Save Our Valley v. Sound TransitSave Our Valley v. Sound Transit
SAVE OUR VALLEY, Plaintiff-Appellant,
v.
SOUND TRANSIT (Central Puget Sound Regional Transit Authority); Bob White, Sound Transit Executive Director; Perry Weinberg, Sound Transit SEPA, Responsible Official;
Transportation Dept U.S. Federal Transit Administration; Helen Knoll, Federal Transit Administration Regional Administrator Region X, Defendants-Appellees, and
Sound Transit SEPA Responsible Official, Defendant.
No. 01-36172.
United States Court of Appeals, Ninth Circuit.
Argued and Submitted September 9, 2002.
Filed July 10, 2003.
COPYRIGHT MATERIAL OMITTED Michael W. Gendler, Bricklin & Gendler, LLP, and Eric Schnapper, University of Washington School of Law, of Seattle, Washington, for the plaintiff-appellant.
Desmond L. Brown, Central Puget Sound Regional Transit Authority, and Paul J. Lawrence and James A. Goeke, Preston Gates & Ellis LLP, of Seattle, WA, for the defendant-appellee.
Kimberly West-Faulcon of Los Angeles, CA, and Elaine R. Jones, Norman J. Chachkin, and James L. Cott of New York, NY, for amicus curiae NAACP Legal Defense and Education Fund, Inc.
Luke W. Cole of San Francisco, CA, for amicus curiae Center on Race, Poverty and the Environment.
Appeal from the United States District Court for the Western District of Washington; Barbara J. Rothstein, Chief Judge, Presiding. D.C. No. CV-00-00715-BJR.
Before: HILL,* GOULD, and BERZON, Circuit Judges.
Opinion by Judge GOULD; Dissent by Judge BERZON.
OPINION
GOULD, Circuit Judge.
Save Our Valley, a community group, challenges the Central Puget Sound Regional Transit Authority's plan to build a light-rail line through the Rainier Valley south of Seattle, Washington. Save Our Valley argues that the project will have the effect of discriminating against Rainier Valley residents based on race in violation of a Department of Transportation regulation. The primary question before us is whether that Department of Transportation regulation creates an individual federal right that can be enforced under the Civil Rights Act,
* The Central Puget Sound Regional Transit Authority ("Sound Transit") is charged with building a light-rail line to connect the Northgate area in north Seattle with Sea-Tac Airport in Sea-Tac, Washington. The preferred twenty-one—mile route is proposed to pass through several Seattle neighborhoods, including south Seattle's Rainier Valley, a neighborhood populated predominantly by minority residents. The 4.6-mile segment through Rainier Valley is to be built at street level. Most of the segments through other neighborhoods are to be elevated above street level or to be built underground.
As pertinent to this appeal, Save Our Valley ("SOV") filed suit under
The district court disagreed that the regulation created such a right and granted summary judgment to Sound Transit. It then affirmed — without explanation — the clerk of court's taxation of $5,310.55 in costs against SOV as the losing party pursuant to Rule 54(d). This appeal followed.
II
The primary question in this appeal is whether the Department of Transportation's disparate-impact regulation creates an individual federal right that can be enforced through a
The Third, Fourth, and Eleventh Circuits have held that an agency regulation cannot create an individual federal right enforceable through
On the other side of the circuit split, the District of Columbia and Sixth Circuits have held that an agency regulation can create an individual federal right. See Samuels v. District of Columbia,
The Supreme Court has never addressed this issue directly, so no single Supreme Court precedent controls our decision in this case. Nonetheless, we begin our analysis with two recent Supreme Court decisions — Alexander v. Sandoval,
In Sandoval, the Court considered a challenge to the Alabama Department of Public Safety's official policy of administering its driver's license examination only in English as violative of Title VI and its implementing regulations. See
Although the Sandoval Court addressed only one kind of federal right — implied rights of action — its reasoning has broader implications. The Court suggested that only Congress by statute can create individual rights of any kind (including, we conclude, rights enforceable through
The judicial task is to interpret the statute Congress has passed to determine whether it displays an intent to create not just a private right but also a private remedy. Statutory intent on this latter point is determinative.
Language in a regulation may invoke a private right of action that Congress through statutory text created, but it may not create a right that Congress has not.
[I]t is most certainly incorrect to say that language in a regulation can conjure up a private cause of action that has not been authorized by Congress. Agencies may play the sorcerer's apprentice but not the sorcerer himself.
These statements refer to the creation of implied rights of action, rather than to the creation of individual rights enforceable through
Any doubt that may have remained as to the genesis of individual rights enforceable through
We ... reject the notion that our implied right of action cases are separate and distinct from our
We have recognized that whether a statutory violation may be enforced through
Id. (citation omitted). As in Sandoval, the Court here suggested that federal rights are created by Congress through statutes, not by agencies through regulations. More importantly for our purposes, the Court's reasoning strongly supports our view that individual rights enforceable through
Other Supreme Court decisions also have focused squarely on Congress's intent to create individual rights. See Blessing,
We believe the Supreme Court's Sandoval and Gonzaga decisions, taken together, compel the conclusion we reach today: that agency regulations cannot independently create rights enforceable through
SOV relies primarily on the Supreme Court's decision in Wright v. City of Roanoke Redevelopment and Housing Authority,
We disagree. The mere fact that the Wright Court permitted a plaintiff to maintain a
[T]he Wright Court located the alleged right in the statutory provision and then relied upon the implementing regulations to define and interpret that right.... Wright does not hold that a regulation alone — i.e., where the alleged right does not appear explicitly in the statute, but only appears in the regulation — may create an enforceable federal right.
S. Camden Citizens in Action,
Moreover, as the four dissenting Justices observed in Wright, the Wright majority did not reach the question of whether an agency regulation could create a right. Plus, the dissenters noted, the suggestion that a regulation could create a right would have been "troubling." Justice O'Connor, joined by Chief Justice Rehnquist, Justice Powell, and Justice Scalia, wrote:
In the absence of any indication in the language, legislative history, or administrative interpretation of the Brooke Amendment that Congress intended to create an enforceable right to utilities, it is necessary to ask whether administrative regulations alone could create such a right. This is a troubling issue not briefed by the parties, and I do not attempt to resolve it here ... I am concerned ... that lurking behind the Court's analysis may be the view that, once it has been found that a statute creates some enforceable right, any regulation adopted within the purview of the statute creates rights enforceable in federal courts, regardless of whether Congress or the promulgating agency ever contemplated such a result. Thus, HUD's frequently changing views on how best to administer the provision of utilities to public housing tenants becomes the focal point for the creation and extinguishment of federal "rights." Such a result, where determination of
Wright,
Our view that Wright does not stand for the proposition that regulations can create federal rights seems even more persuasive in light of the Supreme Court's subsequent cases. The Court's opinion in Sandoval (where the Wright dissenters were in the majority), for example, shows a dogged focus on Congress's intent to create federal rights. At the same time, it shows an utter neglect of the intent underlying administrative regulations.
SOV cites two post-Wright Supreme Court decisions as confirming its understanding of Wright. In Wilder v. Virginia Hospital Assocation,
Although this language suggests some role for agency regulations in applying the three-prong Blessing test to statutes,6 it does not mean that an agency regulation alone can create a federal right. Rather, the language is consistent with the view that "so long as the statute itself confers a specific right upon the plaintiff, and a valid regulation merely further defines or fleshes out the content of that right, then the statute — `in conjunction with the regulation' — may create a federal right as further defined by the regulation." Harris,
Next, SOV urges that our decision in Buckley v. City of Redding,
Finally, SOV points out that the D.C. and Sixth Circuits have held that regulations can create individual rights. See Samuels,
[P]laintiffs clearly allege that the District's public housing officials have violated the applicable HUD regulations, and that allegation alone, we think, states a cognizable
Id. at 199.
The D.C. Circuit's reasoning is flawed. The D.C. Circuit assumed (and misread the Supreme Court's decision in Thiboutot to mean) that the mere fact that a statute or regulation is a "law" within the meaning of
Second, the D.C. Circuit's opinion is founded on an out-dated understanding of the relationship between implied rights of action and rights enforceable under
Plaintiffs suing under
Gonzaga,
The Sixth Circuit's reasoning in Loschiavo tracks the D.C. Circuit's reasoning in Samuels, but it is far more conclusory. The Sixth Circuit's analysis consisted of two sentences:
In Maine v. Thiboutot,
Loschiavo,
A final problem with the Sixth and D.C. Circuits' opinions is that they predated the Supreme Court's decisions in Sandoval and Gonzaga. As we explained above, Sandoval and Gonzaga, taken together, compel the conclusion that only Congress can create an individual federal right. We therefore reject the approach of the Sixth and D.C. Circuits and hold that an agency regulation cannot create an individual federal right.
To summarize the principles we hold apply in this case: Violations of rights, not violations of laws, give rise to
In this case, our analysis begins and ends with Congress's intent. The Supreme Court already has held that Congress never intended to create the right SOV claims, the right to be free from racially disparate effects. The Court has often repeated that "Title VI itself directly reach[es] only instances of intentional discrimination." Sandoval,
III
A separate, alternative line of analysis requires us to hold that SOV cannot enforce the disparate-impact regulation. Even if a regulation in general could create an individual federal right enforceable through
As we explained above, the disparate-impact regulation was promulgated by the Department of Transportation based on authority granted it by Congress in Title VI. In § 601 of that title, Congress created a right to be free from intentional discrimination based on race. In § 602, Congress authorized federal agencies to "effectuate the provisions of [§ 601] ... by issuing rules, regulations, or orders of general applicability."
IV
SOV asserts that the district court abused its discretion by awarding $5,310.55 in costs to Sound Transit.12
In Stanley, we held that the district court abused its discretion in rejecting a losing civil rights plaintiff's motion to deny costs to the defendant without considering: (1) the plaintiff's limited financial resources and (2) the chilling effect on future civil rights litigants of imposing high costs. Stanley,
Although a district court must "specify reasons" for its refusal to tax costs to the losing party, Assoc. of Mexican-American Educators v. California,
The requirement that district courts give reasons for denying costs flows logically from the presumption in favor of costs that is embodied in the text of the rule; if a district court wishes to depart from that presumption, it must explain why so that the appellate court will be able to determine whether or not the trial court abused its discretion.... Our requirement that a district court give reasons for denying costs is, in essence, a requirement that the court explain why a case is not ordinary.
Assoc. of Mexican-American Educators v. California,
SOV observes that we have approved several factors that would justify a district court's refusal to award costs to a prevailing party: the losing party's limited financial resources, see National Org. for Women v. Bank of Cal.,
The district court might have believed that this relatively small sum — $5,310.55 — would not "chill" future civil rights litigation, see Assoc. of Mexican-American Educators,
AFFIRMED.
Notes:
Notes
The Honorable James C. Hill, Senior United States Circuit Judge for the United States Court of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit, sitting by designation
SOV also claimed that Sound Transit's plan would violate the National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA),
The disparate-impact regulation at issue was promulgated by the Department of Transportation based on authority granted it by Congress in Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. In § 601 of that Title, Congress created a right to be free fromintentional discrimination based on race. In § 602, Congress authorized federal agencies to "effectuate the provisions of [§ 601] ... by issuing rules, regulations, or orders of general applicability."
The regulation goes further than the statute it implements, proscribing activities that have disparate effects on racial groups, even though such activities are permissible under § 601. The Supreme Court has recognized that there is "considerable tension" between § 601 and the disparate-impact regulation. Alexander v. Sandoval,
Compared with the Third and Eleventh Circuits' analysis, the Fourth Circuit's was superficial. The Fourth Circuit simply noted the absence of Supreme Court precedent and that Supreme Court justices had expressed doubt (in dissent) that "administrative regulations alone could create such a right."Smith,
Building on an interesting survey of sources from Immanuel Kant to Roscoe Pound, the partial dissent argues at length that rights enforceable through
The partial dissent does not argue, and could not argue persuasively, that rights enforceable through
SOV and the amici curiae rely on our 1984 opinion inKeaukaha-Panaewa Comm. Ass'n. v. Hawaiian Homes Comm'n.,
The lack of an implied private right of action under a federal act ... does not by itself dispose of the issue of Congressional intent to foreclose private actions under
For other cases in the courts of appeals dealing with causes of action relying at least in part on a regulation, seeFarley v. Philadelphia Hous. Auth.,
SOV also refers to what it calls "the Supreme Court's established practice of adjudicating
"[W]e must first determine whether the statute and itsinterpretive regulations create an enforceable federal statutory right." Buckley,
For this reason, SOV's lengthy argument that regulations are "laws" is not helpful
This normally would involve an application of the Supreme Court's three-prongBlessing test:
First, Congress must have intended that the provision in question benefit the plaintiff. Second, the plaintiff must demonstrate that the right assertedly protected by the statute is not so "vague and amorphous" that its enforcement would strain judicial competence. Third, the statute must unambiguously impose a binding obligation on the states. In other words, the provision giving rise to the asserted right must be couched in mandatory, rather than precatory terms.
Blessing v. Freestone,
The partial dissent refers to "[t]he majority's notion that regulations are valid only if they flesh out a specific statutory provision."See infra at 9288. We express no such notion. Indeed, we express no opinion as to the validity of any regulations. Rather, we hold that the disparate-impact regulation does not create a right enforceable through § 1983, particularly in light of the Supreme Court's Sandoval and Gonzaga decisions.
The district court's award of costs to Sound Transit as the prevailing party is reviewed for an abuse of discretionSea Coast Foods, Inc. v. Lu-Mar Lobster and Shrimp, Inc.,
BERZON, Circuit Judge, dissenting in part.
* I write separately to clarify two critical issues that the majority has utterly confused: the distinction between rights and rights of action, and the consequence of its assumption that the regulation here is valid. The majority's confusion on the first issue taints its entire opinion and causes it to conclude, incorrectly, that regulations may never create rights enforceable under
* The central issue in this appeal is whether the DOT regulation creates a right, enforceable in a private action under
For present purposes, the essential point is that a "right" is not the same as the authority to bring an enforcement action in court. To the contrary, a cause of action is a specific type of remedy, a procedural vehicle for redressing a violation of a right. Some rights may not be enforceable through such an affirmative remedy in court, and others may not be enforceable in court at all.
This distinction has found expression innumerable times in innumerable ways. The Declaration of Independence is eloquent on this point. It states that:
[A]ll men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness. That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men ..., That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute a new Government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness.
Id. at para. 2. Explicit in this statement are the ideas that rights (at least, the natural rights to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness) derive from a source independent of the state, and that it is the principal function of governments to "secure these rights." One method of securing rights, of course, is to provide civil remedies for their violation. The Declaration of Independence is just as explicit, however, in its statement that the specific rights mentioned are "enforceable" even in the absence of civil remedies: they are enforceable by insurrection.
The Bill of Rights provides examples of more direct pertinence.2 The First, Fourth and Seventh Amendments speak respectively of "the right of the people" to peaceably assemble and petition the government for redress of grievances; be secure against unreasonable searches and seizures; and be tried by a jury. See U.S. Const. amends. I, IV, VII. In each case, the text of the amendment suggests that the people possessed the right in question prior to the existence of the central government. The amendments are worded as restrictions on the government's ability to invade rights that the amendment assumes people already have. See e.g.
Indeed, the rights enumerated in the Constitution have, since the beginning of the Republic, had significance unrelated to private actions to enforce them. Such rights have been understood to order the relationship between individuals and the government. The Fourth Amendment, for example, provides that the "right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated."
These rights are not merely abstract or ethereal. They have real-life consequences, in and out of court, independent of any individual's ability to vindicate them in a private, affirmative suit in court. Legislatures are obliged to respect them when legislating, and executive officials are obliged to respect them in enforcing the law.
Concomitantly, rights have consequences in court proceedings even absent an affirmative enforcement action. There are evidentiary consequences, for example. Evidence seized in violation of the Fourth Amendment is inadmissible in court, see Mapp v. Ohio,
Also, courts have long understood that violation of a right may compel a court to invalidate an Act of Congress. In Boyd v. United States,
Further, the rights enumerated in the Constitution not only restrict individuals acting on behalf of the government but can also require affirmative conduct of government actors. As now understood, the Fifth Amendment, for example, requires law enforcement officers to inform every person taken into custody of the rights that Amendment guarantees. See Dickerson v. United States,
The Supreme Court's third-party standing cases provide another excellent illustration of this principle. See Powers v. Ohio,
Individuals therefore possess rights, rights with real-life consequences, independent of the ability to seek redress for violation of those rights through affirmative civil process. Indeed, most of the consequences discussed above were well-recognized before, and in some cases long before, the Supreme Court's 1971 decision in Bivens v. Six Unknown Named Agents of Federal Bureau of Narcotics,
Statutes, also, can create or recognize rights without at the same time providing an affirmative judicial remedy for their enforcement. The National Labor Relations Act ("NLRA"), for example, explicitly confers on employees the right to organize and join unions.4 See Lechmere, Inc. v. National Labor Relations Bd.,
Even in the absence of an affirmative enforcement action, the rights the NLRA confers on individuals have consequences: they function as limits on state action. In Nash v. Florida Indus. Comm'n,
As the NLRA example shows, statutes can create rights in individuals absent any guarantee that the individual can obtain judicial enforcement. In Alden v. Maine,
The dissent in Alden took issue with this separation of right and private remedy:
[T]here is much irony in the Court's profession that it grounds its opinion on a deeply rooted historical tradition of sovereign immunity, when the Court abandons a principle nearly as inveterate, and much closer to the hearts of the Framers: that where there is a right, there must be a remedy.
Id. at 811,
[T]oday the Court has no qualms about saying frankly that the federal right to damages afforded by Congress under the FLSA cannot create a concomitant private remedy. The right was made for the benefit of petitioners; they have been hindered by another of that benefit; but despite what has long been understood as the necessary consequence of law, they have no action.
Id. at 812,
Any analysis of the reach of § 1983 must therefore begin with, and not lose sight of, the unexceptional proposition that rights are entirely distinct from any private, affirmative, judicial remedy that may exist for violation or deprivation of those rights. The authorities above demonstrate that a person can possess a meaningful right, and that right can have real-life consequences for the conduct of other persons, independent of a concomitant ability to sue for violation of that right.
B
It is this distinction that gives rise to the two lines of authority critical to this case: the implied right of action cases and the § 1983 cases. The implied right of action cases, from Cort v. Ash,
In every implied right of action case, the reviewing court, however obliquely in some cases, has satisfied itself before permitting an action to proceed both that the statute confers a right and that permitting a private remedy to vindicate that right is consistent with Congress's intent in enacting the statute. Cort enunciated four factors to guide courts in this inquiry. The first is "does the statute create a federal right in favor of the plaintiff?"
Section 1983, in contrast, undisputably does create a right of action. Indeed, that is all it does: It "merely provides a mechanism for enforcing individual rights `secured' elsewhere, i.e., rights independently `secured by the Constitution and laws' of the United States." Gonzaga,
Accordingly, the first step in a § 1983 action is to identify a federal right. Id. at 283,
The majority's treatment of Sandoval offers a glimpse of its confusion on this fundamental point. The principal issue before the Court in Sandoval was whether it is permissible to imply a private right of action under a regulation when the statute the regulation implements does not provide for private redress. See id. at 291,
Ultimately, the Court concluded that Congress did not so intend and thus that the agency regulations themselves could not support an implied right of action. Id. at 293,
Language in a regulation may invoke a private right of action that Congress through statutory text created, but it may not create a right that Congress has not.... [I]t is most certainly incorrect to say that language in a regulation can conjure up a private cause of action that has not been authorized by Congress. Agencies may play the sorcerer's apprentice but not the sorcerer himself.
Id. at 291,
Critically, the Court's conclusion was not based, as the majority believes, on a theory of rights creation. Instead, it rested on a separation of powers principle, namely, the Court's view of the proper function of the federal courts vis-a-vis Congress. "Raising up causes of action where a statute has not created them may be a proper function for common-law courts, but not for federal tribunals." Id. at 287,
The special separation of powers concerns underlying Sandoval do not apply in a § 1983 case. Congress explicitly granted access to the federal courts when it enacted § 1983. See Wilder,
The majority thus misinterprets Gonzaga as holding that "individual rights enforceable through § 1983 are similar to implied rights of action.... Since only Congress can create implied rights of action... only Congress can create rights enforceable through § 1983." Ante at 938-939. As I have demonstrated, the concept of individual rights does differ fundamentally from the concept of a private cause of action. To maintain otherwise is simply a play on the word "right," nothing more.5
Gonzaga in no way supposes otherwise. Instead, that case held only that the initial inquiry in § 1983 cases and in implied right of action cases is the same inquiry: whether the law at issue creates an individual right. Gonzaga did not merge the two lines of cases in their entirety, the majority's repeated suggestions to the contrary notwithstanding. Nor did Gonzaga "suggest[] that only Congress can create rights enforceable through § 1983." Ante at 939. To the extent that Gonzaga stressed Congressional intent, see
II
* Aside from the supposed identity of rights and private causes of action, the majority rests its contrary categorical assertion that "agency regulations cannot independently create rights," ante at 939, on its view of the role of administrative agencies. That view flies in the face of seventy years of administrative law jurisprudence. Applying contemporary administrative law principles rather than antiquated ones, I can see no reason why valid agency regulations cannot create individual rights and do so independently of specific Congressional intent regarding the rights created.
Agency rules, for present purposes, come in two stripes: interpretive rules and legislative regulations. See Richard J. Pierce, Jr., Administrative Law Treatise, § 6.4 at 325 (4th ed.2002). The principal differences between the two rest on both Congress's intent when it enacts a statute and the agency's intent when it promulgates a regulation to implement that statute.
An agency has the inherent power to promulgate interpretive rules, and thus may do so independently of any express grant of power from Congress and without following special procedures. See id. Legislative regulations, on the other hand, require an express delegation of rule-making authority from Congress and must be promulgated according to specific procedures. See id.; Batterton v. Francis,
In practical terms, legislative regulations have all the relevant properties of statutes. Like statutes, agency regulations are prescriptive, forward-looking, and of general applicability. See
Indeed, to the extent that regulations are inferior to statutes, they are inferior in ways external to the relation-ordering function they perform. We accord regulations less deference than we do statutes. While we may declare a statute unconstitutional only if we find that Congress has exceeded its constitutional authority in enacting it, see United States v. Morrison,
Regulations are more numerous and specific than statutes. Numerosity, however, does not impact function, and specificity is an essential requirement of judicial enforcement of rights. See Blessing v. Freestone,
Regulations may be more transient than statutes. Thus, allowing that regulations may create rights could mean that some rights are relatively short-lived. See Wright v. City of Roanoke Redevelopment & Housing Auth.,
The majority has provided no explanation rooted in any pertinent functional differences concerning why it chooses to draw a line between statutes and regulations. As the foregoing paragraphs demonstrate there is no functional difference between statutes and regulations that would justify the majority's holding that only the former may create rights.
It is not surprising, therefore, that we have in the past treated regulations as if they create rights. To take a fairly random example, in Long v. Coast Resorts, Inc.,
The ADA does not contain any door-width requirements. See
By ignoring regulation-enforcing cases such as Long, although they are legion, the majority avoids any discussion of the differences between regulations and statutes that might support its conclusion that only the latter can create rights. Its decision seems rather to be based on formalism. The majority writes that "it is an elementary principle of constitutional law that lawmaking is the province of Congress," and again that "Congress, rather than the executive, is the lawmaker in our democracy." Ante at 939. According to the majority, in other words, a law's capacity to create rights is due not to any properties of the law itself but instead to the law's source; only if a law comes from Congress can it create a right. The majority envisions a neat division between legislative and executive power and assumes that Congress may not delegate any of its power to an executive agency.
In support of its assertion, the majority quotes A.L.A. Schechter Poultry Corp. v. United States,
Indeed, one would have thought Schechter Poultry's dubious viability on this point obvious. Whitman v. American Trucking Ass'n, Inc.,
As Whitman indicates, the Supreme Court long ago rejected the type of formalist analysis of the relationship between Congress and administrative agencies upon which the majority relies. Compare Field v. Clark,
Today's administrative law jurisprudence is therefore driven by a pragmatic view of the roles of Congress and the administrative agencies. That jurisprudence does not inquire whether Congress has delegated legislative power at all, but only whether Congress has placed appropriate limits on the agency's exercise of legislative authority. The majority's dogmatic assertion that "Congress, rather than the executive, is the lawmaker in our democracy," is a truism, but it does not capture the nuances of our contemporary understanding of the relationship between Congress and the administrative agencies.
Nor must Congress intend — in whatever sense a collective body intends anything — each and every regulation an agency promulgates to implement a statute. See Mead,
Chevron succinctly illustrates these ideas. The Clean Air Act ("Act") required certain states to establish permit programs regulating new or modified "stationary sources" of air pollution.
Congress intended to accommodate both interests, but did not do so itself on the level of specificity presented by these cases. Perhaps that body consciously desired the Administrator to strike the balance at this level, thinking that those with great expertise and charged with responsibility for administering the provision would be in a better position to do so; perhaps it simply did not consider the question at this level; and perhaps Congress was unable to forge a coalition on either side of the question, and those on each side decided to take their chances with the scheme devised by the agency. For judicial purposes, it matters not which of these things occurred.
Id. 865,
The majority's notion that regulations are valid only if they flesh out a specific statutory provision is therefore wrong. And, just as regulations may create new obligations, not specifically intended by Congress, within the sphere properly delegated to the promulgating agency, I can see nothing in the administrative law principles governing legislative regulations that precludes promulgation of the particular form of rules that we describe as creating "rights." Such rights-creating regulations, like other valid legislative regulations, have the force and effect of laws and are binding on individuals regulated, the courts and the agency itself.
This line of reasoning explains our decision in Buckley v. City of Redding,
The majority distinguishes Buckley by saying that "[a]lthough we referred to the regulations, we were careful to emphasize that the regulations were interpretive." (emphasis in original). The majority stresses the appellation "interpretive," apparently, to suggest that in fact the regulations in Buckley were only "fleshing out" a right that the statute itself created.
The regulations in Buckley, however, were promulgated under an express and broad grant of authority from Congress, see
The majority has assumed — as it must, in light of Guardians Ass'n v. Civil Serv. Comm'n of New York,
III
If agency regulations can create rights, then individuals should be able to vindicate those rights through private actions brought under § 1983. Section 1983 provides:
Every person who, under color of any statute, ordinance, regulation, custom or usage, of any State or Territory or the District of Columbia, subjects, or cause to be subjected, any citizen of the United States or other person within the jurisdiction thereof to the deprivation of any rights, privileges, or immunities secured by the Constitution and laws, shall be liable to the party injured in an action at law, suit in equity, or other proper proceeding for redress....
By its own terms,
Far from indicating otherwise, the language and structure of
Indeed, the Supreme Court has rejected narrow interpretations of the phrase "and laws" in the past: In Maine v. Thiboutot,
IV
The final question is whether the regulation at issue here creates a federal right enforceable under
Gonzaga now guides the inquiry whether a particular provision creates a right. See
Only those regulations that unambiguously create individual rights will support a
Section 21.5(a) of the DOT regulations provides that "no person in the United States shall, on the grounds of race, color or national origin, be excluded from participation in, be denied the benefits of, or be otherwise subjected to discrimination under any program" which receives federal funds.
Sandoval, however, states in no uncertain terms that this very language, as used in § 601 of Title VI, "prohibits only intentional discrimination,"
The question, then, is whether the disparate impact regulation,
The disparate impact regulation effectuates the prohibition on intentional discrimination by recipients of federal funds for DOT projects by requiring recipients to provide assurance that their programs will not disparately impact protected classes of people. To be sure, the regulation will result in denying funds to some projects that do not violate § 601 of the statute, because those projects were not adopted or administered with discriminatory intent. Discovering discriminatory intent, however, is a fact-intensive process, as the Supreme Court has recognized. See Village of Arlington Heights v. Metropolitan Housing Development Corp.,
That the disparate impact regulation is a valid means of implementing the protected right to be free of intentional discrimination is not, however, an adequate basis for concluding that it creates an enforceable right under the regulation. Rather, Gonzaga stresses that "[nothing] short of an unambiguously conferred right [will] support a cause of action brought under
For one thing, the language of
Further, the disparate impact regulation also shares a second characteristic flagged in Gonzaga as inconsistent with an intention to create individual rights: It has an "`aggregate focus,'" id. at 288,
Neither of these two shortcomings would have disqualified
One sentence in Sandoval can be read as indicating that any such regulation would be beyond the authority Congress delegated to the DOT under § 602 of Title VI. As the majority notes, Sandoval states that "§ 602 limits agencies to `effectuating' rights already created by § 601."
For the reasons already indicated, any such limitation on agencies' authority to promulgate regulations in no way implicates the overall validity of the disparate impact regulation: One can effectuate rights by prescribing rules designed to assure respect for the rights that are protected, without at the same time creating new rights. Yet, I would be reluctant to conclude that in a single sentence, in the midst of a discussion on a different matter, Sandoval purported to describe the limits of the agencies' authority to promulgate regulations under § 602. I therefore do not rely on this reading of Sandoval, but only on Gonzaga's instructions regarding the description of private rights in Spending Clause cases.
For this reason alone, I concur in the majority's result.
Notes:
This definition is schematic, and does not account for variants in which (1) as here, one of the "individuals" is another level of government; or (2) the "state" is embodied in the Constitution or another binding document, regulating government officials in their relationships with individuals
The framers of the Bill of Rights, like the largely overlapping group of Founders who subscribed to the ideas expressed in the Declaration of Independence, believed that many of the rights expressly recognized therein were natural rights, that is, they inhered in individuals independent of the existence of civil society. The Bill of Rights was an attempt to create civil analogues to these natural rights, and thereby to safeguard those natural rights from government encroachmentSee Erwin Chemerinsky, Constitutional Law Principles and Policies § 6.4.2, at 390 (1997).
See e.g. Akhil Reed Amar and Renée B. Lettow, Fifth Amendment First Principles: The Self-Incrimination Clause, 93 Mich. L.Rev. 857 (1995); Eben Moglen, Taking the Fifth: Reconsidering the Origins of the Constitutional Privilege Against Self-Incrimination, 92 Mich. L.Rev. 1086, 1121-23 (1994); R. Carter Pittman, The Colonial and Constitutional History of the Privilege Against Self-Incrimination in America, 21 Va. L.Rev. 763, 788-89 (1935).
Section 7 of that Act provides:
Employees shall have the right to self-organization, to form, join, or assist labor organizations, to bargain collectively through representatives of their own choosing, and to engage in other concerted activities for the purpose of collective bargaining or other mutual aid or protection, and shall also have the right to refrain from any or all of such activities except to the extent that such right may be affected by an agreement requiring membership in a labor organization as a condition of employment as authorized in section 158(a)(3) of this title.
"Right of action" is an odd locution that signifies a concept at the intersection of statutory standing and pleading: An individual has a "right of action" if he or she can affirmatively prosecute in court a cognizable cause of actionSee Black's Law Dictionary (7th ed.1999) (defining "cause of action" as "group of operative facts giving rise to one or more bases for suing;" and defining "right of action" as "the right to bring a specific case to court"); 1 Am.Jur.2d Actions § 2 (1962). As such, the term "right of action" is a technical, jurisprudential one, signifying only the courts' authority to address certain complaints at the behest of certain individuals.
This is not necessarily the case. An agency may not simply repeal a rule (and thereby extinguish a concomitant right). To the contrary, it must go through the same notice and comment rule-making required to promulgate a rule in the first placeSee Motor Vehicle Mfrs. Ass'n of the United States v. State Farm Mut. Auto. Ins. Co.,
Long was not, of course, a § 1983 case but one brought under the ADA. See id. at 920.
Long, discussed above, illustrates the same point. See
It should be apparent that while I agree with the Eleventh Circuit's characterization of the regulation at issue inBuckley, I do not agree with its understanding that regulations so related to their enabling statutes cannot create rights enforceable under § 1983.
AsSandoval noted, "five Justices [in Guardians] ... voted to uphold the disparate-impact regulations...."
The statute at issue inChrysler, the Trade Secrets Act, prohibited any "officer or employee of the United States or of any department or agency thereof," from publishing, divulging, disclosing or making known "in any manner or to any extent not authorized by law any information coming to him in the course of his employment or official duties...."
It is worth, perhaps, correcting the historical record in one regard;Thiboutot was not the first case in which the Court held that § 1983 applied to violations of federal statutes. Instead, Thiboutot was in the main a stare decisis decision, listing at some length the many prior cases which had permitted § 1983 actions to vindicate rights secured by statutes. See
Gonzaga seems to be confined to Spending Clause statutes. Compare
In its entirety, § 21.5(b)(2) reads as follows:
A recipient, in determining the types of services, financial aid, or other benefits, or facilities which will be provided under any such program, or the class of person to whom, or the situations in which, such services, financial aid, other benefits, or facilities will be provided under any such program, or the class of persons to be afforded an opportunity to participate in any such program; may not, directly or through contractual or other arrangements, utilize criteria or methods of administration which have the effect of subjecting persons to discrimination because of their race, color, or national origin, or have the effect of defeating or substantially impairing accomplishment of the objectives of the program with respect to individuals of a particular race, color, or national origin.
Plaintiffs do not suggest that we can construe the regulation's repetition of the very same language that appears in the governing statute as having a different meaning than those same words as they appear in the statute, and I do not see how we could
I recognize that Justice O'Connor's opinion inGuardians,
I agree with the plaintiffs that in other circumstances — under Title VII, for example — the prohibition upon actions taken with a disparate impact does run to individuals and create a right ineach person in a protected class to be free from the impact of such actions. The problem is that § 21.5(b)(2) simply does not so state.
This does not mean, however, that private parties like SOV are without recourse. As the analysis above indicates, the DOT provides administrative remedies for individuals wronged by a recipient's conduct. In addition, inasmuch as Title VI and the DOT's implementing regulations establish the terms of a contract between the federal government and a recipient of federal funds, private parties like SOV may seek redress as third-party beneficiaries in a state cause of actionSee Guardians,