MEMORANDUM DECISION
This сase raises the . issue of whether a provision in a state statute requiring a 55% favorable vote for adoption of an amendment to a home rule charter is unconstitutional as violative of the Equal Protection Clause. The statute in question is Chapter 1027, § 2, Laws of Minnesota 1969, which provides that any provisions in a home rule charter which prohibit the sale of intoxicating liquor or wine in certain areas shall not be amended or removed unless a proposition to that effect received 55% of the votes cast. For reasons which follow, we have concluded in the affirmative.
I.
Home rule provisions under which a city may establish a charter for its own governing body were originally prescribed in Article 4, § 36, and аdded to the Minnesota constitution in 1896. This constitutional provision was repealed by L.1957, c. 809, adopted at a general election on November 4, 1958. 1 It was replaced by the present Article XI of the state constitution, § 4 of which provides in part:
The legislature shall provide by law for charter commissions. * * * Home rule charter amendments may be proposed by a charter commission or by a petition of five percent of the voters of the local government unit as determined by law and shall not become effective until approved by the voters by the majority required by law. Amendments may be proposed and adopted in any other manner provided by law.
Pursuant to this grant of authority the state legislaturе, in the 1959 regular session, enacted L.1959, c. 305, § 4, which amended 24 M.S.A. § 410.12, subd. 4. As amended, subd. 4 read that a majority of 55% of the votes cast was necessary to carry any amendment to a city charter. The law made no distinction with respect to whether or not the amendment affected established liquor patrol limits — that is, any amendment to a city charter required 55% voter approval for adoption. This provision remained unchanged until 1969 when the legislature enacted Chapter 1027. Chap *63 ter 1027, by its three sections, made the following changes:
1. Section 1: Amended 24 M.S.A. § 410.11 to provide that a new charter could be adopted if 51% of the votes cast on the proposition were in favor of the proposed charter.
2. Sectiоn 2: Added to 24 M.S.A. § 410.121 the provision that any amendment to the city charter which affected provisions prohibiting the sale of intoxicating liquor or wine jp certain areas had to receive 55% of the votes cast to pass.
3. Section 3: Amended 24 M.S.A. g 410.12, subd. 4, to provide that an existing charter could be amended or replaced if 51% of the votes cast on the proposition were in favor of its adoption.
In substance, then, Chapter 1027 had the effect of requiring 51% voter approval for the adoption of a new city charter or the amendment of an existing charter with the exception that under § 2, if the amendment affected the established liquor patrol limits it needed 55% voter approval for adoption. It is thе constitutionality of the 55% requirement which is in contention in this case. 2
Plaintiff’s constitutional claim originates from a proposition placed on the ballot for the general election held on June 10, 1969 in the City of Minneapolis. The proposition entitled Amendment 39, concerned an amendment to Chapter 4, Section 5, of the Charter of the City of Minneapolis relating to the granting of liquor licenses within a designated area. Section 5, subd. 1, establishes a geographical boundary, roughly equivalent to the area of the downtown loop, which comprises the so-called “liquor patrol limits”. Under the City Charter, the Minneapolis City Council has the authority to grant on-sale and off-sale liquor licenses within the patrol limits. Outside the patrol limits, licenses may be issued on either one of the following two conditions: (1) The City Council may renew a license of an established business; or (21 a new license may be issued upon majority approval in a referendum vote of the residents within the ward and within the precincts located within 1500 feet of the proposed location of the liquor establishment. The proposed Amendment 39, if adopted, would have removed the liquor patrol limits and replaced it with a procedure for the issuance of liquor licenses anywhere within the City of Minneapolis by the City Council in accordance with certain prescribed procedures.
Thus, Amendment 39 was placed on the ballot pursuant to the provisions of state law regarding adoption of home rule charters and amendments thereto enacted by the state legislature under a grant of authority in the Minnesota Constitution. Its purpose was to allow the voters in Minneapolis to determine whether the liquor patrol limits contained in the Minneapolis City Charter should be removed and replaced with a new procedure for the issuance of liquor licenses. Under Chapter 1027, § 2, it was necessary for the amendment to receive an affirmative vote of 55% of the votes east in order to be adopted. The proposed amendment received 59,456 “Yes” votes compared to 53,272 “No” votes, or 52.7% of the votes cast were in favor of its adoption. This, of course, fell short of the 55% required under 5 2.
Plaintiff, a taxpayer and voter in the City of Minneapolis, initiated this action, asserting federal jurisdiction under 28 U.S.C. § 1343 and 42 U.S.C. §§ 1983, 1988 to redress the alleged deprivation of Federal constitutional rights. This action is brought by plaintiff on his own
*64
behalf as a voter who voted “Yes” on Amendment 39, and on behalf of the other 59,455 voters who voted in favor of the amendment. His claim is that Chapter 1027, § 2, by requiring more than 50% plus 1 vote to pass amendments to city charters, violates his rights, and the rights of all others voting “Yes” on the amendment. He contends the provision “debases the value of a ‘Yes’ vote in relationship to the value of a ‘No’ vote, in direct contravention of the principle of ‘one man, one vote’ as enunсiated by the United States Supreme Court in Baker v. Carr, [
The defendants are the Minneapolis City Clerk, the Minnesota Secretary of State, and the Hennepin County Register of Deeds. Under §§ 410.11 and 410-12, subd. 4, 24 M.S.A., they are responsible for filing the necessary certificates that an amendment to a city charter was dully adopted at an election. By way of affirmative relief, plaintiff asks that the Court declare that Amendment 39 was duly adopted at the election of June 10, 1969, and order the City Clerk to file the necessary certificates to that effect in his office and the offices of thе above State and County officials.
On request of the plaintiff, and based on the allegations in the complaint, this three judge court was convened pursuant to the provisions of § 2284, Title 28 U. S.C.A. by the Chief Judge of the Eighth Circuit on June 30, 1969. Thereafter, by order dated July 28, 1969, with the consent of all the parties hereto, the Court granted the application of George C. Dodds for intervention. On the same date, intervenor made a motion that this action was not required to be heard by a three judge court under § 2281, Title 28 U.S.C.A. A hearing was held and the motion was denied on the grounds that the plaintiff’s claim raised a substantial constitutional question concerning a statute of statewide application, coupled with a request for equitable relief, and thus is within the purview of § 2281.
The defense in this case has been presented primarily by the intervenor, a taxpayer and voter in the City of Minneapolis, who voted “No” on the proposed. Amendment 39. 3 His position is that the issue presented in the plaintiff’s complaint “is nonjusticiable and is essentially political and therefore beyond the proper exercise of the power of the federal court.” If, however, the Court should reach the merits he asserts that the case must be decided in favor of the defendants.
II.
Intervenor’s threshold contention that plaintiff’s claim is non-justiciable because it is essentially political may be disposed of without extensive comment. In Baker v. Carr, supra, the Supreme Court held that a clаim asserted under the Equal Protection Clause, alleging impairment of a person’s right to vote because of a dilution or debasement of its value in relation to other votes, presents a justiciable issue subject to adjudication by federal courts. Under Baker v. Carr, supra, it is clear that this court has jurisdiction, that plaintiff’s complaint states a justiciable cause of action, and that plaintiff has standing to raise the constitutional issue. 4
*65 III.
We turn, then to plaintiff’s claim that the 55% requirement is violative of the Equal Protection Clause because its effect is to substantially dilute and debase the weight of a “Yes” vote in relation to a “No” vote.
Our initial concern is to determine the standard we must apply in evaluating the classifiсation made by § 2. In Reynolds v. Sims,
In asserting that the 55% requirement in question is constitutional, intervenor argues: (1) That the one man, one vote cases are clearly distinguishable from the present case and provide no support to the plaintiff’s claim; (2) that the classification made by the statute serves a legitimate state purpose; (3) that a state legislature must be given considerable discretion in structuring laws concеrning city government, and that this discretion should include the right to require more than a bare majority vote to change the basic constitution of a city; and (4) that holding the 55% requirement unconstitutional would produce drastic results in that many additional state constitutional and statutory provisions requiring more than a majority vote would, necessarily be invalidated by such a decision. We discuss the contentions in the order raised.
In a succession of cases following Baker v. Carr,
supra,
the Supreme Court articulated the principle of one man, one vote by requiring that each man’s vote must have equal weight in the election of local, state and federal representatives.
5
Most notably, in Gray v. Sanders,
In Gray v. Sanders, swpm, the Supreme Court considered the question of whether the Georgia county-unit system, applicable in statewide primary elections, violated the Equal Protection Clause. In holding the county-unit system unconstitutional, the Court stated:
How then can one person be given twice or 10 times the voting power of another person in a statewide election merely because hе lives in a rural area or because he lives in the smallest rural county? Once the geographical unit for which a representative is to be chosen is designated, all who participate in the election are to have an equal vote — whatever their race, whatever their sex, whatever their occupation, whatever their income, and wherever their home may be in that geographical unit. This is required by the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. The concept of “we the people” under the Constitution visualizes no preferred class of voters but equality among those who meet the basic qualifications. The idea that every voter is equal to every other voter in his State, when he casts his ballot in favor of one of several competing candidates, underlies many of our decisions. Gray v. Sanders, supra,372 U.S. at 379-380 ,83 S.Ct. at 807 .
In Reynolds v. Sims, supra, the Supreme Court dealt with the malapportionment of the Alabama legislature. The Court held that the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment requires the apportionment of both houses of a bicameral legislature on a population base to insure equal representation for citizens regardless of where they reside. In reaching this result, the Court focused on the obvious effect resulting from the weighting of votes:
(I) f a state should provide that the votes of citizens in one part of the State should be given two times, or five times, or 10 times the weight of votes of сitizens in another part of the State, it could hardly be contended that the right to vote of those residing in the disfavored areas had not been effectively diluted. It would appear extraordinary to suggest that a State could be constitutionally permitted to enact a law providing that certain of the State’s voters could vote two, five or 10 times for their legislative representatives, while voters living elsewhere could vote only once. And it is inconceivable that a state law to the effect that, in counting votes for legislators, the votes of citizens in one part of the State would be multiplied by two, five, or 10, while the votes of persons in another area would be counted only at face value, could be constitutionally sustainable. * * * Overweighting and overvaluation of the votes of those living here has the certain effect of dilution and undervaluation of the votes of those living there. The resulting discrimination against those individual voters living in disfavored areas is easily demonstrable mathematically. Their right to vote is simply not the same right to vote as that of those living in a favored part of the State. Two, five, or 10 of them must vote before the effect of their vote is equivalent to that of their favored neighbor. Weighting the votes of citizens differently, by any method or means, merely because of where they happen to reside, hardly seems justifiable.
******
To the extent that a citizen’s right to vote is debased, he is that much less а citizen. The fact that an individual lives here or there is not a legitimate reason for overweighting or diluting the efficacy of his vote. * * * A citizen, a qualified voter, is no more nor no less so because he lives in the city or on the farm. This is the clear and strong command of our Constitution’s Equal Protection *67 Clause. This is an essential part of the concept of a government of laws and not men. This is at the heart of Lincoln’s vision of “government of the people, by the people, [and] for the people.” The Equal Protection Clause demands no less than substantially equal state legislative representation for all citizens, of all places as well as of all races. Reynolds v. Sims, supra,377 U.S. at 562-563, 567-568 ,84 S.Ct. at 1382-1385 .
In Avery v. Midland County,
In these and related cases, then, the Supreme Court articulated the principle that the Equal Protection Clause requires "equal representation for equal numbers of people.” Reynolds v. Sims,
supra
at 560-561,
Intervenor contends that since these cases concerned discriminatory treatment in the election of legislators based on geographical location of the voter, they are clearly distinguishable from the case at bar. He asserts that the principle of one man, one vote was enunciated to remedy this particular evil attendant to malapportionment, and cannot be construed to include within its contours the circumstances of this case.
We agree that the above cases are factually distinguishable with respect to the means by which the dilution was accomplished as well as the type of election in which it occurred. Neither of these factors, however, is dispositive of plaintiff’s claim. The fact that this case differs in the means by which the dilution of the vote is accomplished is in no way determinative of whether or not the dilution is discriminatory. The right protected in the one man, one vote cases is a person’s right to have his vote be given equal weight to that of other voters. Whether the state denies this right by malapportioned districts or by some other means is not the controlling factor in determining whether the state has acted constitutionally. We believe the test is not the means by which the state has exercised its pоwer to deny a person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws, but whether the power has in fact been exercised. Similarly, the fact that § 2 prescribes voter approval requirements in a limited purpose election does not insulate it from being reviewed by this Court to determine whether it is consistent with Constitutional requirements. 6
We view the underlying policy of the one man, one vote cases as establishing a basic constitutional principle— equality among voters. 7 Insofar as that principle is concerned, the one man, one *68 vote cases are not substantively distinguishable from the case at bar. Each case of course must be decided on its own merits. Plaintiff’s claim presents us with two issues: First, whether § 2 does in fact discriminate against a class of voters; and secоnd, if it does, is such discrimination violative of the Equal Protection Clause. We believe the one man, one vote cases do provide us with substantive guidelines under the concept of equal protection to be applied in the resolution of these issues. 8
With respect to the first issue, we believe that § 2 does discriminate against a class of voters; namely, those who vote “Yes” on a proposed amendment. The efficacy of the “Yes” vote is effectively diminished by the 55% voter approval requirement. The basis for the discrimination is that the statute, in granting the franchise in the manner it does, ascribes a value to the vote according to the voter’s preference on the issue to be decided in thе election. It thereby grants those opposed to the amendment a disproportionate voice in the outcome of the election. The remaining issue we must determine, then, is whether the state in so granting the franchise has done it in such a manner as to violate the Equal Protection Clause.
The command of the Fourteenth Amendment is that “(n)o state * * * shall deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.” The “concept of equal protection has been traditionally viewed as requiring the uniform treatment of persons standing in the same relation to the governmental action questioned or challenged.” Reynolds v. Sims,
supra,
“There is more to the right to vote than the right to mark a piece of paper and drop it in a box or the right to pull a lever in a voting booth. The right to vote includes the right to have the ballot counted. * * * It also includes the right to have the vote counted at full value without dilution or discоunt. * * * That federally protected right suffers substantial dilution * * * [where a] favored group has full voting strength. * * * [and] [t]he groups not in favor have their votes discounted.”
Intervenor argues that there is a legitimate state interest underlying the requirement for a 55% voter approval for passage of an amendment which affects a city’s liquor patrol limits. This argument is premised on two conten *69 tions: First, that control of liquor traffic within the state is of legitimate state concern; and secondly, that the state has manifested this concern by requiring that, before local communities be allowed to change their provisions affecting liquor traffic, any such change reflect a true dominant community feeling.
This argument proves no more than the рossibility that there may be a rational basis for the classifications drawn by § 2 in view of the articulated state goal. As we noted earlier, however, a more exacting standard applies here— that is, whether the dilution of the vote of the plaintiff and members of his class is “necessary to promote a compelling state interest”. We do not believe so.
Section 2 is distinguishable from a statute in which the state directly exercises its power to control liquor traffic within the state. The statute does not in itself prescribe liquor patrol limits or other means of containing the sale of liquor. 9 Rather, the statute delegates that power to the voters in the local communities. In granting the franchise, however, the statе discriminates against a class of voters. Nothing in the state constitution requires the legislature to grant to the people the right to decide this type of issue. The state legislature can directly enact legislation regarding liquor patrol limits. 10 Any legislation to that effect, of course, requires a simple majority vote 11 *of the state legislators. Since the legislature is presumably properly apportioned, each person would therefore have an equally effective voice when the legislature directly enacts such a law. In contrast, when the legislature grants the franchise to the people to determine the issue in the manner prescribed by § 2, voters like the plaintiff no longer have an equally effective voice when they cast their ballots. The effect given their vote is diluted in relation to those who vote “No”. 12
In Gray v. Sanders,
supra,
Intervenor next contends that a greater than majority vote is necessary if a city charter is to have some permanency. He argues that a city charter represents a constitution of a city and that the state legislature, recognizing this, can properly require that such a fundamental document should not be subject to change on the whims of what may be a fleeting majority. The contention is that the Court must allow the state legislature considerable discretion in setting voter approval requirements with respect to adoption of amendments which change charter provisions.
Local governmental bodies are agenсies of the state and they exercise only such governmental functions as the state may entrust to them. The scope of the powers they exercise is in the absolute discretion of the state. E.g., Minneapolis St. Ry. Co. v. City of Minneapolis,
As a final argument, intervenor contends that holding the 55% requirement invalid would produce drastic results in that many additional state constitutional and statutory provisions requiring more than a majority vote would necessarily be invalidated. Our decision, however, goes no further than invalidating the *71 55% requirement as a constitutionally impermissible dilution of the vote under the circumstances of this case. Under none of the arguments made can we find a compelling state interest served by granting the franchise in the discriminatory manner prescribed by § 2. We do not pass on the question, therefore, of whether under a different state constitutional or statutory scheme there may exist a compelling state interest justifying a requirement for more than a majority vote.
The protections embodied in the Equal Protection Clause are not confined to any fixed notion of what constitutes equal treatment. 15 One of these protections, as expressed by the Supremе Court in the one man, one vote cases, is the right of a citizen to have an equally effective voice in the election process. This is, as we noted earlier, the basic policy underlying those decisions. Once it is determined that the dilution or debasement of a vote by a state statute is not justified by a compelling state interest, but rather constitutes invidious discrimination, we believe it contravenes that policy. Under these circumstances, we believe the principle of one man, one vote applies to redress the deprivation here of the plaintiff’s constitutionally protected right.
IV.
Finally, the Court must decide upon the nature of the relief to be provided. The plaintiff asks that a mandatory injunction be issued requiring the proper officials to certify that Amendment 39 was adopted at the election of June 10, 1969. He cites Lorez v. Shannon, No. 16043 (Superior Court of California, Sutter County, August 8, 1969), and Bogert v. Kinzer, No. 27864 (District Court of the Sixth District of Idaho, Bannock County, April 3, 1969), as authority for our doing so.
The essence of equity jurisdiction is the power of the court to use flexibility in forming a decree which is suited to the exigencies of the particular case. We do not question our power to grant the plaintiff’s request, but we find no compelling reasons for so doing. 16 The issue is not so burning, the time element so crucial, nor the cost so prohibitive that the voters should be deprived of an opportunity to vote on the issue again with the knоwledge that the proposal will be adopted if it receives a simple majority vote. 17 ’ *
Notes
. For an interpretation of the legislative history of this provision see Bard v. City of Minneapolis,
. Sec. 2 of Chapter 1027 reads:
“[410.121] Sale of intoxicating liquor or wine; favorable vote.
“If the charter which is to be amended or replaced contains provisions which prohibit the sale of intoxicating liquor or wine in certain areas, such provisions shall not be amended or removed unless 55 percent of the votes cast on the proposition shall be in favor thereof.”
. Defеndants, both at the hearing held on September 15, 1969, and by subsequent letters, have indicated to the Court that they believe that intervenor Dodds has sufficiently presented their ease and that they could add nothing.
. Plaintiff brought this case under 28 U.S. C.A. § 1343(3), to redress the deprivation “under color of state law” of a “right, privilege or immunity secured by the Constitution of the United States * * Plaintiff asserts a “plain, direct and adequate interest in maintaining the effectiveness of” his vote, Coleman v. Miller,
“When a State exercises pоwer wholly within the domain of state interest, it is insulated from federal judicial review. But such insulation is not carried over when state power is used as an instrument for circumventing a federally protected right.”
. E. g., Lucas v. Forty-Fourth Gen. Assembly of Colo.,
. Kramer v. Union Free School District No. 15,
. As stated by Justice Douglas in his dissenting opinion in South v. Peters,
. The Court notes that to date several state courts have applied the principle of one man, one vote in cases involving substantially the same issues presented here. In Lance v. County of Roane et al., W.Va.,
“(T)he ‘one person, one vote’ principle has been stated in general terms and without qualification under the Equal Protection Clause. The application of that general principle has not, to our knowledge, been denied in any other area of voting in public elections.”
See also, Lorez v. Shannon, No. 16043 (Superior Court of California, Sutter County, August 8, 1969); and Bogert v. Kinzer, No. 27864 (District Court of the Sixth District of Idaho, Bannock County, April 3, 1969).
. It is clearly within the power of the state legislature to enact laws controlling liquor traffic within the state. It may well have been a proper exercise of that power for the state to directly enact legislation prescribing where within the city boundaries liquor businesses may be established.
. Article XI, § 4, of the Minnesota constitution, under which the legislature enacted the laws providing for public referendum on the amending of city charters, provides that “Amendments may be proposed and adopted in any other manner provided by law.” This made it discretionary with the legislature whether to grant to the people the franchise on this matter or to devise procedures whereby the legislature itself could amend city charters.
Of course, the fact that the question scheduled for election need not have been submitted to the voters under this constitutional scheme is not a controlling factor in this case. Kramer v. Union Free School District No. 15,
supra,
. M.S.A.Const. art. 4, § 13.
. In Kramer v. Union Free School District No. 15,
supra
at 627 n. 7,
. Compare Harper v. Virginia Bd. of Elections,
“(O)nee the franchise is granted to the electorate, lines may not be drawn which are inconsistent with the Equal Protec *70 tion Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment.”
. See Avery v. Midland County,
“(W)hen the State delegates lawmaking power to local government and provides for the election of public officials from, districts specified by statute, ordinance, or local charter, it must insure that those qualified to vote have the right to an equally effective voice in the election process.”
. In Harper v. Virginia Bd. of Elections,
supra,
. In Bell v. Southwell,
. For a similar case declaring part of a statute unconstitutional but retaining the other procedures under the statute, see: Shapiro v. Thompson,
The writer of this opinion differs with his colleagues only with regard to the form of relief granted herein. The writer would declare the statute invalid in its entirety and thus require the parties to await action by the state legislature in the light of the reasoning and holding in this opinion. He feels that in doing otherwise, this Court usurps legislative prerogatives.
