op. at 1033-34 (citing
Given that the Hudson court never suggested that its ruminations on Hudson’s possible causes of action touched on jurisdiction, and that the habeas statute in effect at the time used no jurisdictional language, see 28 U.S.C. § 2241 (1970), there seems no reason to suppose that Hudson’s decision to remand for a mootness determination constituted a resolution of any jurisdictional questions that habeas may entail.
But even if we put the jurisdictional question aside, Hudson’s claim that officials of the District of Columbia had subjected him to “ ‘unjust and cruel’ disciplinary action,”
Finally, regardless of the unresolved status of our jurisdiction and the availabili
In short, in framing the district court’s future jurisdictional inquiry, we tossed up a salad of possible merits claims. This was a perfectly proper way to guide the district court’s exploration of mootness. But that does not mean that any of these speculations constituted a holding. Even assuming the court meant habeas to encompass conditions of confinement, we had neither jurisdiction nor occasion to settle any substantive legal issue, and in the two short pages of F.2d that Hudson occupies (other than caption, headnotes, etc.), I do not see that we did so.
And I also agree with the majority’s acknowledgement that its other cases fail to do so. Maj. Op. at 1034. Two of the cases, Miller v. Overholser,
Creek too depends on the proposition that the challenged conditions vitiate the justification for confinement.
More recent cases from this circuit suggest that the availability of habeas to challenge conditions of confinement is a murkier question than the majority’s cases suggest. In Blair-Bey v. Quick, for example, we entertained the possibility that habeas itself “might be available” for challenges to prison conditions.
Because not one of these cases holds that habeas encompasses claims based on the conditions of a detainee’s confinement, I conclude that no precedent of ours controls the outcome of this case.
The majority soft-pedals the distinction between challenges to the fact or place of confinement and ones to conditions of confinement by observing that one remedy unquestionably available under habeas (in this case, the prisoner’s release) “may” redress both claims, so that the distinction between the claims is “largely illusory.” Maj. Op. at 1035-36. After all, the majority explains, a court can always order release if the petitioner’s custodian does not remedy the defect in the place of confinement. But to suggest that courts should feel complacent in expanding an ancient writ — confined for centuries to attacks on the fact or place of confinement — to reach any unlawful aspect of the confinement merely because the illegality could, in ex-tremis, be cured by an order of release, seems in effect to discard history as a guide.
In any event, a focus on remote, unsatisfactory and implausible remedies of release is a far cry from how an inquiry into the availability of habeas normally proceeds. As the majority observes, Maj. Op. at 1029-30, in determining the scope of our jurisdiction in Kiyemba we first needed to assess the effect of the Supreme Court’s decision in Boumediene. Notwithstanding the fact that an order of release would have sufficed to grant the Kiyemba petitioners’ requested relief, we reviewed the congressional authorization to consider their claims as well as the traditional boundaries of habeas. Kiyemba,
This case itself illustrates the skewed fit between a substantive attack on conditions of confinement and a remedy of release. The petitioners understandably never seek “the writ’s more traditional remedy of outright release,” Maj. Op. at 1035. See J.A. 1, 3 (requesting injunction prohibiting force-feeding); J.A. 158 (requesting injunction prohibiting alleged deprivation of right to communal prayer); Aamer Br. 5 (requesting both forms of injunctive relief). And the majority, rightly acknowledging the legality of the petitioners’ detention, Maj. Op. at 1040-41, focuses only on whether to enjoin the practice of force-feeding. The theoretical effectiveness of an implausible remedy seems a thin basis for shoehorning litigation over conditions of confinement into habeas.
Under the majority’s view, it need not consider petitioners’ alternative theories supporting jurisdiction, but I must. They are no more convincing. Relying on a pair of cases from the Seventh Circuit, petitioners first contend that because the force-feeding protocol requires transfer from “communal living quarters” to “single cell operations,” it constitutes a quantum change in his level of custody, rendering his petition cognizable in habeas. Aamer Br. 24-25. They quote the Seventh Circuit as follows: “If the prisoner is seeking what can fairly be described as a quantum change in the level of custody — whether outright freedom, or freedom subject to the limited reporting and financial constraints of bond or parole or probation, or the run of the prison in contrast to the approximation to solitary confinement that is disciplinary segregation — then habeas corpus is his remedy.” Graham v. Broglin,
Aamer also asserts that we have jurisdiction because force-feeding constitutes a “severe restrain^] on individual liberty.” Aamer Br. at 26-27 (citing Hensley v. Mun. Court, San Jose Milpitas Judicial Dist., Santa Clara Cnty.,
I close with a brief consideration of where we are and how we got here. In § 7 of the MCA Congress sought to all but extinguish federal courts’ jurisdiction to hear claims by detainees at Guantanamo. Subsection 2241(e)(1) purported to remove all habeas corpus jurisdiction over such aliens; subsection (e)(2) eliminated all other jurisdiction, except for the judicial process that Congress had previously established for review of executive branch decisions on the lawfulness of detention. See Maj. Op. at 1028-29. By the two subsections taken together, then, Congress sought (with the exception noted) to exclude Guantanamo detainees from United States courts.
In Boumediene the Supreme Court held that subsection (e)(1) violated the Suspension Clause,
The majority does precisely that. To determine just how much the courts will open themselves to habeas independently of the Suspension Clause’s constitutional pressure, it relies on our reflections in Hudson — a case in which we had not found any federal court jurisdiction, where any discussion of the fine points of habeas versus § 1983 was unnecessary, and where it is unclear whether our speculation about plaintiffs claims even addressed conditions of confinement. Because neither Hudson nor any other case of ours establishes the availability of a conditions of confinement claim under habeas, Kiyemba’s restoration of the status quo ante does not compel us to recognize such a claim. And Congress has made quite clear that we shouldn’t. Subsection (e)(1) may be a dead letter, but that does not compel us to ignore Congress’s intent behind subsection (e) as a whole, which unmistakably sought to prevent the federal courts from entertaining claims based on detainees’ conditions of confinement. Cf. Janko v. Gates, No. 12-5017,
Respectfully dissenting, I would affirm the district courts’ dismissal of the petitions for want of jurisdiction.
