Searcy v. Philips Electronics North America Corp.Searcy v. Philips Electronics North America Corp.
Case Information
*1 Before REYNALDO G. GARZA, HIGGINBOTHAM, and JONES, Circuit Judges.
PATRICK E. HIGGINBOTHAM, Circuit Judge:
Today we must decide whether the False Claims Act gives the
government the power to veto a settlement after it has declined to
intervene in both the trial and appellate courts. We find the last
sentence of
I.
According to the complaint, Philips Electronics North America
Corp. and Philips Electronics illegally concealed from the U.S.
government a 1985 executive decision to withdraw from the U.S.
market and to abandon their local U.S. dealers. The U.S.
government relied on Philips’s continuing presence in the U.S.
market when it bought and leased automation equipment worth
millions of dollars. Lloyd T. Bortner, Jr., learned of Philips’s
allegedly deceptive policy when he was serving as a manager for a
Philips division called Philips Information Systems Co. He brought
a suit on behalf of the government under the False Claims Act,
which prohibits “knowingly present[ing], or caus[ing] to be
presented, to an officer or employee of the United States
Government or a member of the Armed Forces of the United States a
false or fraudulent claim for payment or approval.”
As required by
During nearly a year of discovery, Bortner forwarded court
documents to the government. Bortner and Philips made two
unsuccessful, court-ordered efforts at mediation. After three days
of trial, on February 1, 1996, they reached a settlement in which
the court would enter a judgment of $1 million dollars against
Philips. Pursuant to
The government, however, objected to the settlement. Because
it had investigated only the claims that Bortner actually brought,
it protested a release from “all claims and counterclaims asserted
in any pleading or other filing in this action, or which could have
been asserted by the parties in this action, arising out of the
transactions and occurrences that are the subject matter of this
*4
action.” The government was unsuccessful in its efforts to
convince Philips to accept a release only from claims actually
stated in the final complaint. In an objection filed with the
court and at a show-cause hearing, the government asserted that
II.
Regardless of whether the government opts to control or
intervene in a case, the False Claims Act requires that actions “be
brought in the name of the Government.”
But viewing the government as a party for the purposes of
Bortner argues that non-parties simply cannot appeal, and thus
that the government cannot prosecute an appeal without first
intervening. Read out of context, a few cases seem to announce
such a rule. See, e.g., Marino v. Ortiz, 108 S. Ct. 586, 587
(1988) (per curiam) (“[B]ecause petitioners were not parties to the
underlying lawsuit, and because they failed to intervene for
purposes of appeal, they may not appeal from the consent decree
approving that lawsuit’s settlement . . . .”); Edwards v. City of
Houston,
We have enforced the rule with respect to nonnamed members of
class actions. See Flanagan v. Ahearn,
Outside of the class-action context, the rule on non-party
appeals is not as rigid as Bortner and Philips contend. Although
we dismissed a would-be non-party appellant in EEOC v. Louisiana
Office of Community Services, 47 F.3d 1438, 1442-43 (5th Cir.
1995), we inquired whether “the non-parties actually participated
in the proceedings below, the equities weigh in favor of hearing
the appeal, and the non-parties have a personal stake in the
outcome.” See also United States v. Chagra,
We find that the Louisiana Office of Community Services test provides the appropriate standard here. The government has satisfied all three prongs of that test. First, it participated in the district court proceedings by investigating and monitoring the case and by arguing against the settlement at a hearing.
Second, the equities favor the government because it is
relying on a good-faith argument that Congress has instructed the
courts — including the courts of appeals — not to approve
settlements when the government doesn’t consent. Bortner condemns
the government for failing to take advantage of the Act’s provision
that “the court, without limiting the status and rights of the
person initiating the action, may nevertheless permit the
Government to intervene at a later date upon a showing of good
cause.”
Bortner also argues that the government lacks standing and
thus fails the third prong, which requires a personal stake in the
outcome. We disagree. Although Bortner supposes that the
settlement binds only Bortner and Philips, the language in the
district court’s order approving the settlement may not be so
narrow. The settlement stretches to “all claims and counterclaims
asserted in any pleading or other filing in this action, or which
could have been asserted by the parties in this action, arising out
of the transactions and occurrences that are the subject matter of
this action.” By binding “the parties in this action,” the order
could be interpreted to include the government for claim-preclusion
purposes. See Valerie R. Park, Note, The False Claims Act, Qui Tam
Relators, and the Government: Which Is the Real Party to the
Action?, 43 S TAN . L. R EV . 1061, 1084-87 (1991) (arguing that because
the government has an opportunity to investigate and control False
Claims Act suits, it should be subject to claim preclusion when a
relator prosecutes a False Claims Act action on its behalf). Cf.
Westerchil Constr. Co. v. United States,
In sum, the unique structure of the False Claims Act gives the government an adequate level of participation in the district court proceedings, a good-faith reliance on a statutory right, and a concrete stake in the outcome. Thus, the government’s appeal is properly before us even though the government is not a party that ordinarily could challenge as of right the district court’s final order.
III.
The government asks us to sanction an absolute veto power over
voluntary settlements in qui tam False Claims Act suits. The
statutory language appears to grant just that: “The action may be
dismissed only if the court and the Attorney General give written
consent to the dismissal and their reasons for consenting.”
Most cases have only flirted with the issue. In Minotti v.
Lensink,
At the appellate level, only the Ninth Circuit has taken a
definitive position on whether the last sentence of
But the court changed course in United States ex rel.
Killingsworth v. Northrop Corp.,
We find Killingsworth unpersuasive. First, we are unimpressed
with the court’s contention that the legislative history of the
1986 False Claims Act amendments militates against giving the
government the power to veto a settlement. When President Lincoln
signed the original 1863 statute, it contained a version of what is
now the last sentence of
After considering legislators’ remarks about the 1986 amendments, the Killingsworth court concluded that the current version of the Act is designed to encourage private litigants to take more responsibility for enforcement. 25 F.3d at 721. “Congress’ intent to place full responsibility for False Claims Act litigation on private parties, absent early intervention by the government or later intervention for good cause, is fundamentally inconsistent with the asserted ‘absolute’ right of the government to block a settlement and force a private party to continue litigation.” Id. at 722.
Even if we assume that Killingsworth gauged Congressional
intent accurately, intentions alone cannot work a repeal of the
last sentence of
The statutory language relied on by the government is as
unambiguous as one can expect: “The action may be dismissed only if
the court and the Attorney General give written consent to the
dismissal and their reasons for consenting.” Unlike the
Killingsworth court, we can find nothing in
The Killingsworth litigation demonstrates that relators can
manipulate settlements in ways that unfairly enrich them and reduce
benefits to the government. This case presents a relator who
allegedly wants to trade on the defendants’ desire to maximize
preclusive effects. Plaintiffs ordinarily prefer to keep their
options open; agreeing not to bring future suits can be costly. In
qui tam litigation, however, there is a danger that a relator can
boost the value of settlement by bargaining away claims on behalf
of the United States. According to the government, that’s what
Bortner is attempting: at little cost to himself, he is reaping the
benefit of promising that the United States will not make further
claims against Philips based on the transactions and occurrences at
issue in his suit. If the government decides the settlement isn’t
worth the cost,
For more than 130 years, Congress has instructed courts to let the government stand on the sidelines and veto a voluntary settlement. It would take a serious conflict within the structure of the False Claims Act or a profound gap in the reasonableness of *17 the provision for us to be able to justify ignoring this language. We can find neither.
IV.
The district court’s settlement order and voluntary dismissal are VACATED, and the case is REMANDED for further proceedings.
Notes
[1] One district court anticipated the Ninth Circuit. The
Eastern District of Tennessee ruled in a brief opinion that
“