ORDER AND REASONS
Before the Court are cross motions for summary judgment. The Court finds that defendants in this passionately charged national issue have the more persuasive argument. The State of Louisiana has a legitimate interest under a rational basis standard of review for addressing the meaning of marriage through the democratic process. For the reasons that follow, plaintiffs’ motion for summary judgment is DENIED and defendants’ motion for summary judgment is GRANTED.
Background
These consolidated cases challenge the constitutionality of Louisiana’s ban on same-sex marriage and its choice not to recognize same-sex marriages that are lawful in other states. Plaintiffs include six same-sex couples who live in Louisiana and are validly married under the law of another state, one same-sex couple who seeks the right to marry in Louisiana, and the Forum for Equality Louisiana, Inc., a nonprofit advocacy organization. Plaintiffs allege that Article XII, Section 15 of the Louisiana Constitution,
The parties have filed cross motions for summary judgment. All issues have been briefed and the Court has held oral argument.
I.
Federal Rule of Civil Procedure 56 instructs that summary judgment is proper if the record discloses no genuine dispute as to any material fact such that the moving party is entitled to judgment as a matter of law. No genuine dispute of fact exists if the record taken as a whole could not lead a rational trier of fact to find for the non-moving party. See Matsushita Elec. Indus. Co. v. Zenith Radio Corp.,
The Court emphasizes that the mere argued existence of a factual dispute
This national same-sex marriage struggle animates a clash between convictions regarding the value of state decisions reached by way of the democratic process as contrasted with personal, genuine, and sincere lifestyle choices recognition. The defendants maintain that marriage is a legitimate concern of state law and policy. That it may be rightly regulated because of what for centuries has been understood to be its role. Not so say plaintiffs, who vigorously submit if two people wish to enter into a bond of commitment and care and have that bond recognized by law as a marriage, they should be free to do so, and their choice should be recognized by law as a marriage; never mind the historic authority of the state or the democratic process. These are earnest and thoughtful disputes, but they have become society’s latest short fuse. One may be firmly resolved in favor of same-sex marriage, others may be just as determined that marriage is between a man and a woman. The challenge is how and where best to resolve these conflicting notions about what is marriage and what influence should the U.S. Supreme Court decision in United States v. Windsor have? See — U.S. -,
II.
A.
The Court first takes up the most hefty constitutional issue: Equal Protection. The Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution commands that no state shall “deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.” U.S. Const, amend. XIV, § 1. “The Equal Protection Clause ... essentially directs that all persons similarly situated be treated alike.” Stonebumer v. Sec’y of the Army,
When conducting rational basis review, the Supreme Court has instructed that “we will not overturn such [government action] unless the varying treatment of different groups or persons is so unrelated to the achievement of any combination of legitimate purposes that we can only conclude that the [government’s] actions were irrational.” Kimel v. Fl. Bd. of Regents,
Plaintiffs submit that Louisiana’s constitutional amendment and Civil Code article violate the Equal Protection Clause by prohibiting same-sex marriage within Louisiana, and by declining to recognize same-sex marriages that are lawful in other states. Plaintiffs argue that the laws are subject to heightened scrutiny analysis because they discriminate on the basis of sexual orientation and gender. Defendants counter that the laws trigger rational basis review, which is satisfied by Louisiana’s legitimate interest in linking children with intact families formed by their biological parents, and by ensuring that fundamental social change occurs by social consensus through democratic processes. See Windsor,
In Windsor, the Supreme Court held that Section 3 of the Federal Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA), which defined marriage as a union between one man and one woman only, violated Equal Protection and Due Process principles when applied to New York state law permitting same-sex marriage. Id. at 2693. Observing “DOMA’s unusual deviation from the usual tradition of recognizing and accepting state definitions of marriage,” the Court inferred that Congress had acted with a discriminatory purpose. Id. The Court reasoned, to that point, that “ ‘[discrimina-tions of an unusual character especially suggest careful consideration to determine whether they are obnoxious to the constitutional provision.’” Id. at 2692 (quoting Romer,
As to standard of review, Windsor starkly avoids mention of heightened scrutiny. Plaintiffs’ effort to equate Windsor’s elusive phrase “careful consideration” with intermediate or heightened scrutiny seems like intellectual anarchy. In the past, the Supreme Court considered rational basis as fulfilling the notion of “careful consideration.” See Romer,
The recognition of civil marriages is central to state domestic relations law applicable to its residents and citizens. See Williams v. North Carolina,317 U.S. 287 , 298,63 S.Ct. 207 ,87 L.Ed. 279 (1942)(“Each state as a sovereign has a rightful and legitimate concern in the*918 marital status of persons domiciled within its borders”). The definition of marriage is the foundation of the State’s broader authority to regulate the subject of domestic relations with respect to the “[protection of offspring, property interests, and the enforcement of marital responsibilities.” Ibid. “[T]he states, at the time of the adoption of the Constitution, possessed full power over the subject of marriage and divorce ... [and] the Constitution delegated no authority to the Government of the United States on the subject of marriage and divorce.” Haddock v. Haddock,201 U.S. 562 , 575,26 S.Ct. 525 ,50 L.Ed. 867 (1906); see also In re Burrus,136 U.S. 586 , 593-594,10 S.Ct. 850 ,34 L.Ed. 500 (1890)(“The whole subject of the domestic relations of husband and wife, parent and child, belongs to the laws of the States and not to the laws of the United States”).
Id. at 2691 (alterations in original). Justice Kennedy further instructs:
The significance of state responsibilities for the definition and regulation of marriage dates to the Nation’s beginning; for “when the Constitution was adopted the common understanding was that the domestic relations of husband and wife and parent and child were matters reserved to the States.” Ohio ex rel. Popovici v. Agler,280 U.S. 379 , 383-384,50 S.Ct. 154 ,74 L.Ed. 489 (1930). Marriage laws vary in some respects from State to State....
Id. And, finally, he emphasizes why:
The responsibility of the States for the regulation of domestic relations is an important indicator of the substantial societal impact the State’s classifications have in the daily lives and customs of its people.
Id. at 2693. Windsor leaves unchanged “the concerns for state diversity and sovereignty.” See id. at 2697 (Roberts, C.J., dissenting).
But even apart from Windsor, plaintiffs seek to justify the application of heightened scrutiny because, they argue, Louisiana’s laws and Constitution discriminate based on sexual orientation. They fail, however, to recognize that neither the Supreme Court nor the Fifth Circuit has ever before defined sexual orientation as a protected class, despite opportunities to do so. See, e.g., Windsor,
Less measurable, but certainly of no less significance, is the shattering effect this collection of views has on the root principles of stare decisis, federalism, judicial restraint and — most importantly — separation of powers.... In a democracy the first indicator of the public’s attitude must always be found in the legislative*919 judgments of the people’s chosen representatives.
First, where as here, the language of the applicable provision provides great leeway and where the underlying social policies are felt to be of vital importance, the temptation to read personal preference into the Constitution is understandably great.... But it is not the business of this Court to pronounce policy. It must observe a fastidious regard for limitations on its own power, and this precludes the Court giving effect to its own notions of what is wise or politic.
Id. at 431, 433,
It seems to me that the sweeping judicial action undertaken today reflects a basic lack of faith and confidence in the democratic process.
Id. at 464-65,
Plaintiffs also add that they suffer discrimination based on gender. Plaintiffs, as do most other federal courts confronted with these issues, equate this case with Loving v. Virginia,
B.
So, is there even any rational basis for Louisiana’s resistance to recognize same-sex marriages entered into in other states, or to authorize same-sex marriages in Louisiana? Plaintiffs contend not, and conclude that Louisiana’s laws and Constitution can only be supported by a hateful animus. Defendants rejoin that the laws serve a central state interest of linking children to an intact family formed by their biological parents. Of even more consequence, in this Court’s judgment, defendants assert a legitimate state interest in safeguarding that fundamental social change, in this instance, is better cultivated through democratic consensus. This Court agrees.
The Court also hesitates with the notion that this state’s choice could only be inspired by hate and intolerance. Louisiana unquestionably respected “a statewide deliberative process that allowed its citizens to discuss and weigh arguments for and against same-sex marriage.” See Windsor,
C.
The parties also seek summary judgment on Due Process Clause grounds. The Fourteenth Amendment prohibits a state from “depriv[ing] any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law.” U.S. Const, amend. XIV, § 1. This protection has been viewed as having both procedural and substantive components when state action is challenged. As the Fifth Circuit has observed:
Procedural due process promotes fairness in government decisions “by requiring the government to follow appropriate procedures when its agents decide ‘to deprive any person of life, liberty, or property.’ ” Daniels v. Williams,474 U.S. 327 , 331,106 S.Ct. 662 ,88 L.Ed.2d 662 (1986). Substantive due process, “by barring certain government actions regardless of the fairness of the procedures used to implement them, [ ] serves to prevent government power from being ‘used for purposes of oppression.’” Id.
The John Corp. v. The City of Houston,
The substantive component of due process, which plaintiffs count on here, protects fundamental rights that are so “implicit in the concept of ordered liberty” that “neither liberty nor justice would exist if they were sacrificed.” Palko v. Connecticut,
To establish a substantive due process violation, the aggrieved person must describe the infringed right with particularity and must establish it as “deeply rooted in this Nation’s history and tradition.” Malagon de Fuentes v. Gonzales,
Plaintiffs fervently insist that Louisiana’s laws and Constitution violate their right to substantive due process by depriving them of the fundamental right to marry. Plaintiffs argue that Louisiana substantially burdens what they envision as their fundamental right to marry and that strict scrutiny is the standard of review to guide this Court. Defendants counter, however, that there is no fundamental right to same-sex marriage and that rational basis review is appropriate. Defendants correctly point to Washington v. Glucksberg,
No authority dictates, and plaintiffs do not contend, that same-sex marriage is anchored to history or tradition.
With no fundamental right at stake,
Although plaintiffs would fashion a modern constitutional construct and place side by side this case to Lawrence v. Texas,
D.
Both sides also seek summary judgment on plaintiffs’ claim that Louisiana Department of Revenue Information Bulletin No. 18-024 violates their First Amendment rights. The First Amendment to the United States Constitution declares that “Congress shall make no law ... abridging the freedom of speech.” U.S. Const, amend. I. “As a general matter, the First Amendment means that government has no power to restrict expression because of its message, its ideas, its subject matter, or its content.” United States v. Stevens,
Bulletin No. 13-024 requires same-sex couples who are lawfully married in other states to nevertheless describe that they are of single status on their Louisiana state income tax returns. Plaintiffs say that compels speech. Defendants answer that the targeted bulletin merely prescribes conduct. They add that the required conduct is necessary to an essential government function, collecting state taxes. They stress helpfully that the Fifth Circuit recently agreed with the Eighth Circuit that the required disclosure of information on a tax form is simply not compelled speech under the First Amendment. See United States v. Arnold,
The Court is satisfied that Bulletin No. 13-024 does not contravene the First Amendment; that the disclosure requirement regulates conduct, not speech. See Rumsfeld,
III.
This Court has arduously studied the volley of nationally orchestrated court rulings against states whose voters chose in free and open elections, whose legislatures, after a robust, even fractious debate and exchange of competing, vigorously differing views, listened to their citizens regarding the harshly divisive and passionate issue on same-sex marriage. The federal court decisions thus far exemplify a pageant of empathy; decisions impelled by a response of innate pathos. Courts that, in the words of Justice Scalia in a different context in Bond v. United States, — U.S. -,
This analysis is fundamentally flawed because it fails to take into account that the “marriage” that has long been recognized by the Supreme Court as a fundamental right is distinct from the newly purposed relationship of a “same-sex marriage.” And this failure is even more pronounced by the majority’s acknowledgment that same-sex marriage is a new notion that has not been recognized for “most of our country’s history.” Moreover, the majority fails to explain how this new notion became incorporated into the traditional definition of marriage except by linguistic manipulation.
It would no doubt be celebrated to be in the company of the near-unanimity of the many other federal courts that have spoken to this pressing issue, if this Court were confident in the belief that those cases provide a correct guide.
Clearly, many other courts will have an opportunity to take up the issue of same-sex marriage; courts of appeals and, at some point, the U.S. Supreme Court. The decision of this Court is but one studied decision among many. Our Fifth Circuit has not yet spoken.
The depth of passion inherent in the issues before this Court defies definition. That federal courts
Plaintiffs’ counsel was unable to answer such kinds of questions; the only hesitant response given was that such unions would result in “significant societal harms” that the states could indeed regulate. But not same-gender unions. This Court is powerless to be indifferent to the unknown and possibly imprudent consequences of such a decision. A decision for which there remains the arena of democratic debate. Free and open and probing debate. Indeed, fractious debate. The Court remains drawn to the forceful and prophetic circumspection expressed by Justice Powell, and turns the spotlight again not only on his dissent in Furman v. Georgia,
[Wjhere, as here, the language of the applicable provision provides great leeway and where the underlying social policies are felt to be of vital importance, the temptation to read personal preference into the Constitution is understandably great.... But it is not the business of this Court to pronounce policy. It must observe a fastidious regard for limitations on its own power, and this precludes the Court’s giving effect to its own notions of what is wise or politic.
Furman,
[O]n this issue we should defer. To be sure, the constant refrain in these cases has been that the States’ justifications are not advanced by excluding same-gender couples from marriage. But that is a matter of opinion; any “improvement” on the classification should be left to the state political process.
Kitchen,
Though the Plaintiffs would weigh the interests of the State differently and discount the procreation, childrearing,*927 and caution rationales, that prerogative belongs to the electorate and their representatives .... We should resist the temptation to become philosopher-kings, imposing our views under the guise of constitutional interpretation of the Fourteenth Amendment.
Id. at 1240. Heeding those cautions, it is not for this Court to resolve the wisdom of same-sex marriage.
Because there is no fundamental right to same-sex marriage and there are rational reasons for not recognizing it, just as there are rational reasons for recognizing it, I conclude that we, the Third Branch, must allow the States to enact legislation on the subject in accordance with their political processes. The U.S. Constitution does not, in my judgment, restrict the States’ policy choices on this issue. If given the choice, some States will surely recognize same-sex marriage and some will surely not. But that is, to be sure, the beauty of federalism.
For all of these reasons, the Court finds that Louisiana’s definition of marriage as between one man and one woman and the limitation on recognition of same-sex marriages permitted by law in other states found in Article XII, Section 15 of the Louisiana Constitution and article 3520(B) of the Louisiana Civil Code do not infringe
Notes
. Marriage in the state of Louisiana shall consist only of the union of one man and one woman. No official or court of the state of Louisiana shall construe this constitution or any state law to require that marriage or the legal incidents thereof be conferred upon any member of any union other than the union of one man and one woman. A legal status identical or substantially similar to that of marriage for unmarried individuals shall not be valid or recognized. No official or court of the state of Louisiana shall recognize any marriage contracted in any other jurisdiction which is not the union of one man and one woman.
La. Const, art. 12, § 15.
. A purported marriage between persons of the same sex violates a strong public policy of the state of Louisiana and such a marriage contracted in another state shall not be recognized in this state for any purpose, including the assertion of any right or claim as a result of the purported marriage.
La. Civ.Code art. 3520(B).
.Plaintiffs in Case Number 14-97 challenge Article XII, Section 15 of the Louisiana Constitution and Louisiana Civil Code article 3520(B). In their prayer for relief in their complaint, those plaintiffs mistakenly refer to Code article 3520(B)(1), which does not exist, and to Article XII, Section 18 of the Constitution, but elsewhere in the complaint make clear that they mean Section 15. Plaintiffs in Case Number 14-327 challenge “Article XII, Section 15 of the Louisiana Constitution, Article 3520(B) of the Louisiana Civil Code, and any other Louisiana laws that purport to deny recognition to the marriages of Plaintiffs and other same-sex couples who are married under the law of another jurisdiction.” Although those plaintiffs do not specifically identify the "other Louisiana laws” in their complaint, plaintiffs’ supplemental brief submitted on July 16, 2014 requests “declaratory judgment holding that Louisiana Civil Code articles 86, 89, 3520(B), and Article 12, Section 15 of the Louisiana Constitution are unconstitutional ... and the Court should enjoin their enforcement.” Article 86 of the Louisiana Civil Code, like Section 15 of the Louisiana Constitution, defines marriage as "a legal relationship between a man and a woman.” Code article 89, similar to Code article 3520, prohibits purported marriages between persons of the same sex.
. The bulletin provides in part:
In compliance with the Louisiana Constitution, the Louisiana Department of Revenue shall not recognize same-sex marriages when determining filing status. If a taxpayer’s federal filing status of married filing jointly, married filing separately or qualifying widow is pursuant to IRS Revenue Ruling 2013-17 [ruling that same-sex couples legally married in states that recognize such marriages will be treated as married for federal tax purposes], the taxpayer must file a separate Louisiana return as single, head of household or qualifying widow, as applicable. The taxpayer(s) who filed a federal return pursuant to IRS Revenue Ruling 2013-17 may not file a Louisiana state income tax return as married filing jointly, married filing separately or qualifying widow. The taxpayer must provide the same federal income tax information on the Louisiana State Return that would have been provided prior to the issuance of Internal Revenue Service Ruling 2013-17.
La. Revenue Info. Bulletin No. 13-024 (Sept. 13, 2013).
. Plaintiffs have seemingly abandoned their Full Faith and Credit Clause claim.
. All federal court decisions post -Windsor have stricken same-sex marriage bans under all three standards. Bostic v. Schaefer,
. Windsor, in the context of the issues presented to this Court, is unclear (contrary to the conclusions in many recent federal court decisions). It is by its own terms, limited. Its “opinion and its holding are confined to those lawful marriages.”
. This Court is not persuaded by the Ninth Circuit's decision to the contrary in Smith-Kline Beecham Corp. v. Abbott Labs.,
. The Court acknowledges that its decision runs counter to all but two other federal court decisions. See Merritt v. Attorney Gen., No. 13-215,
. This Court does not enter the dispute of which "science” on this issue is correct. The contentious debate in social science literature about what is “marriage” in today’s world does not drive or inform the Court’s decision.
. In his concurrence in the recent case of Bishop v. Smith,
. This Court finds common cause with Justice Powell’s cautionary injunction in Furman v. Georgia about judicial action that “reflects a basic lack of faith and confidence in the democratic process.”
. The cases invoked by plaintiffs, including Turner v. Safley,
. Defendants point to Baker v. Nelson,
. This Court is not the first to reach this conclusion, even post-Windsor. See Love v. Beshear,
. Plaintiffs also summarily allege violations of their fundamental rights to remain married and to parental authority, but these claims fail for the same reason. The Court notes, however, that other federal district court opinions post-Windsor have favored same-sex marriages under all standards of review. See, e.g., Kitchen v. Herbert,
. One case, pre-Windsor but rather close in time, Sevcik v. Sandoval,
. The Tenth Circuit, in a split decision, has recently spoken. Kitchen v. Herbert,
. In the words of the Fourth Circuit: “Civil marriage is one of the cornerstones of our way of life. It allows individuals to celebrate and publicly declare their intentions to form lifelong partnerships, which provide unparalleled intimacy, companionship, emotional support, and security.” Bostic,
. Windsor offers no obstacle to this point, which the Supreme Court even more recently reaffirmed in Schuette v. Coalition to Defend Affirmative Action, - U.S. -,
. The public contradictions and heated disputes among the community of social scientists, clergy, politicians, and thinkers about what is marriage confirms and clearly sends the message that the state has a legitimate interest, a rational basis, in addressing the meaning of marriage.
