SAMANTAR v. YOUSUF ET AL.
No. 08-1555
Supreme Court of the United States
Argued March 3, 2010—Decided June 1, 2010
560 U.S. 305
Patricia A. Millett argued the cause for respondents. With her on the brief were Mark J. MacDougall, Thomas C. Goldstein, Steven Schulman, Robert R. Vieth, Lori R. E. Ploeger, Maureen P. Alger, Pamela S. Karlan, Jeffrey L. Fisher, Beth Stephens, Pamela M. Merchant, Andrea C. Evans, Natasha E. Fain, L. Kathleen Roberts, Amy Howe, and Kevin K. Russell.
Deputy Solicitor General Kneedler argued the cause for the United States as amicus curiae urging affirmance. With him on the brief were Solicitor General Kagan, Assistant Attorney General West, Ginger D. Anders, Douglas N. Letter, Sharon Swingle, Lewis S. Yelin, and Harold Hongju Koh.*
*Briefs of amici curiae urging reversal were filed for the American Jewish Congress by Marc D. Stern; for Former Attorneys General of the United States by Michael J. Edney; for the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia by Michael K. Kellogg; and for the Zionist Organization of America et al. by Nathan Lewin, Alyza D. Lewin, Stephen Greenwald, Nathan Diament, and David Zwiebel.
Briefs of amici curiae urging affirmance were filed for Academic Experts in Somali History and Current Affairs by Steven M. Schneebaum; for Professors of International Litigation and Foreign Relations Law by Michael D. Ramsey and William S. Dodge, both pro se, and by Richard M. Zuckerman; for Professors of Public International Law and Comparative Law by Chimène I. Keitner and Robert E. Freitas; for Retired Military Professionals by Virginia A. Seitz; for Senator Arlen Specter et al. by Mr. Specter, pro se; and for Martin Weiss et al. by Sonya D. Winner and Gregory S. Gordon.
Briefs of amici curiae were filed for the Anti-Defamation League by Charles S. Sims, Gregg M. Mashberg, Mark D. Harris, Steven M. Freeman, and Steven C. Sheinberg; for Foreign Minister for the Republic of Somaliland Abdillahi Mohamed Duale by Nancy L. Tompkins and Richard L. Grossman; for Morton I. Abramowitz et al. by Douglass Cassel; and for Dolly Filártiga et al. by Tyler R. Giannini and Susan H. Farbstein.
From 1980 to 1986 petitioner Mohamed Ali Samantar was the First Vice President and Minister of Defense of Somalia, and from 1987 to 1990 he served as its Prime Minister. Respondents are natives of Somalia who allege that they, or members of their families, were the victims of torture and extrajudicial killings during those years. They seek damages from petitioner based on his alleged authorization of those acts. The narrow question we must decide is whether the Foreign Sovereign Immunities Act of 1976 (FSIA or Act),
I
Respondents are members of the Isaaq clan, which included well-educated and prosperous Somalis who were subjected to systematic persecution during the 1980‘s by the military regime then governing Somalia. They allege that petitioner exercised command and control over members of the Somali military forces who tortured, killed, or arbitrarily detained them or members of their families; that petitioner knew or should have known of the abuses perpetrated by his subordinates; and that he aided and abetted the commission of these abuses.1 Respondents’ complaint sought damages from petitioner pursuant to the Torture Victim Protection Act of 1991, 106 Stat. 73, note following
Respondents filed their complaint in November 2004, and petitioner promptly moved to dismiss. The District Court stayed the proceedings to give the State Department an opportunity to provide a statement of interest regarding petitioner‘s claim of sovereign immunity. Each month during the ensuing two years, petitioner advised the court that the State Department had the matter “‘still under consideration.‘” No. 1:04cv1360 (ED Va., Aug. 1, 2007), App. to Pet. for Cert. 44a. In 2007, having received no response from the State Department, the District Court reinstated the case on its active docket. The court concluded that it did not have subject-matter jurisdiction and granted petitioner‘s motion to dismiss.
The District Court‘s decision rested squarely on the FSIA.2 The FSIA provides that a “foreign state shall be immune from the jurisdiction” of both federal and state courts except as provided in the Act,
The Court of Appeals reversed, rejecting the District Court‘s ruling that the FSIA governs petitioner‘s immunity from suit. It acknowledged “the majority view” among the Circuits that “the FSIA applies to individual officials of a foreign state.” 552 F. 3d 371, 378 (CA4 2009).4 It disagreed with that view, however, and concluded, “based on the language and structure of the statute, that the FSIA does not apply to individual foreign government agents like [petitioner].” Id., at 381.5 Having found that the FSIA does not
II
The doctrine of foreign sovereign immunity developed as a matter of common law long before the FSIA was enacted in 1976. In Verlinden B. V. v. Central Bank of Nigeria, 461 U. S. 480, 486 (1983), we explained that in Schooner Exchange v. McFaddon, 7 Cranch 116 (1812), “Chief Justice Marshall concluded that ... the United States had impliedly waived jurisdiction over certain activities of foreign sovereigns.” The Court‘s specific holding in Schooner Exchange was that a federal court lacked jurisdiction over “a national armed vessel ... of the emperor of France,” id., at 146, but the opinion was interpreted as extending virtually absolute immunity to foreign sovereigns as “a matter of grace and comity,” Verlinden, 461 U. S., at 486.
Following Schooner Exchange, a two-step procedure developed for resolving a foreign state‘s claim of sovereign immunity, typically asserted on behalf of seized vessels. See, e. g., Republic of Mexico v. Hoffman, 324 U. S. 30, 34-36 (1945); Ex parte Peru, 318 U. S. 578, 587-589 (1943); Compania Espanola de Navegacion Maritima, S. A. v. The Navemar, 303 U. S. 68, 74-75 (1938). Under that procedure, the diplomatic representative of the sovereign could request a “suggestion of immunity” from the State Department. Ex parte Peru, 318 U. S., at 581. If the request was granted, the district court surrendered its jurisdiction. Id., at 588; see also Hoffman, 324 U. S., at 34. But “in the absence of recognition of the immunity by the Department of State,” a district court “had authority to decide for itself whether all the requisites for such immunity existed.” Ex parte Peru, 318 U. S., at 587; see also Compania Espanola, 303 U. S., at 75 (approving judicial inquiry into sov
Prior to 1952, the State Department followed a general practice of requesting immunity in all actions against friendly sovereigns, but in that year the Department announced its adoption of the “restrictive” theory of sovereign immunity. Verlinden, 461 U. S., at 486-487; see also Letter from Jack B. Tate, Acting Legal Adviser, Dept. of State, to Acting Attorney General Philip B. Perlman (May 19, 1952), reprinted in 26 Dept. State Bull. 984-985 (1952). Under this theory, “immunity is confined to suits involving the foreign sovereign‘s public acts, and does not extend to cases arising out of a foreign state‘s strictly commercial acts.” Verlinden, 461 U. S., at 487. This change threw “immunity determinations into some disarray,” because “political considerations sometimes led the Department to file ‘suggestions of immunity’ in cases where immunity would not have been available under the restrictive theory.” Republic of Austria v. Alt-
Congress responded to the inconsistent application of sovereign immunity by enacting the FSIA in 1976. Altmann, 541 U. S., at 690-691; see also Verlinden, 461 U. S., at 487-488. Section 1602 describes the Act‘s two primary purposes: (1) to endorse and codify the restrictive theory of sovereign immunity, and (2) to transfer primary responsibility for deciding “claims of foreign states to immunity” from the State Department to the courts.7 After the enactment of the FSIA, the Act—and not the pre-existing common law—indisputably governs the determination of whether a foreign state is entitled to sovereign immunity.
What we must now decide is whether the Act also covers the immunity claims of foreign officials. We begin with the statute‘s text and then consider petitioner‘s reliance on its history and purpose.
III
The FSIA provides that “a foreign state shall be immune from the jurisdiction of the courts of the United States and of the States” except as provided in the Act.
The Act defines “foreign state” in
“(a) A ‘foreign state’ ... includes a political subdivision of a foreign state or an agency or instrumentality of a foreign state as defined in subsection (b).
“(b) An ‘agency or instrumentality of a foreign state’ means any entity—
“(1) which is a separate legal person, corporate or otherwise, and
“(2) which is an organ of a foreign state or political subdivision thereof, or a majority of whose shares or other ownership interest is owned by a foreign state or political subdivision thereof, and
“(3) which is neither a citizen of a State of the United States as defined in section 1332(c) and (e) of this title, nor created under the laws of any third country.”
The term “foreign state” on its face indicates a body politic that governs a particular territory. See, e. g., Restatement § 4 (defining “state” as “an entity that has a defined territory and population under the control of a government and that engages in foreign relations“). In
We turn first to the term “agency or instrumentality of a foreign state,”
First, the statute specifies that “‘agency or instrumentality ...’ means any entity” matching three specified characteristics,
Petitioner proposes a second textual route to including an official within the meaning of “foreign state.” He argues
Moreover, elsewhere in the FSIA Congress expressly mentioned officials when it wished to count their acts as equivalent to those of the foreign state, which suggests that officials are not included within the unadorned term “foreign state.” Cf. Kimbrough v. United States, 552 U. S. 85, 103 (2007) (“Drawing meaning from silence is particularly inappropriate ... [when] Congress has shown that it knows how to [address an issue] in express terms“). For example, Congress provided an exception from the general grant of immunity for cases in which “money damages are sought against a foreign state” for an injury in the United States “caused by the tortious act or omission of that foreign state or of any official or employee of that foreign state while acting within the scope of his office.”
Other provisions of the statute also point away from reading “foreign state” to include foreign officials. Congress made no express mention of service of process on individuals in
In sum, “[w]e do not ... construe statutory phrases in isolation; we read statutes as a whole.” United States v. Morton, 467 U. S. 822, 828 (1984). Reading the FSIA as a whole, there is nothing to suggest we should read “foreign state” in
IV
Petitioner argues that the FSIA is best read to cover his claim to immunity because of its history and purpose. As discussed at the outset, one of the primary purposes of the FSIA was to codify the restrictive theory of sovereign im
The canon of construction that statutes should be interpreted consistently with the common law helps us interpret a statute that clearly covers a field formerly governed by the common law.13 But the canon does not help us to decide the antecedent question whether, when a statute‘s coverage is ambiguous, Congress intended the statute to govern a particular field—in this case, whether Congress intended the FSIA to supersede the common law of official immunity.14
Petitioner argues that because state and official immunities are coextensive, Congress must have codified official immunity when it codified state immunity. See Brief for Petitioner 26-30. But the relationship between a state‘s immunity and an official‘s immunity is more complicated than petitioner suggests, although we need not and do not resolve the dispute among the parties as to the precise scope of an official‘s immunity at common law. The very authority to which petitioner points us, and which we have previously found instructive, see, e. g., Permanent Mission, 551 U. S., at 200, states that the immunity of individual officials is subject to a caveat not applicable to any of the other entities or persons15 to which the foreign state‘s immunity extends. The Restatement provides that the “immunity of a foreign state ... extends to ... any other public minister, official, or agent of the state with respect to acts performed in his official capacity if the effect of exercising jurisdiction would be to enforce a rule of law against the state.” Restatement § 66 (emphasis added).16 And historically, the Government some-
Petitioner urges that a suit against an official must always be equivalent to a suit against the state because acts taken by a state official on behalf of a state are acts of the state. See Brief for Petitioner 26. We have recognized, in the context of the act of state doctrine, that an official‘s acts can be considered the acts of the foreign state, and that “the courts of one country will not sit in judgment” of those acts when done within the territory of the foreign state. See Underhill v. Hernandez, 168 U. S. 250, 252, 254 (1897). Although the act of state doctrine is distinct from immunity, and instead “provides foreign states with a substantive defense on the merits,” Altmann, 541 U. S., at 700, we do not doubt that in some circumstances the immunity of the foreign state extends to an individual for acts taken in his official capacity. But it does not follow from this premise that Congress intended to codify that immunity in the FSIA. It hardly furthers Congress’ purpose of “clarifying the rules that judges should apply in resolving sovereign immunity claims,” id., at 699, to lump individual officials in with foreign states without so much as a word spelling out how and when individual officials are covered.17
Petitioner would have a stronger case if there were any indication that Congress’ intent to enact a comprehensive solution for suits against states extended to suits against individual officials. But to the extent Congress contemplated the Act‘s effect upon officials at all, the evidence points in the opposite direction. As we have already mentioned, the legislative history points toward an intent to leave official immunity outside the scope of the Act. See n. 12, supra. And although questions of official immunity did arise in the pre-FSIA period, they were few and far between.18 The immunity of officials simply was not the particular problem to which Congress was responding when it enacted the FSIA. The FSIA was adopted, rather, to address “a modern world where foreign state enterprises are every day participants in commercial activities,” and to assure litigants that decisions regarding claims against states and their enterprises “are made on purely legal grounds.” H. R. Rep., at 7. We have been given no reason to believe that Congress saw as a problem, or wanted to eliminate, the State Department‘s role in determinations regarding individual official immunity.19
Finally, our reading of the FSIA will not “in effect make the statute optional,” as some Courts of Appeals have feared, by allowing litigants through “artful pleading ... to take advantage of the Act‘s provisions or, alternatively, choose to proceed under the old common law,” Chuidian, 912 F. 2d, at 1102. Even if a suit is not governed by the Act, it may still be barred by foreign sovereign immunity under the common law. And not every suit can successfully be pleaded against an individual official alone.20 Even when a plaintiff names only a foreign official, it may be the case that the foreign state itself, its political subdivision, or an agency or instrumentality is a required party, because that party has “an interest relating to the subject of the action” and “disposing of the action in the person‘s absence may ... as a practical matter impair or impede the person‘s ability to protect the interest.”
We are thus not persuaded that our construction of the statute‘s text should be affected by the risk that plaintiffs may use artful pleading to attempt to select between application of the FSIA or the common law. And we think this case, in which respondents have sued petitioner in his personal capacity and seek damages from his own pockets, is properly governed by the common law because it is not a claim against a foreign state as the Act defines that term. Although Congress clearly intended to supersede the common-law regime for claims against foreign states, we find nothing in the statute‘s origin or aims to indicate that Congress similarly wanted to codify the law of foreign official immunity.
V
Our review of the text, purpose, and history of the FSIA leads us to the conclusion that the Court of Appeals correctly held the FSIA does not govern petitioner‘s claim of immunity. The Act therefore did not deprive the District Court of subject-matter jurisdiction. We emphasize, however, the narrowness of our holding. Whether petitioner may be entitled to immunity under the common law, and whether he may
It is so ordered.
JUSTICE ALITO, concurring.
I join the opinion of the Court, although I think that the citations to legislative history are of little if any value here.
JUSTICE THOMAS, concurring in part and concurring in the judgment.
I join the Court‘s opinion except for those parts relying on the legislative history of the Foreign Sovereign Immunities Act of 1976,
JUSTICE SCALIA, concurring in the judgment.
The Court‘s admirably careful textual analysis, ante, at 313-319, demonstrates that the term “foreign state” in the provision “a foreign state shall be immune from the jurisdiction of the courts of the United States and of the States,”
The Court‘s introduction of legislative history serves no purpose except needlessly to inject into the opinion a mode of analysis that not all of the Justices consider valid. And it does so, to boot, in a fashion that does not isolate the superfluous legislative history in a section that those of us who disagree categorically with its use, or at least disagree with its superfluous use, can decline to join. I therefore do not join the opinion, and concur only in the result.
The Court relies on legislative history to support three of its positions. First, after explaining why the phrase “agency or instrumentality” in the definition of “foreign state,” see
Second, after concluding its review of the statute‘s text, the Court states that the “legislative history makes clear that Congress did not intend the [Foreign Sovereign Immunities Act of 1976] to address position-based individual im
The same footnote also quotes a portion of the same House Report as follows:
“‘The bill does not attempt to deal with questions of discovery. ... [I]f a plaintiff sought to depose a diplomat in the United States or a high-ranking official of a foreign government, diplomatic and official immunity would apply.‘” Ante, at 319, n. 12.
If anything, this passage cuts against the Court‘s result. The two sentences omitted from the above quotation read as follows:
“Existing law appears to be adequate in this area. For example, if a private plaintiff sought the production of sensitive governmental documents of a foreign state, concepts of governmental privilege would apply.” H. R. Rep. No. 94-1487, p. 23 (1976).
Thus, the House Report makes it clear that the bill‘s failure to deal with discovery applies to both discovery against sovereigns and discovery against foreign officials. But the latter would have been unnecessary if the bill dealt only with sovereigns. The implication (if any) is that the bill‘s provi
Third, and finally, the Court points to legislative history to establish the purpose of the statute. See ante, at 323, and n. 19. This is particularly puzzling, because the enacted statutory text itself includes findings and a declaration of purpose—the very same purpose (surprise!) that the Court finds evidenced in the legislative history. See
It should be no cause for wonder that, upon careful examination, all of the opinion‘s excerpts from legislative history turn out to be, at best, nonprobative or entirely duplicative of text. After all, legislative history is almost never the real reason for the Court‘s decision—and makeweights do not deserve a lot of the Court‘s time.
