Opinion for the Court filed by Circuit Judge TATEL.
This case is more than merely the latest installment in a series of Guantanamo habeas appeals. The United States seeks to detain Mohammedou Ould Salahi on the grounds that he was “part of’ al-Qaida not because he fought with al-Qaida or its allies against the United States, but rather because he swore an oath of allegiance to the organization, associated with its members, and helped it in various ways, including hosting its leaders and referring aspiring jihadists to a known al-Qaida operative. After an evidentiary hearing at which Salahi testified, the district court found that although Salahi “was an al-Qaida sympathizer” who “was in touch with al-Qaida members” and provided them with “sporadic support,” the government had failed to show that he was in fact “part of’ al
*747
Qaida at the time of his capture. The district court thus granted the writ and ordered Salahi released. Since then, however, this Court has issued three opin
ions
—Al-Adahi
v. Obama,
I.
Enacted just seven days after the September 11 terrorist attacks, the Authorization for Use of Military Force (AUMF) empowers the President of the United States to “use all necessary and appropriate force against those nations, organizations, or persons he determines planned, authorized, committed, or aided the terrorist attacks that occurred on September 11, 2001, or harbored such organizations or persons, in order to prevent any future acts of international terrorism against the United States by such nations, organizations or persons.” Pub. L. No. 107-40, § 2(a), 115 Stat. 224, 224 (2001) (reprinted at 50 U.S.C. § 1541 note). We have held that the “necessary and appropriate force” authorized by the AUMF includes the power to detain individuals who are “part of’ al-Qaida, the organization that perpetrated the September 11 attacks.
See Bensayah,
In the district court, the government relied heavily on statements Salahi made to interrogators.
Salahi v. Obama,
Mohammedou Ould Salahi was born in 1970 in Mauritania. In December 1990, he traveled from Germany, where he was attending college, to Afghanistan “to support the mujahideen” — Islamic rebels seeking to overthrow Afghanistan’s Soviet-supported Communist government. Salahi Am. Decl. ¶ 5. While in Afghanistan, Salahi attended a training camp run by alQaida, which organized and funded efforts by foreign volunteers to assist the resistance movement. See John Rollins, Cong. Research Serv., R41070, Al Qaeda and Affiliates: Historical Perspective, Global Presence, and Implications for U.S. Policy 3-4 (2010). Although the United States denies having supported al-Qaida directly, it acknowledges that it provided significant economic and military support to the Afghan mujahideen from approximately 1981 to 1991. Id. at 4.
In March 1991, shortly after finishing his training, Salahi swore bayat, an oath of loyalty, to al-Qaida. He left Afghanistan soon after taking this oath but returned in January 1992. Having “heard rumors that the mujahideen had invaded Kabul and started fighting among themselves,” Salahi decided to travel back to Germany in March 1992. Salahi Am. Deck ¶ 11. At this point, he alleges, he “severed all ties with ... al Qaida.” Id. ¶ 12.
According to the government, however, the record contains significant evidence that Salahi recruited for al-Qaida and provided it with other support after his alleged withdrawal in 1992. For example, the district court found that Salahi sent a fax to al-Qaida operative Christopher Paul in January 1997, asking for his help in finding “a true Group and Place” for “some Brothers” interested in fighting jihad.
Salahi,
As the district court recognized, “[t]he most damaging allegation against Salahi is that, in October 1999, he encouraged Ramzi bin al-Shibh, Marwan al-Shehhi, and Ziad Jarrah to join al-Qaida.”
Id.
at 10. Bin al-Shibh helped coordinate the September 11 attacks, and al-Shehhi and Jar-rah were two of the September 11 pilots. Nat’l Comm’n on Terrorist Attacks Upon the U.S.,
The 9/11 Commission Report 225,
434-35, 437 (2004) [hereinafter
9/11 Commission Report
]. The government contends that while bin al-Shibh, al-Shehhi, and Jarrah had originally intended to travel to Chechnya to wage jihad against Russian forces, Salahi convinced them to travel instead to Afghanistan to receive military training. According to the government, the three men followed Salahi’s advice and with his assistance traveled to Afghanistan, where they were recruited by al-Qaida into the September 11 plot. But the district court, having discounted portions of the government’s evidence as unreliable and inconsistent, found only that “Salahi provided lodging for three men for one night at his home in Germany, that one of them was Ramzi bin al-Shibh, and that there was discussion of jihad and Afghanistan.”
Salahi,
In addition to Salahi’s connection to bin al-Shibh, the district court found that Salahi “had an ongoing and relatively close relationship” with Abu Hafs al-Mauritania, who “is believed to be one of [Usama] bin Laden’s spiritual advisors and a high-ranking leader of al-Qaida.” Id. at 12,14. Abu Hafs is Salahi’s cousin and is married to the sister of Salahi’s ex-wife. Id. at 12-13. *749 In August 1993, Salahi accompanied Abu Hafs to an al-Qaida safe house in Mauritania. Id. at 8. Several years later, Abu Hafs asked Salahi to meet with Abu Hajar al-Iraqi, allegedly al-Qaida’s telecommunications chief, when al-Iraqi visited Germany in late 1995 and early 1996 to explore purchasing telecommunications equipment for al-Qaida operations in Sudan. Id. at 8, 12. At the evidentiary hearing in the district court, Salahi testified that his involvement with al-Iraqi was limited to discussing the telecommunications equipment alIraqi planned to purchase and to driving him to various locations. Hr’g Tr. at 551:15-22 (Dec. 15, 2009).
The record contains evidence of additional contacts with Abu Hafs. For example, in December 1997, and then again in December 1998, Salahi transferred $4,000 to Mauritania for Abu Hafs, but the district court noted that “the government re-lie[d] on nothing but Salahi’s uncorroborated, coerced statements” to tie these money transfers to al-Qaida.
Salahi,
The government also alleges that Salahi interacted with members of an al-Qaida cell during a brief stay in Montreal, Canada, from November 1999 to January 2000. Although this Montreal al-Qaida cell has been linked to the unsuccessful Millennium Plot to bomb Los Angeles International Airport, the government does not allege that Salahi participated in that effort. Id. at 14. Much about Salahi’s connections to the Montreal cell remains hazy and disputed, and for its part, the district court concluded that the government’s evidence of Salahi’s activities in Canada did not “add [anything] of significance to the proof that Salahi was ‘part of al-Qaida,” although the evidence might be sufficient “to support a criminal charge of providing material support” to the organization. Id. at 15; see also 18 U.S.C. § 2339B.
After leaving Canada, Salahi returned to Mauritania, where according to the government he “performed computer activities with a goal of helping al-Qaida.” Appellants’ Opening Br. 43. For example, Salahi considered creating an Internet discussion group about fighting jihad but dropped the plan after a German al-Qaida operative, Christian Ganczarski, suggested that the discussion group would attract attention from authorities.
Salahi,
Salahi was captured in Mauritania in November 2001 and has been held at the United States Naval Station at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, since 2002. In December 2004, Salahi appeared before a Combatant Status Review Tribunal, which concluded that he was lawfully detained.
See Parhat v. Gates,
In its opinion granting Salahi’s petition, the district court began by rejecting the government’s argument that because Salahi had once sworn
bayat
to al-Qaida, the burden should shift to him to prove that he later withdrew from the organization.
Salahi,
The government appeals. We review the district court’s factual findings for clear error.
Barhoumi v. Obama,
II.
Before considering the government’s arguments, we think it important to emphasize the precise nature of the government’s case against Salahi. The government has not criminally indicted Salahi for providing material support to terrorists or the “foreign terrorist organization” al-Qaida.
See
18 U.S.C. §§ 2339A, 2339B;
see also Salahi
Reiterating the argument it made in the district court, the government contends that Salahi should bear the burden of proving that he disassociated from al-Qaida after swearing
bayat
to the organization in 1991. In support, the government cites the plurality’s statement in
Hamdi v. Rumsfeld
that “once the Government puts forth credible evidence that [a] habeas petitioner meets the [AUMF’s detention] criteria, the onus [may] shift to the petitioner to rebut that evidence with more persuasive evidence that he falls outside the cri
*751
teria.”
Here, as noted, the relevant inquiry is whether Salahi was “part of’ al-Qaida when captured. Therefore, in order to shift the burden of proof to Salahi, we would have to presume that having once sworn bayat to al-Qaida, Salahi remained a member of the organization until seized in November 2001. Although such a presumption may be warranted in some cases, such as where an individual swore allegiance to al-Qaida on September 12, 2001, and was captured soon thereafter, the unique circumstances of Salahi’s case make the government’s proposed presumption inappropriate here.
When Salahi took his oath of allegiance in March 1991, al-Qaida and the United States shared a common objective: they both sought to topple Afghanistan’s Communist government. See Rollins, supra, at 4. Not until later did al-Qaida begin publicly calling for attacks against the United States. See id. at 4-5; see also 9/11 Commission Report, supra, at 59. To be sure, the roots of the conflict between al-Qaida and the United States stretch back at least as far as Iraq’s August 1990 invasion of Kuwait, following which Saudi Arabian leaders allowed U.S. forces to deploy to their country. Rollins, supra, at 5. Usama bin Laden was immediately critical of this arrangement, “paint[ing] the U.S. forces as occupiers of sacred Islamic ground,” and after leaving Saudi Arabia in April 1991, he relocated to Sudan and began “buying property there which he used to host and train A1 Qaeda militants ... for use against the United States and its interests, as well as for jihad operations in the Balkans, Chechnya, Kashmir, and the Philippines.” Id.; see also 9/11 Commission Report, supra, at 57. Bin Laden, however, did not issue his first fatwa against U.S. forces until 1992-the very year in which, according to Salahi’s sworn declaration, Salahi severed all ties with alQaida. See 9/11 Commission Report, supra, at 59; Salahi Am. Decl. ¶ 12. In light of all this, Salahi’s March 1991 oath of bayat is insufficiently probative of his relationship with al-Qaida at the time of his capture in November 2001 to justify shifting the burden to him to prove that he disassociated from the organization. In so concluding, we have no doubt about the relevance of Salahi’s oath to the ultimate question of whether he was “part of’ alQaida at the time of his capture. We conclude only that given the facts of this particular case, Salahi’s oath does not warrant shifting the burden of proof.
The government next challenges the district court’s use of the “command structure” test — a standard that district judges in this circuit, operating without any meaningful guidance from Congress, developed to determine whether a Guantanamo habeas petitioner was “part of’ al-Qaida.
See Hamlily v. Obama,
As the government points out, the district court’s approach is inconsistent with our recent decisions in
Awad
and
Bensayah,
which were issued after the district court granted Salahi’s habeas petition. These decisions make clear that the determination of whether an individual is
*752
“part of’ al-Qaida “must be made on a case-by-case basis by using a functional rather than a formal approach and by focusing upon the actions of the individual in relation to the organization.”
Bensayah,
As we explained in
Bensayah,
however, “the purely independent conduct of a freelancer is not enough” to establish that an individual is “part of’ al-Qaida.
The government urges us to reverse and direct the district court to deny Salahi’s habeas petition. Although we agree that
Awad
and
Bensayah
require that we vacate the district court’s judgment, we think the better course is to remand for further proceedings consistent with those opinions. Because the district court, lacking the guidance of these later decisions, looked primarily for evidence that Salahi participated in al-Qaida’s command structure, it did not make definitive findings regarding certain key facts necessary for us to determine as a matter of law whether Salahi was in fact “part of’ alQaida when captured.
See Barhoumi,
A final note: since we are remanding for further factual findings, we think it appropriate to reiterate this Court’s admonition in
Alr-Adahi,
also decided after the district court issued its decision in this case, that a court considering a Guantanamo detainee’s habeas petition must view the evidence collectively rather than in isolation.
Although the district court generally followed this approach, its consideration of certain pieces of evidence may have been unduly atomized. For example, the court found that Salahi’s “limited relationships” with certain al-Qaida operatives were “too brief and shallow to serve as an
independent
basis for detention.”
Salahi,
The district court may also have evaluated Salahi’s oath of
bayat
in isolation. In its conclusion, the district court stated, “[T]he government wants to hold Salahi indefinitely, because of its concern that he might
renew
his oath to al-Qaida and become a terrorist upon his release.”
Salahi
III.
The President seeks to detain Salahi on the grounds that he was “part of’ al-Qaida at the time he was captured. Because additional fact-finding is required to resolve that issue under this circuit’s evolving case law, we vacate and remand for further proceedings consistent with this opinion.
So ordered.
