The plaintiffs in this case are an organization called “School of the Americas Watch” (“SAW”) and several of its members, including SAW’s founder, Rev. Roy Bourgeois. The group engages in various forms of nonviolent protest, seeking to pressure the federal government to cut funding to the Western Hemisphere Institute for Security Cooperation, better known as the “School of the Americas” (SOA). The SOA is run by the United States Army and housed at Fort Benning, Georgia. It trains military leaders from other countries throughout the Western Hemisphere in combat and various counterinsurgency techniques. SAW contends that the SOA bolsters military dictatorships by training their leaders how to kill, to torture, and otherwise to suppress their citizens.
As part of its ongoing efforts to shut down the SOA, the SAW engages in an annual protest each November on property open to the public immediately outside of Fort Benning. Approximately 15,000 people attend the demonstration each year. Throughout the thirteen-year history of these protests, no weapons have ever been found at the protest site, and no protestor has ever been arrested for an act of violence. Each year, however, a small number of protestors violate 18 U.S.C. § 1382 by entering onto Fort Benning and attempting to march to the SOA, 1 which is actually located a few miles inside the base.
*1307 In November 2002, a week before that year’s protest, the City of Columbus (“the City”) instituted a policy requiring everyone wishing to participate in the protest to submit to a magnetometer (essentially, a metal detector) search at a checkpoint “a couple of long city blocks” away from the SAW protest site. If the magnetometer indicated the presence of metal as a protester was walking through it, police would physically search that individual’s person and belongings. The police estimated that protestors “would probably have to arrive ... an hour and a half, maybe 2 hours, ahead of time” to get through the metal detector checkpoints to the protest site.
The City contends that its decision to conduct mass searches was based on several factors. First, the Department of Homeland Security threat assessment level was “elevated,” indicating a “significant” risk of attack. Second, protestors in previous years had demonstrated a history of “lawlessness” because many of them engaged in frenzied dancing, did not immediately disburse at the end of the scheduled protest, and “formed a ‘global village’ from large debris.” In addition, some of them ignited a smoke bomb, and a few entered onto Fort Benning in a peaceful march to the SOA. Finally, SAW had invited several “affinity groups” — in particular, the Anarchists — to attend the protest that had allegedly instigated violence at other, unrelated protests such as the one that led to a riot in Seattle during a 1999 meeting of the World Trade Organization. 2
SAW immediately sought a temporary restraining order and preliminary injunction from the United States District Court for the Middle District of Georgia, 3 alleging that the searches violated protestors’ First and Fourth Amendment rights. Two days later, the court held a hearing on preliminary relief, which the parties agreed to consolidate with the trial on the merits. The court refused to enter an injunction and instead dismissed the complaint. As a result, the City conducted the magnetometer searches as planned. SAW appeals the denial of a permanent injunction against the magnetometer searches. While this appeal was pending, in November 2003, SAW again held a protest, and the City again conducted magnetometer searches.
We conclude that these searches violate the First and Fourth Amendments to the Constitution. Part I of this opinion explains why this case falls within the exception to the mootness doctrine for issues that are “capable of repetition, yet evading review.” Part II discusses how the City of Columbus search policy contravenes- the Fourth Amendment, while Part III sets forth the reasons why the searches violate the First Amendment. Part IV briefly concludes.
I.
Before reaching the merits of this matter, we must first determine whether we may exercise jurisdiction over it. Because Article III of the Constitution limits the jurisdiction of federal courts to “cases and controversies,”
Nat'l Adver. Co. v. City of Ft. Lauderdale,
There is an exception to this general rule, however. We may entertain a moot case if it arises from a situation that is “capable of repetition, yet evading review.”
Alabama Disabilities Advocacy Program v. J.S. Tarwater Devel,
First, the time between the City’s decision to institute magnetometer searches at an SAW protest in a given year and the protest itself is too short to allow full consideration by the district court, this court, and possibly the Supreme Court. In 2002, the City announced that it was mandating magnetometer searches barely two weeks before the protest; a two week period is clearly insufficient to allow meaningful judicial review. Even if SAW were to file a preemptive suit for an injunction a full year prior to its next rally, that period of time could well prove insufficient for a complete round of judicial review. The instant appeal, for example, has been pending in this court close to a year.
We have never definitively stated the amount of time the federal judiciary must have to adjudicate a dispute that would constitute sufficient opportunity for review. Among the time periods that we have held to be insufficient for full judicial review of a dispute are twenty-four hours,
4
an “[ejection period[ ]” of unspecified
*1309
length,
5
and four months.
6
Roe v
.
Wade,
SAW also satisfies the second prong of the “capable of repetition yet evading review” test because it has a “reasonable expectation” that the City will continue to implement mass, warrantless, suspicionless magnetometer searches at SAW protests in future years.
Christian Coalition v. Cole,
“Past wrongs do constitute evidence bearing on whether there is a real and immediate threat of repeated injury which could-be adverted by the issuing of an injunction.”
Lynch,
The City contends that a Fourth Amendment case like this can almost never fit into the “capable of repetition, yet evading review” exception to the mootness doctrine because the decision to implement magnetometer searches is made anew each year, based on circumstances as they exist at that time. While this is a valid point, it does not make this case moot because all of the circumstances that the City deemed sufficient to implement the search in 2002 continue to exist today, and by all indications will continue to persist into the indefinite future.
As noted earlier, the decision to institute magnetometer searches was based on several factors: (1) events at prior protests, (2) the affinity groups likely to get involved, and (3) the “elevated” status of the Department of Homeland Security’s threat advisory system. Because all of these circumstances continue to exist and are likely to do so for the foreseeable future, it is quite likely that the City will arrive at the same conclusion regarding future protests and implement mass searches. Thus, SAW may reasonably expect that its future protests will continue to be subject to these searches.
The requirement that the dispute involve the same parties is satisfied in this case. Because this case involves the likelihood of future searches by the City at SAW’s annual protest, and many of the plaintiffs are likely to attend these future protests, this requirement is easily met.
Finally, there is no other available method for obtaining a complete round of judicial review of magnetometer searches at upcoming protests. As discussed above, a new lawsuit aimed specifically at an upcoming search is likely to take as long as the instant one and be similarly mooted. For these reasons, we find that we may exercise jurisdiction over the instant dispute, because while moot, it is capable of repetition yet evading review.
II.
The plaintiffs’ first contention is that the mass, suspicionless, warrantless magnetometer searches violate their Fourth Amendment right to be free of “unreasonable searches and seizures.” We agree. The City makes several arguments in defense of its searches; we explore each in turn.
*1311 A.
The City’s brief begins with the bold declaration that “[l]ocal governments need an opinion that, without question, allows' non-diseriminatory, low-level magnetometer searches at large gatherings.”
Appel-lees’ Brief
at 13. Citing nothing more than a single case from 1980, the City contends that “[p]ost September 11, 2001, this Coürt can determine [that] the preventive measure of a magnetometer at large gatherings is constitutional as a matter of law.”
Id. (citing Donovan v. Dewey,
This argument is troubling. While the threat of terrorism is omnipresent, we cannot use it as the basis for restricting the scope of the Fourth Amendment’s protections in any large gathering of people. In the absence of some reason to believe that international terrorists would target or infiltrate this protest, there is no basis for using September 11 as an excuse for searching the protestors.
Even putting aside the City’s ill-advised and groundless reference to September 11, its demand for the unbridled power to perform “magnetometer searches at [all] large gatherings” is untenable. The text of the Fourth Amendment contains no exception for large gatherings of people. It cannot be .argued that the Framers simply failed to foresee the possibility of large protests 'of this character. The Assembly Clause of the First Amendment, expressly guaranteeing “the right of the people peaceably to assemble,” U.S. Const, amend. I, demonstrates the Framers’ commitment to protect individuals exercising this fundamental right from governmental interference. The City’s request for the broad authority to conduct mass, suspi-cionless, warrantless searches is similarly bereft of any support from either the Supreme Court or the Eleventh Circuit.
•As SAW points out, under the City’s theory,
mass suspicion-less [sic] searches could be implemented for every person who attends any large event including: a high school graduation, a church picnic, a public concert in the park, an art ■ festival, a Fourth of July parade, sporting events such as a marathon, and fund-raising events such as the annual breast cancer walk. And if the government began to pick and choose amongst [sic] these groups, viewpoint discrimination would likely result.
Reply Brief of Appellants at 4.
The City’s position would effectively eviscerate the Fourth Amendment. It is
*1312
quite possible that both protestors and passersby would be safer if the City were permitted to engage in mass, warrantless, suspicionless searches. Indeed, it is quite possible that our nation would be safer if police were permitted to stop and search anyone they wanted, at any time, for no reason at all.
Cf. Terry v. Ohio,
We also reject the notion that the Department of Homeland Security’s threat advisory level somehow justifies these searches. Although the threat level was “elevated” at the time of the protest, “[t]o date, the threat level has stood at yellow (elevated) for the majority of its time in existence. It has been raised to orange (high) six times.” Wikipedia, Homeland Security Advisory System, available at http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Department_ of_Homeland_Security_Advisory_System (last referenced Aug. 16, 2004). Given that we have been on “yellow alert” for over two and a half years now, we cannot consider this a particularly exceptional condition that warrants curtailment of constitutional rights. We cannot simply suspend or restrict civil liberties until the War on Terror is over, because the War on Terror is unlikely ever to be truly over. September 11, 2001, already a day of immeasurable tragedy, cannot be the day liberty perished in this country. Furthermore, a system that gave the federal government the power to determine the range of constitutionally permissible searches simply by raising or lowering the nation’s threat advisory system would allow the restrictions of the Fourth Amendment to be circumvented too easily. Consequently, the “elevated” alert status does not aid the City’s case.
B.
The City, quoting the district court, next contends that the search is permissible as a “special needs” search because its purpose is “not to detect unlawful activity or criminal wrongdoing, but ... [to] detect ] dangerous devices to ensure the safety of participants, spectators, and law enforcement.”
Appellees’ Brief
at 10. The Supreme Court has held that warrant-less, suspicionless searches are constitutionally permissible in certain narrow cases where they are meant to further “special needs, beyond the normal need for law enforcement.”
Vernonia Sch. Dist. 47J v. Acton,
The City contends that the searches here were not intended to further the City’s interest in law enforcement, but instead to help to achieve its “special need” to keep the protestors and others safe by detecting weapons and contraband. The City of Columbus and State of Georgia have enacted a variety of laws against the possession or use of certain kinds of weapons, smoke bombs, and incendiary devices to achieve this goal of public safety. As the City admits, many arrests under these laws occurred as a result of these searches. In a case such as this, where the very purpose of a particular law (such as the law banning the possession of certain dangerous items) is to protect the public, and the government protects the public by enforcing that law, it is difficult to see how public safety could be seen as a governmental interest independent of law en *1313 forcement; the two are inextricably intertwined.
Under the City’s rationale, a search intended to enforce a given law would be permissible so long as the government officially maintained that.its purpose was to secure the objectives that motivated the law’s enactment in the first place (e.g., public safety) rather than simply to enforce that law for its own sake. Such a distinction is untenable. Moreover, it is difficult to conceptualize what the government’s interest in “enforcing a law for its own sake” would be, if not to secure the benefits of having that law enforced. Given “[t]he extensive involvement of law enforcement and the threat of prosecution” in this search, and our inability to tease out a rationale totally independent of the City’s interest in law enforcement, we find that the search does not fall within the special needs doctrine.
Ferguson v. City of Charleston,
Even putting aside this difficulty, the type of search at issue here does not fall within any of the “special needs” exceptions recognized by the Supreme Court. Both due to the potentially unlimited sweep of the “special needs” standard, as well as to the concerns discussed in Part II.A supra, we decline to take it upon ourselves to craft another exception to the Fourth Amendment’s general requirement of individualized suspicion.
C.
The City’s final argument is that -this search is constitutionally permissible because it is “reasonable.” A necessary ancillary to this argument is that the Fourth Amendment permits all reasonable searches, whether or not the officials conducting them have either a warrant, probable cause, or indeed any degree of individualized suspicion. The City focuses too much on the grammatical construction of the first half of the amendment, however. As the Supreme Court reminds us in
Chimel v. California,
As the Court has repeatedly emphasized, “[T]he most basic constitutional rule in this area is that ‘searches conducted outside the judicial process, without prior approval by judge .or magistrate, are per se unreasonable under the Fourth Amendment — subject only to a few specially established and well-delineated exceptions,’ ”
Coolidge v. New Hampshire,
*1314
Conducting an
ad hoc
analysis of the reasonableness of the search based on the judge’s personal opinions about the governmental and privacy interests at stake, instead of applying the Supreme Court’s well-established
per se
rules regarding warrants, prior judicial scrutiny of proposed searches, probable cause, and individualized suspicion ignores these crucial Fourth Amendment principles. The need to apply these
per se
rules reaches all searches, whether of the home, office, person, or other location.
See, e.g., O’Rourke v. Hayes,
In general, warrantless searches are permissible only where an individual has a substantially reduced expectation of privacy. That expectation of privacy has both a subjective and objective component. That is, a person must both assert or otherwise exhibit a belief in a right to privacy in the object of the search, and that expectation must be one that society is prepared to accept as reasonable.
Katz,
The logic underlying recognition of these enclaves of diminished protection simply does not apply here. In each of those situations, some unique and identifiable heightened state or diminished private interest was a catalytic ingredient in the “reasonable expectations” formula. Because the Fourth Amendment protects people rather than places, for example, individuals have reduced privacy expectations in their automobiles and open fields.
See Labron,
In this case, ordinary citizens seek to assemble and exercise free speech rights in a public place. Under such circumstances, participants might have a diminished privacy interest in their conversations.
See Katz,
“Exigent circumstances” may also excuse the warrant requirement in some cases, but not here. Such searches are permitted when “the inevitable delay incident to obtaining a warrant must give way to an urgent need for immediate action.”
United States v. Satterfield,
Our holding here does not leave police without any means of promoting public safety and detecting wrongdoing. First, if they have “reasonable suspicion” that anyone is carrying a weapon, they may conduct an ordinary
Terry
stop. If they have probable cause to believe anyone is carrying a weapon, they may either conduct a full-fledged exigent-circumstances search,
see United States v. Banshee,
III.
The City’s search policy also violates the First Amendment in five ways. First, it is a burden on free speech and association imposed through the exercise of a government official’s unbridled discretion; restrictions on First Amendment rights may not be left to an executive agent’s unca-bined judgment. Second, the searches were a form of prior restraint on speech and assembly; to participate in the protest, individuals had to receive the prior permission of officers manning the checkpoints. Third, the search policy was implemented based on the content of the protestors’ speech. Fourth, even assuming the searches were implemented exclusively for content-neutral reasons, they were impermissible because they did not constitute reasonable time, place, and manner limitations, which are the only permissible content-neutral burdens that may be placed upon free speech and association. Finally, even putting aside First Amend *1317 ment analysis, the search policy constitutes an “unconstitutional condition;” protestors were required to surrender their Fourth Amendment rights (as discussed in Part II) in order to exercise their First Amendment rights. We explore each of these deficiencies in turn.
A.
The first crucial problem with the City’s decision to search the protestors entering the SAW protest area is that it was not made according to any set, objective, neutral criteria. The Supreme Court has repeatedly held that burdens on First Amendment rights imposed by executive officials are invalid “in the absence of narrowly drawn, reasonable and definite standards for the officials to follow.... [A restriction is invalid whén] [n]o standards appear anywhere; no narrowly drawn limitations; no circumscribing of this absolute power.”
Niemotko v. Maryland,
Although this doctrine originated with cases involving grants of power to executive officials to determine whether or not to grant licenses to engage in expression at all,
see Lovell v. Griffin,
Along these same lines, in
Burk,
we struck down an .ordinance giving a county attorney unbridled discretion in determining whether speakers must indemnify the county against damages caused by their activities.
In this case, the City’s search policy unquestionably placed a burden on the speech and assembly rights of individuals wishing to participate in SAW’s protest against the SOA. Protestors were inconvenienced by having to wait in line to be searched in order to enter the protest area. They were then subjected to a magnetometer, and possibly physical, search of their person and possessions. Those who refused to submit to magnetometer searches were prevented from speaking altogether.
The decision to implement this search policy was an exercise of the apparently unbridled discretion of Police Chief W.L. Dozier. The City does not provide us with any generally applicable state laws or local ordinances that set forth the circumstances under which individuals attending a large public gathering will be searched. The decision to implement searches instead appears to be left to the Chiefs personal discretion, to be based on whatever factors he deems appropriate at any given point in time. The First Amendment does not permit the government to place burdens on speech and assembly in such an unprincipled, ad hoc manner.
The Chief contends that he decided to search the protestors because he felt there was probable cause to believe violence might erupt. SAW’s unblemished thirteen-year history of nonviolence at its protests forces us to question this self-serving claim. Even taking his explanation at face value, however, it entirely misses the point. The problem is not that the Chief applied an inappropriate standard in deciding whether to implement this search policy. Instead, the problem is that there were no objective, established standards for the Chief to utilize in making this decision other than those he happened to deem relevant. In this respect, this case is quite similar to
Forsyth County v. Nationalist Movement,
The decision how much to charge for police protection or administrative time — or even whether to charge at all — is left to the whim of the administrator. There are no articulated standards either in the ordinance or in the county’s established practice. The administrator is not required to rely on any objective factors. He need not provide any explanation for his decision, and that decision is unreviewable.
ld.
at 133,
We emphasize that, in establishing such a general policy for determining the specific occasions on which mass searches may be implemented, legislatures or municipal governing bodies must establish specific criteria susceptible to judicial review. They may not simply craft ordinances permitting mass searches “when public safety so requires” or “when the Chief shall deem it advisable.” Such general language does not meaningfully constrain the Chiefs discretion. Instead, the ordinance must include specific, non-conclusory factors to guide these determinations.
See Niemotko,
Even if this search would have been constitutional had it been conducted under a general policy that appropriately limited the Chiefs discretion,
16
the Chiefs unilateral, unprincipled decision to implement the search outside the context of such a general policy would still have been improper.
See Miami Herald Pub. Co. v. Hallandale,
B.
Even putting aside the question of the Chiefs unlimited discretion in deciding whether to require mass searches at the SAW protest, the searches are still unconstitutional because they constitute a prior restraint on free speech and assembly. “A prior restraint of expression exists when the government can deny access to a forum before the expression occurs.”
United States v. Frandsen,
Because the searches constitute prior restraints, “there is a strong presumption against their constitutionality.” Id. To be valid, a prior restraint must, at the very least, provide constitutionally adequate procedural safeguards for potential speakers. The policy here fails to provide such safeguards.
In Frandsen, we held, perhaps ambiguously, that under Supreme Court precedent, prior restraints must satisfy “at least some” of these requirements:
(1) the burden of going to court to suppress the speech, and the burden of proof once in court, must rest with the government; (2) any restraint prior to a judicial determination may only be for a specified brief time period in order to preserve the status quo; and (3) an avenue for prompt judicial review of the censor’s decision must be available.
Id.
Meaningful judicial review is the touchstone of the test. “[P]rompt judicial
*1320
review must be available to correct erroneous denials” of access to expression.
Cafe Erotica of Fla., Inc. v. St. John’s County,
C.
Even assuming the searches did not constitute a “prior restraint,” they were still invalid. The Supreme Court has recognized two categories of restrictions on expression — content-based and content-neutral. The district court found that the decision to institute searches was content-neutral; that is, it was motivated' by a legitimate governmental concern other than disagreement with the message conveyed. In support of this conclusion, the court offered only the following observation — “[T]he fact that everyone will be searched in the same manner indicates that the restriction is content neutral.” This is a non sequitur; the fact that all the protestors were searched does not suggest that the decision to search them was content-neutral; it suggests only that the City treated each SOA protestor equally vis-avis the other SOA protestors. The decision to search all the SOA protestors but not other persons or groups is entirely consistent with the notion that the City targeted them precisely because of the message they were sending.
Under the Supreme Court’s holding in Forsyth County v. Nationalist Movement, the decision to institute the mass search policy was content-based. In Nationalist Movement, Forsyth County enacted a policy requiring individuals seeking permits for public gatherings to pay a fee to defray the cost of law enforcement and the county administrator’s time in processing the permit. The county administrator was permitted to determine the amount of the fee, based on the amount of law enforcement assistance he anticipated would be necessary to maintain order. The Court observed:
In order to assess accurately the cost of security for parade participants, the administrator must necessarily examine the content of the message that is conveyed, estimate the response of others to that content, and judge the number of police necessary to meet that response. The fee assessed will depend on the administrator’s measure of the amount of hostility likely to be created by the speech based on its content. Those wishing to express views unpopular with bottle throwers, for .example, may have to pay more for their permit.
.... [I]t cannot be said that the fee’s justification has nothing to do with content.
In this case, the Chief conducted a somewhat similar analysis in deciding to require magnetometer searches. Apparently anticipating how other organizations such as- the Anarchists would react, the Chief infringed upon- SAW’s right to protest by requiring magnetometer searches. Under
Nationalist Movement,
when a government official decides that certain expressive activity will lead others to break the law, he is making a content-based distinction.
Cf. R.A.V. v. City of St. Paul,
Content-based restrictions on speech in a public forum are subject to strict scrutiny, which means that we must “ascertain whether [the policy] employs the least restrictive means to meet a compelling government interest.”
Burk,
The asserted government interest here is in “maintaining] public safety, security, and order” for the protection of participants, law enforcement, and innocent bystanders. Appellees’ Brief at 41. Here again the City asserts that the post-September 11 environment further substantiates the government’s interest. Appellees’ Brief at 41 (“First, there is a new and real threat of terrorist attack [that] did not exist previously. This threat is so authentic that the President ... created the Department of Homeland Security. This Department has requested [that] local governments implement precautionary measures to assist in the prevention and detection of terrorist attack.”). Although this argument was never before the district court, the City asserts that “this fact is one of which the Court can take judicial notice.” Appellees’ Brief at 41 n.15 (citing Fed.R.Evid. 201). The City then some *1322 what tautologically posits that magnetometer searches are narrowly tailored because they are the “least intrusive manner of removing the threat of knives, bombs, guns, and incendiary devices.” Appellees’ Brief at 43.
In fact, magnetometer searches do not seem narrowly tailored at all to the City’s professed interest in maintaining- safety. As discussed in Part II, there are other ways of ensuring public safety at this event, and the availability of alternatives casts serious doubt on any narrow tailoring analysis.
See Carey v. Brown,
The City’s policy is underinclusive along another dimension as well. Bourgeois points out that the magnetometer search policy has not been implemented for any other large gatherings the City has faced. In particular, sporting events — at which large crowds gather; where authorities have no way of knowing who is coming; at which “affinity groups” of various sorts are regularly in attendance; where “violent acts had in fact occurred,” Appellants’ Brief at 33; and which confine large numbers of people into a compact area (presumably even more so than a protest in a public park) — would seem to implicate the government’s purported interest even more gravely than the SAW protests. Thus, the City’s apparently arbitrary application of its magnetometer search policy from one type of event to the next underscores both our “unbridled discretion” concerns outlined above and our doubts here about whether the policy is narrowly tailored to any kind of government interest, whether compelling or even simply “significant.”
Because we hold that the policy here is not narrowly tailored to serve the government’s interest, we need not address the question whether the interest is compelling. It bears mentioning here, however, that the City’s attempt to employ terrorism to bolster its alleged interest in the search policy, without having developed a record at the district court level indicating that concerns about terrorism motivated
*1323
the adoption of that policy, is unavailing. The City asks us to take “judicial notice” that the Department of Homeland Security has asked local governments to “implement precautionary measures” to sniff out terrorist threats.
Appellees’Brief
at 41 & n.15. The question, however, is not whether we may or may not take notice; it is whether the City actually took this directive into consideration when drafting its policy. Otherwise, the City merely invites us to engage in
post hoc
rationalizations of its policy, which is precisely one of the dangers that attaches to the sort of unca-bined, impulsive policymaking practice at issue in this case.
Cf. Plain Dealer,
D.
Even if we were to accept that the searches were entirely motivated by content-neutral concerns, they still violate the First Amendment. . Content-neutral restrictions are permissible so long as they amount to “reasonable time, place, and manner restrictions” on speech.
Clark v. Community for Creative Non-Violence,
Here, the City contends that the search was a permissible restriction on the manner of the protest. The City might be correct to suppose that a mere ban on the use of weapons or incendiary devices at the protest would withstand a “reasonable manner restriction” analysis. Examples of “manner” restrictions that have been upheld by the Supreme Court include bans on certain types of amplification equipment or requirements that speakers do not exceed a particular volume.
Ward v. Rock Against Racism,
Simply identifying a manner of speech that legitimately may be restricted is not the end of the matter, however. We have said that any restriction must be “reasonable,” meaning “not the anemic simulacrum of a constraint on governmental power found in the Due Process Clause’s ‘rational basis’ test, but rather a more robust notion of ‘reasonableness’ such as that applied in the Fourth Amendment context.”
Holloman ex rel Holloman v. Harland,
An antecedent mass search for weapons or incendiary devices goes far beyond merely regulating the manner in which the protest is conducted. Such a search is, instead, a prophylactic measure designed to implement and enforce an otherwise permissible “manner” restriction and is conceptually distinct from the underlying restriction itself. Under the City’s policy, every person who wishes to speak by taking part in the SAW protest is burdened by a magnetometer search. The scope of this far-reaching policy alone would pose difficult First Amendment problems without the additional fact that, as noted above, the magnetometer searches will fail to catch a number of additional dangers that implicate the City’s alleged interest. Because the search policy thus “restrict[s] substantially more speech than necessary to further a legitimate government interest,” id., it is impermissible.
E.
The City may contend that the searches are permissible because they are entirely voluntary. No protestors are compelled to submit to searches; they must do so only if they choose to participate in the protest against the SOA. This is a classic “unconstitutional condition,” in which the government conditions receipt of a benefit or privilege on the relinquishment of a constitutional right.
See Adams v. James,
Our circuit has roundly condemned the use of unconstitutional conditions.
See, e.g., Bertrand v. United States,
The ability of protestors to avoid the searches by declining to participate in the protest does not alleviate the constitutional infirmity of the City’s search policy; indeed, the very purpose of the unconstitutional conditions doctrine is to prevent the Government from subtly pressuring citi
*1325
zens, whether purposely or inadvertently, into surrendering their rights. Similarly, the existence of other vehicles through which protestors could voice their disagreement with the SOA (e.g., letters to Congress) does not in any way alleviate the unconstitutional conditions problem. “The applicability of the unconstitutional conditions doctrine does not turn on whether conferral of the discretionary benefit is conditioned upon completely foregoing the right to engage in expression or instead upon foregoing the right to engage in that expression in certain places or manners or at certain times.”
Sammy’s, Ltd. v. City of Mobile,
As discussed in Part II, the searches violated the Fourth Amendment. The speech and assembly in which the protestors sought to engage were unquestionably protected by the First Amendment. Consequently, the City’s decision to require protestors to waive their Fourth Amendment rights and submit to searches in order to exercise their First Amendment rights was an unconstitutional condition that violated the First Amendment.
IV.
The City’s search policy violated both the First and Fourth Amendments to the United States Constitution. The plaintiffs are entitled to a permanent injunction against its implementation. The judgment of the district court is VACATED and the case is REMANDED for the entry of appropriate injunctive relief.
SO ORDERED.
Notes
. The law provides:
Whoever, within the jurisdiction of the United States, goes upon any military, naval, or Coast Guard reservation, post, fort, arsenal, yard, station, or installation, for any purpose prohibited by law or lawful regulation; or
Whoever reenters or is found within any such reservation, post, fort, arsenal, yard, station, or installation, after having been removed therefrom or ordered not to reenter by any officer or person in command or charge thereof—
Shall be fined under this title or imprisoned not more than six months, or both.
18 U.S.C. § 1382.
. The proposed magnetometer searches, which do nothing more than detect the presence of metal, would have done little, if anything, to deter or to interdict any of this conduct.
. The complaint also sought damáges, but since the searches had not occurred at the time of the trial on the merits, the damages issue was not yet ripe. Although SAW is free to file a new § 1983 suit for damages (subject, of course, to the statute of limitations), we have no occasion to consider the damages claim from their original complaint.
.
Doe v. O’Brien,
.
Fla. Right to Life v. Lamar,
.
Sierra Club v. Martin,
.Indeed, even if the City declared that it would not conduct a search this year, that would not in itself be enough to avoid the "capable of repetition” doctrine. "Where a defendant voluntarily ceases challenged con
*1310
duct, the case is not moot because nothing would prevent the defendant from resuming its challenged action.”
Sierra Club v. EPA,
. The City's reference to September 11 is largely new on appeal. It did not attempt to establish by testimony or other evidence that the searches were justified by fear of a terrorist attack. The City’s counsel made an oblique reference to that day very briefly during closing argument before the district court: ''We’ve got new terror alerts happening everyday [sic]. We had another one last night. Everybody heard on CNN, for four different cities and hospitals in the U.S., and they don’t know who's coming to this event and they can't control who's coming.” V2-R15-159. This passing mention of terror is the only time the issue was even plausibly put before the district court.
That mention may have resonated with the district court, which referenced September 11 while issuing its decision from the bench:
[Law enforcement officers] should be commended for their efforts in a difficult, often impossible job, particularly given the post September 11 environment. They are criticized when their actions appear to tilt too much in favor of public safety and infringe upon fundamental rights, and they are criticized when they do not go far enough and a tragedy results.
V2-R15-162. Nothing in the substance of the court’s reasoning, however, reflected a concern that the demonstration at issue in this case was actually a potential source or target of terrorist threats.
.The Supreme Court conducted
ad hoc
balancing in
Terry v. Ohio,
Putting aside this quibble, the Court employed balancing in
Teny
because the searches there involved “necessarily swift action predicated upon the on-the-spot observations of the officer on the beat — which historically has not been, and as a practical matter could not be, subjected to the warrant procedure.”
Id.
at 20,
.
Pennsylvania v. Labron,
.
United States v. Robinson,
.
United States v. Montoya de Hernandez,
.
Oliver v. United States,
.
See, e.g., New York v. Class,
.Hudson v. Palmer,
. For the reasons discussed in the following Subparts, the searches in this case would still have been unconstitutional, even if the Chief's discretion in implementing the policy had been appropriately cabined.
. The City asserts that it need only establish a "significant” government interest to which its policy is narrowly tailored. Appellees’ Brief at 38-39. This argument assumes, however, that the ordinance is a content-neutral regulation, which it is not. Although the City's brief describes as merely "significant” the government's purported interest in "main-tainting] public safety, security, and order, which includes physical protection of demonstration participants, spectators, passers-by, and law enforcement,” Appellees’ Brief at 41 (quoting the district court), we take the City to be arguing that this interest is not just "significant,” but "compelling.” See Appel-lees' Brief at 38-39 ("[T]he actual test is whether Columbus had a 'significant' government interest. However, the evidence of record supports not only a 'significant' interest, but also supports a heightened finding of a 'compelling' interest.”).
. We recognize that we determined in another case involving protests of the School of Americas that Fort Benning
itself
is a
non
public forum.
United States v. Corrigan,
. In
Bonner
v.
Prichard,
