RICHMOND NEWSPAPERS, INC., ET AL. v. VIRGINIA ET AL.
No. 79-243
Supreme Court of the United States
Argued February 19, 1980—Decided July 2, 1980
448 U.S. 555
Laurence H. Tribe argued the cause for appellants. With him on the briefs were Andrew J. Brent, Alexander Wellford, Leslie W. Mullins, and David Rosenberg.
Marshall Coleman, Attorney General of Virginia, argued the cause for appellees. With him on the brief were James E. Moore, Leonard L. Hopkins, Jr., Martin A. Donlan, Jr., and Jerry P. Slonaker, Assistant Attorneys General.*
MR. CHIEF JUSTICE BURGER announced the judgment of the Court and delivered an opinion, in which MR. JUSTICE WHITE and MR. JUSTICE STEVENS joined.
The narrow question presented in this case is whether the right of the public and press to attend criminal trials is guaranteed under the United States Constitution.
I
In March 1976, one Stevenson was indicted for the murder of a hotel manager who had been found stabbed to death on December 2, 1975. Tried promptly in July 1976, Stevenson was convicted of second-degree murder in the Circuit Court of Hanover County, Va. The Virginia Supreme Court reversed the conviction in October 1977, holding that a bloodstained shirt purportedly belonging to Stevenson had been improperly admitted into evidence. Stevenson v. Commonwealth, 218 Va. 462, 237 S. E. 2d 779.
Stevenson was retried in the same court. This second trial ended in a mistrial on May 30, 1978, when a juror asked to be excused after trial had begun and no alternate was available.1
A third trial, which began in the same court on June 6, 1978, also ended in a mistrial. It appears that the mistrial may have been declared because a prospective juror had read about Stevenson‘s previous trials in a newspaper and had told other prospective jurors about the case before the retrial began. See App. 35a-36a.
Stevenson was tried in the same court for a fourth timе beginning on September 11, 1978. Present in the courtroom when the case was called were appellants Wheeler and McCarthy, reporters for appellant Richmond Newspapers, Inc. Before the trial began, counsel for the defendant moved that it be closed to the public:
“[T]here was this woman that was with the family of the deceased when we were here before. She had sat in the Courtroom. I would like to ask that everybody be excluded from the Courtroom because I don‘t want any information being shuffled back and forth when we have
The trial judge, who had presided over two of the three previous trials, asked if the prosecution had any objection to clearing the courtroom. The prosecutor stated he had no objection and would leave it to the discretion of the court. Id., at 4. Presumably referring to
Later that same day, however, appellants sought a hearing on a motion to vacate the closure order. The trial judge granted the request and scheduled a hearing to follow the close of the day‘s proceedings. When the hearing began, the court ruled that the hearing was to be treated as part of the trial; accordingly, he again ordered the reporters to leave the courtroom, and they complied.
At the closed hearing, counsel for appellants observed that no evidentiary findings had been made by the court prior to the entry of its closure order and pointed out that the court had failed to consider any other, less drastic measures within its power to ensure a fair trial. Tr. of Sept. 11, 1978 Hearing on Motion to Vacate 11-12. Counsel for appellants argued that constitutional considerations mandated that before ordering closure, the court should first decide that the rights of the defendant could be protected in no other way.
The trial judge noted that counsel for the defendant had made similar statements at the morning hearing. The court also stated:
“[O]ne of the other points that we take into consideration in this particular Courtroom is layout of the Courtroom. I think that having people in the Courtroom is distracting to the jury. Now, we have to have certain people in here and maybe that‘s not a very good reason. When we get into our new Court Building, people can sit in the audience so the jury can‘t see them. The rule of the Court may be different under those circumstances ....” Id., at 19.
The prosecutor again declined comment, and the court summed up by saying:
“I‘m inclined to agree with [defense counsel] that, if I feel that the rights of the defendant arе infringed in any way, [when] he makes the motion to do something and it doesn‘t completely override all rights of everyone else, then I‘m inclined to go along with the defendant‘s motion.” Id., at 20.
The court denied the motion to vacate and ordered the trial to continue the following morning “with the press and public excluded.” Id., at 27; App. 21a.
What transpired when the closed trial resumed the next day was disclosed in the following manner by an order of the court entered September 12, 1978:
“[I]n the absence of the jury, the defendant by counsel
“At the conclusion of the Commonwealth‘s evidence, the attorney for the defendant moved the Court to strike the Commonwealth‘s evidence on grounds stated to the record, which Motion was sustained by the Court.
“And the jury having been excused, the Court doth find the accused NOT GUILTY of Murder, as charged in the Indictment, and he was allowed to depart.” Id., at 22a.3
On September 27, 1978, the trial court granted appellants’ motion to intervene nunc pro tunc in the Stevenson case. Appellants then petitioned the Virginia Supreme Court for writs of mandamus and prohibition and filed an appeal from the trial court‘s closure order. On July 9, 1979, the Virginia Supreme Court dismissed the mandamus and prohibition petitions and, finding no reversible error, denied the petition for appeal. Id., at 23a-28a.
Appellants then sought review in this Court, invoking both our appellate,
The criminal trial which appellants sought to attend has long since ended, and there is thus some suggestion that the case is moot. This Court has frequently recognized, however, that its jurisdiction is not necеssarily defeated by the practical termination of a contest which is short-lived by nature. See, e. g., Gannett Co. v. DePasquale, 443 U. S. 368, 377-378 (1979); Nebraska Press Assn. v. Stuart, 427 U. S. 539, 546-547 (1976). If the underlying dispute is “capable of repetition, yet evading review,” Southern Pacific Terminal Co. v. ICC, 219 U. S. 498, 515 (1911), it is not moot.
Since the Virginia Supreme Court declined plenary review, it is reasonably foreseeable that other trials may be closed by other judges without any more showing of need than is presented on this record. More often than not, criminal trials will be of sufficiently short duration that a closure order “will evade review, or at least considered plenary review in this Court.” Nebraska Press, supra, at 547. Accordingly, we turn to the merits.
II
We begin consideration of this case by noting that the precise issue presented here has not previously been before this
In prior cases the Court has treated questions involving conflicts between publicity and a defendant‘s right to a fair trial; as we observed in Nebraska Press Assn. v. Stuart, supra, at 547, “[t]he problems presented by this [conflict] are almost as old as the Republic.” See also, e. g., Gannett, supra; Murphy v. Florida, 421 U. S. 794 (1975); Sheppard v. Maxwell, 384 U. S. 333 (1966); Estes v. Texas, 381 U. S. 532 (1965). But here for the first time the Court is asked to decide whether a criminal trial itself may be closed to the public upon the unopposed request of a defendant, without any demonstration that closure is required to protect the defendant‘s superior right to a fair trial, or that some other overriding consideration requires closure.
A
The origins of the proceeding which has become the modern criminal trial in Anglo-American justice can be traced back beyond reliable historical records. We need not here review all details of its development, but a summary of that history is instructive. What is significant for present purposes is that throughout its evolution, the trial has been open to all who cared to observe.
With the gradual evolution of the jury system in the years after the Norman Conquest, see, e. g., id., at 316, the duty of all freemen to attend trials to render judgment was relaxed, but there is no indication that criminal trials did not remain public. When certain groups were excused from compelled attendance, see the
Although there appear to be few contemporary statements
“the King‘s will was that all evil doers should be punished after their deserts, and that justice should be ministered indifferently to rich as to poor; and for the better accomplishing of this, he prayed the community of the county by their attendance there to lend him their aid in the establishing of a happy and certain peace that should be both for the honour of the realm and for their own welfare.” 1 Holdsworth, supra, at 268, quoting from the S. S. edition of the Eyre of Kent, vol. i., p. 2 (emphasis added).
From these early times, although great changes in courts and procedure took place, one thing remained constant: the public character of the trial at which guilt or innocence was decided. Sir Thomas Smith, writing in 1565 about “the definitive proceedinges in causes criminall,” explained that, while the indictment was put in writing as in civil law countries:
“All the rest is doone openlie in the presence of the Judges, the Justices, the enquest, the prisoner, and so manie as will or can come so neare as to heare it, and all depositions and witnesses given aloude, that all men may heare from the mouth of the depositors and witnesses what is saide.” T. Smith, De Republica Anglorum 101 (Alston ed. 1972) (emphasis added).
Three centuries later, Sir Frederick Pollock was able to state of the “rule of publicity” that, “[h]ere we have one tradition, at any rate, which has persisted through all changes.” F. Pollock, The Expansion of the Common Law 31-32 (1904). See also E. Jenks, The Book of English Law 73-74 (6th ed. 1967): “[O]ne of the most conspicuous features of English justice, that all judicial trials are held in open court, to which the
We have found nothing to suggest that the presumptive openness of the trial, which English courts were later to call “one of the essential qualities of a court of justice,” Daubney v. Cooper, 10 B. & C. 237, 240, 109 Eng. Rep. 438, 440 (K. B. 1829), was not also an attribute of the judicial systems of colonial America. In Virginia, for example, such records as there are of early criminal trials indicate that they were open, and nothing to the contrary has been cited. See A. Scott, Criminal Law in Colonial Virginia 128-129 (1930); Reinsch, The English Common Law in the Early American Colonies, in 1 Select Essays in Anglo-American Legal History 367, 405 (1907). Indeed, when in the mid-1600‘s the Virginia Assembly felt that the respect due the courts was “by the clamorous unmannerlynes of the people lost, and order, gravity and decoram which should manifest the authority of a court in the court it selfe neglected,” the response was not to restrict the openness of the trials to the public, but instead to prescribe rules for the conduct of those attending them. See Scott, supra, at 132.
In some instances, the openness of trials was explicitly recognized as part of the fundamental law of the Colony. The 1677 Concessions and Agreements of West New Jersey, for example, provided:
“That in all publick courts of justice for tryals of causes, civil or criminal, any person or persons, inhabitants of the said Province may freely come into, and attend the said courts, and hear and be present, at all or any such tryals as shall be there had or passed, that justice may not be done in a corner nor in any covert manner.” Reprinted in Sources of Our Liberties 188 (R. Perry ed. 1959).
See also 1 B. Schwartz, The Bill of Rights: A Documentary History 129 (1971).
Other contemporary writings confirm the recognitiоn that part of the very nature of a criminal trial was its openness to those who wished to attend. Perhaps the best indication of this is found in an address to the inhabitants of Quebec which was drafted by a committee consisting of Thomas Cushing, Richard Henry Lee, and John Dickinson and approved by the First Continental Congress on October 26, 1774. 1 Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774-1789, pp. 101, 105 (1904) (Journals). This address, written to explain the position of the Colonies and to gain the support of the people of Quebec, is an “exposition of the fundamental rights of the colonists, as they were understood by a representative assembly chosen from all the colonies.” 1 Schwartz, supra, at 221. Because it was intended for the inhabitants of Quebec, who had been “educated under another form of government” and had only recently become English subjects, it was thought desirable for the Continental Congress to explain “the inestimable advantages of a free English constitution of government, which it is the privilege of all English subjects to enjoy.” 1 Journals 106.
“[One] great right is that of trial by jury. This provides, that neither life, liberty nor property, can be taken from the possessor, until twelve of his unexceptionable countrymen and peers of his vicinage, who from that neighbourhood may reasonably be supposed to be acquainted with his character, and the characters of the witnesses, upon a fair trial, and full enquiry, face to face, in open Court, before as many of the people as chuse to
attend, shall pass their sentence upon oath against him....” Id., at 107 (emphasis added).
B
As we have shown, and as was shown in both the Court‘s opinion and the dissent in Gannett, 443 U. S., at 384, 386, n. 15, 418-425, the historical evidence demonstrates conclusively that at the time when our organic laws were adopted, criminal trials both here and in England had long been presumptively open. This is no quirk of history; rather, it has long been recognized as an indispensable attribute of an Anglo-American trial. Both Hale in the 17th century and Blackstone in the 18th saw the importance of openness to the proper functioning of a trial; it gave assurance that the proceedings were conducted fairly to all concerned, and it discouraged perjury, the misconduct of participants, and decisions based on secret bias or partiality. See, e. g., M. Hale, The History of the Common Law of England 343-345 (6th ed. 1820); 3 W. Blackstone, Commentaries *372-*373. Jeremy Bentham not only recognized the therapeutic value of open justice but regarded it as the keystone:
“Without publicity, all other checks are insufficient: in comparison of publicity, all other checks are of small account. Recordation, appeal, whatever other institutions might present themselves in the character of checks, would be found to operate rather as cloaks than checks; as cloaks in reality, as checks only in appearance.” 1 J. Bentham, Rationale of Judicial Evidence 524 (1827).7
Panegyrics on the values of openness were by no means confined to self-praise by the English. Foreign observers of English criminal procedure in the 18th and early 19th cen-
“The main excellence of the English judicature consists in publicity, in the free trial by jury, and in the extraordinary despatch with which business is transacted. The publicity of their proceedings is indeed astonishing. Free access to the courts is universally granted.” C. Goede, A Foreigner‘s Opinion of England 214 (Horne trans. 1822). (Emphasis added.)
The nexus between openness, fairness, and the perception of fairness was not lost on them:
“[T]he judge, the counsel, and the jury, are constantly exposed to public animadversion; and this greatly tends to augment the extraordinary confidence, which the English repose in the administration of justice.” Id., at 215.
This observation raises the important point that “[t]he publicity of a judicial proceeding is a requirement of much broader bearing than its mere effect upon the quality of testimony . . . .” 6 J. Wigmore, Evidence § 1834, p. 435 (J. Chadbourn rev 1976).8 The early history of open trials in part reflects the widespread acknowledgment, long before there were behavioral scientists, that public trials had significant community therapeutic value. Even without such experts to frame
When a shocking crime occurs, a community reaction of outrage and public protest often follows. See H. Weihofen, The Urge to Punish 130-131 (1956). Thereafter the open processes of justice serve an important prophylactic purpose, providing an outlet for community concern, hostility, and emotion. Without an awareness that society‘s responses to criminal conduct are underway, natural human reactions of outrage and protest are frustrated and may manifest themselves in some form of vengeful “self-help,” as indeed they did regularly in the activities of vigilante “committees” on our frontiers. “The accusation and conviction or acquittal, as much perhaps as the execution of punishment, operat[e] to restore the imbalance which was created by the offense or public charge, to reaffirm the temporarily lost feeling of security and, perhaps, to satisfy that latent ‘urge to punish.‘” Mueller, Problems Posed by Publicity to Crime and Criminal Proceedings, 110 U. Pa. L. Rev. 1, 6 (1961).
Civilized societies withdraw both from the victim and the vigilante the enforcement of criminal laws, but they cannot erase from people‘s consciousness the fundamental, natural yearning to see justice done—or even the urge for retribution. The crucial prophylactic aspects of the administration of justice cannot function in the dark; no community catharsis can occur if justice is “done in a corner [or] in any covert manner.” Supra, at 567. It is not enough to say that results alone will satiate the natural community desire for “satisfaction.” A result considered untoward may undermine public confidence, and where the trial has been concealed from public view an unexpected outcome can cause a reaction that the system at best has failed and at worst has been corrupted. To work effectively, it is important that society‘s criminal
Looking back, we see that when the ancient “town meeting” form of trial became too cumbersome, 12 members of the community were delegated to act as its surrogates, but the community did not surrender its right to observe the conduct of trials. The people retained a “right of visitation” which enabled them to satisfy themselves that justice was in fact being done.
People in an open society do not demand infallibility from their institutions, but it is difficult for them to accept what they are prohibited from observing. When a criminal trial is conducted in the open, there is at least an opportunity both for understanding the system in general and its workings in a particular case:
“The educative effect of public attendance is a material advantage. Not only is respect for the law increased and intelligent acquaintance acquired with the methods of government, but a strong confidence in judicial remedies is secured which could never be inspired by a system of secrecy.” 6 Wigmore, supra, at 438. See also 1 J. Bentham, Rationale of Judicial Evidence, at 525.
In earlier times, both in England and America, attendance at court was a common mode of “passing the time.” See, e. g., 6 Wigmore, supra, at 436; Mueller, supra, at 6. With the press, cinema, and electronic media now supplying the representations or reality of the real life drama once available only in the courtroom, attendance at court is no longer a widespread pastime. Yet “[i]t is not unrealistic even in this day to believe that public inclusion affords citizens a form of legal education and hopefully promotes confidence in the fair administration of justice.” State v. Schmit, 273 Minn. 78, 87-88, 139 N. W. 2d 800, 807 (1966). Instead of acquiring information about trials by firsthand observation or by word
C
From this unbroken, uncontradicted history, supported by reasons as valid today as in centuries past, we are bound to conclude that a presumption of openness inheres in the very nature of a criminal trial under our system of justice. This conclusion is hardly novel; without a direct holding on the issue, the Court has voiced its recognition of it in a variety of contexts over the years.9 Even while holding, in Levine v.
“[W]hile the right to a ‘public trial’ is explicitly guaranteed by the Sixth Amendment only for ‘criminal prosecutions,’ that provision is a reflection of the notion, deeply rooted in the common law, that ‘justice must satisfy the appearance of justice.’ . . . [D]ue process demands appropriate regard for the requirements of a public proceeding in cases of criminal contempt . . . as it does for all adjudications through the exercise of the judicial power, barring narrowly limited categories of exceptions ....” Id., at 616.10
And recently in Gannett Co. v. DePasquale, 443 U. S. 368 (1979), both the majority, id., at 384, 386, n. 15, and dissenting opinion, id., at 423, agreed that open trials were part of the common-law tradition.
III
A
The
The Bill of Rights was enacted against the backdrop of the long history of trials being presumptively open. Public access to trials was then regarded as an important aspect of the process itself; the conduct of trials “before as many of the people as chuse to attend” was regarded as one of “the inestimable advantages of a free English constitution of government.” 1 Journals 106, 107. In guaranteeing freedoms such as those of speech and press, the
It is not crucial whether we describe this right to attend criminal trials to hear, see, and communicate observations concerning them as a “right of access,” cf. Gannett, supra, at 397 (POWELL, J., concurring); Saxbe v. Washington Post Co., 417 U.S. 843 (1974); Pell v. Procunier, 417 U.S. 817 (1974),11 or a “right to gather information,” for we have recognized that “without some protection for seeking out the news, freedom of the press could be eviscerated.” Branzburg v. Hayes, 408 U.S. 665, 681 (1972). The explicit, guaranteed rights to speak and to publish concerning what takes place at a
B
The right of access to places traditionally open to the public, as criminal trials have long been, may be seen as assured by the amalgam of the
“The right of peaceable assembly is a right cognate to those of free speech and free press and is equally fundamental.” De Jonge v. Oregon, 299 U.S. 353, 364 (1937). People assemble in public places not only to speak or to take action, but also to listen, observe, and learn; indeed, they may “assembl[e] for any lawful purpose,” Hague v. CIO, 307 U.S. 496, 519 (1939) (opinion of Stone, J.). Subject to the traditional time, place, and manner restrictions, see, e. g., Cox v. New Hampshire, 312 U.S. 569 (1941); see also Cox v. Louisiana, 379 U.S. 559, 560-564 (1965), streets, sidewalks, and parks are places traditionally open, where
C
The State argues that the Constitution nowhere spells out a guarantee for the right of the public to attend trials, and that accordingly no such right is protected. The possibility that such a contention could be made did not escape the notice of the Constitution‘s draftsmen; they were concerned that some important rights might be thought disparaged because not specifically guaranteed. It was even argued that because of this danger no Bill of Rights should be adopted. See, e. g., The Federalist No. 84 (A. Hamilton). In a letter to Thomas Jefferson in October 1788, James Madison explained why he, although “in favor of a bill of rights,” had “not viewed it in an important light” up to that time: “I conceive that in a certain degree ... the rights in question are reserved by the manner in which the federal powers are granted.” He went on to state that “there is great reason to fear that a positive declaration of some of the most essential rights could not be obtained in the requisite latitude.” 5 Writings of James Madison 271 (G. Hunt ed. 1904).15
But arguments such as the State makes have not precluded recognition of important rights not enumerated. Notwithstanding the appropriate caution against reading into the Constitution rights not explicitly defined, the Court has acknowledged that certain unarticulated rights are implicit in enumerated guarantees. For example, the rights of association and of privacy, the right to be presumed innocent, and the right to be judged by a standard of proof beyond a rea-
We hold that the right to attend criminal trials17 is implicit in the guarantees of the
D
Having concluded there was a guaranteed right of the public under the
Reversed.
MR. JUSTICE POWELL took no part in the consideration or decision of this case.
MR. JUSTICE WHITE, concurring.
This case would have been unnecessary had Gannett Co. v. DePasquale, 443 U.S. 368 (1979), construed the
MR. JUSTICE STEVENS, concurring.
This is a watershed case. Until today the Court has accorded virtually absolute protection to the dissemination of information or ideas, but never before has it squarely held that the acquisition of newsworthy matter is entitled to any constitutional protection whatsoever. An additional word of emphasis is therefore appropriate.
Twice before, the Court has implied that any governmental restriction on access to information, no matter how severe and no matter how unjustified, would be constitutionally acceptable so long as it did not single out the press for special disabilities not applicable to the public at large. In a dissent joined by MR. JUSTICE BRENNAN and MR. JUSTICE MARSHALL in Saxbe v. Washington Post Co., 417 U.S. 843, 850, MR. JUSTICE POWELL unequivocally rejected the conclusion that “any governmental restriction on press access to information,
Today, however, for the first time, the Court unequivocally holds that an arbitrary interference with access to important information is an abridgment of the freedoms of speech and of the press protected by the First Amendment.
It is somewhat ironic that the Court should find more reason to recognize a right of access today than it did in Houchins. For Houchins involved the plight of a segment of society least able to protect itself, an attack on a long-standing policy of concealment, and an absence of any legitimate justification for abridging public access to information about how government operates. In this case we are protecting the interests of the most powerful voices in the community, we are concerned with an almost unique exception to an established tradition of openness in the conduct of crim-
In any event, for the reasons stated in Part II of my Houchins opinion, 438 U.S., at 30-38, as well as those stated by THE CHIEF JUSTICE today, I agree that the First Amendment protects the public and the press from abridgment of their rights of access to information about the operation of their government, including the Judicial Branch; given the total absence of any record justification for the closure order entered in this case, that order violated the First Amendment.
MR. JUSTICE BRENNAN, with whom MR. JUSTICE MARSHALL joins, concurring in the judgment.
Gannett Co. v. DePasquale, 443 U.S. 368 (1979), held that the
I
While freedom of expression is made inviolate by the
The Court‘s approach in right-of-access cases simply reflects the special nature of а claim of
However, because “the stretch of this protection is theoretically endless,” Brennan, supra, at 177, it must be invoked with discrimination and temperance. For so far as the participating citizen‘s need for information is concerned, “[t]here are few restrictions on action which could not be clothed by ingenious argument in the garb of decreased data flow.” Zemel v. Rusk, supra, at 16-17. An assertion of the prerogative to gather information must accordingly be assayed by considering the information sought and the opposing interests invaded.5
This judicial task is as much a matter of sensitivity to practical necessities as it is of abstract reasoning. But at least
To resolve the case before us, therefore, we must consult historical and current practice with respect to open trials, and weigh the importance of public access to the trial process itself.
II
“This nation‘s accepted practice of guaranteeing a public trial to an accused has its roots in our English common law heritage.” In re Oliver, 333 U.S. 257, 266 (1948); see Gannett Co. v. DePasquale, 443 U.S., at 419-420 (BLACKMUN, J., concurring and dissenting). Indeed, historically and functionally, open trials have been closely associated with the development of the fundamental procedure of trial by jury. In re Oliver, supra, at 266; Radin, The Right to a Public Trial, 6 Temp. L. Q. 381, 388 (1932).6 Pre-eminent English legal observers and commentators have unreservedly acknowledged and applauded the public character of the common-law
This legacy of open justice was inherited by the English settlers in America. The earliest charters of colonial government expressly perpetuated the accepted practice of public trials. See Concessions and Agreements of West New Jersey, 1677, ch. XXIII;10 Pennsylvania Frame of Government, 1682, Laws Agreed Upon in England, V.11 “There is no evidence that any colonial court conducted criminal trials behind closed doors....” Gannett Co. v. DePasquale, supra, at 425 (BLACKMUN, J., concurring and dissenting). Subsequently framed state constitutions also prescribed open trial proceedings. See, e. g., Pennsylvania Declaration of Rights, 1776, IX;12 North Carolina Declaration of Rights, 1776, IX;13 Vermont Declaration of Rights, X (1777);14 see also In re Oliver, 333 U.S., at 267. “Following the ratification in 1791 of the Federal Constitution‘s
This Court too has persistently defended the public character of the trial process. In re Oliver established that the Due Process Clause of the
“[i]n view of this nation‘s historic distrust of secret proceedings, their inherent dangers to freedom, and the universal requirement of our federal and state governments that criminal trials be public, the Fourteenth Amendment‘s guarantee that no one shall be deprived of his liberty without due process of law means at least that an accused cannot be thus sentenced to prison.” Id., at 273.16
By the same token, a special solicitude for the public character of judicial proceedings is evident in the Court‘s rulings upholding the right to report about the administration of justice. While these decisions are impelled by the classic protections afforded by the
“[w]ith respect to judicial proceedings in particular, the function of the press serves to guarantee the fairness of trials and to bring to bear the beneficial effects of public scrutiny upon the administration of justice.” See Time, Inc. v. Firestone, 424 U.S. 448, 473-474, 476-478 (1976) (BRENNAN, J., dissenting) (open judicial process is essential to fulfill “the First Amendment guarantees to the people of this Nation that they shall retain the necessary means of control over their institutions....“).
Tradition, contemporaneous state рractice, and this Court‘s own decisions manifest a common understanding that “[a] trial is a public event. What transpires in the court room is public property.” Craig v. Harney, 331 U.S. 367, 374 (1947). As a matter of law and virtually immemorial custom, public trials have been the essentially unwavering rule in ancestral England and in our own Nation. See In re Oliver, 333 U.S., at 266-268; Gannett Co. v. DePasquale, 443 U.S., at 386, n. 15; id., at 418-432, and n. 11 (BLACKMUN, J., concurring and dissenting).18 Such abiding adherence to the principle of open trials “reflect[s] a profound judgment about the way in which law should be enforced and justice administered.” Duncan v. Louisiana, 391 U.S. 145, 155 (1968).
III
Publicity serves to advance several of the particular purposes of the trial (and, indeed, the judicial) process. Open trials play a fundamental role in furthering the efforts of our judicial system to assure the criminal defendant a fair and accurate adjudication of guilt or innocence. See, e. g., Estes v. Texas, 381 U.S., at 538-539. But, as a feature of our
The trial is a means of meeting “the notion, deeply rooted in the common law, that ‘justice must satisfy the appearance of justice.‘” Levine v. United States, 362 U.S. 610, 616 (1960), quoting Offutt v. United States, 348 U.S. 11, 14 (1954); accord, Gannett Co. v. DePasquale, supra, at 429 (BLACKMUN, J., concurring and dissenting); see Cowley v. Pulsifer, 137 Mass. 392, 394 (1884) (Holmes, J.). For a civilization founded upon principles of ordered liberty to survive and flourish, its members must share the conviction that they are governed equitably. That necessity underlies constitutional provisions as diverse as the rule against takings without just compensation, see PruneYard Shopping Center v. Robins, 447 U.S. 74, 82-83, and n. 7 (1980), and the Equal Protection Clause. It also mandates a system of justice that demonstrates the fairness of the law to our citizens. One
Secrecy is profoundly inimical to this demonstrative purpose of the trial process. Open trials assure the public that procedural rights are respected, and that justice is afforded equally. Closed trials breed suspicion of prejudice and arbitrariness, which in turn spawns disrespect for law. Public access is essential, therefore, if trial adjudication is to achieve the objective of maintaining public confidence in the administration of justice. See Gannett, supra, at 428-429 (BLACKMUN, J., concurring and dissenting).
But the trial is more than a demonstrably just method of adjudicating disputes and protecting rights. It plays a pivotal role in the entire judicial process, and, by extension, in our form of government. Under our system, judges are not mere umpires, but, in their own sphere, lawmakers—a coordinate branch of government.20 While individual cases turn upon the controversies between parties, or involve particular prosecutions, court rulings impose official and practical consequences upon members of society at large. Moreover, judges bear responsibility for the vitally important task of construing and securing constitutional rights. Thus, so far as the
It follows that the conduct of the trial is pre-eminently a matter of public interest. See Cox Broadcasting Corp. v. Cohn, 420 U. S., at 491-492; Maryland v. Baltimore Radio Show, Inc., 338 U. S. 912, 920 (1950) (opinion of Frankfurter, J., respecting denial of certiorari). More importantly, public access to trials acts as an important check, akin in purpose to the other checks and balances that infuse our system of government. “The knowledge that every criminal trial is subject to contemporaneous review in the forum of public opinion is an effective restraint on possible abuse of judicial power,” In re Oliver, 333 U. S., at 270—an abuse that, in many cases, would have ramifications beyond the impact upon the parties before the court. Indeed, “‘[w]ithout publicity, all other checks are insufficient: in comparison of publicity, all other checks are of small account.‘” Id., at 271, quoting 1 J. Bentham, Rationale of Judicial Evidence 524 (1827); see 3 W. Blackstone, Commentaries *372; M. Hale, History of the Common Law of England 344 (6th ed. 1820); 1 J. Bryce, The American Commonwealth 514 (rev. 1931).
Finally, with some limitations, a trial aims at true and accurate factfinding. Of course, proper factfinding is to the benefit of criminal defendants and of the parties in civil proceedings. But other, comparably urgent, interests are also often at stake. A miscarriage of justice that imprisons an innocent accused also leaves a guilty party at large, a continuing threat to society. Also, mistakes of fact in civil litigation may inflict costs upon others than the plaintiff and defendant. Facilitation of the trial factfinding process, therefore, is of concern to the public as well as to the parties.21
Publicizing trial proceedings aids accurate factfinding. “Public trials come to the attention of key witnesses unknown
“open examination of witnesses viva voce, in the presence of all mankind, is much more conducive to the clearing up of truth, than the private and secret examination . . . where a witness may frequently depose that in private, which he will be ashamed to testify in a public and solemn tribunal.” 3 Blackstone, supra, at *373.
See Tanksley v. United States, supra, at 59-60; Hale, supra, at 345; 1 Bentham, supra, at 522-523. And experience has borne out these assertions about the truthfinding role of publicity. See Hearings on S. 290 before the Subcоmmittee on Constitutional Rights and the Subcommittee on Improvements in Judicial Machinery of the Senate Judiciary Committee, 89th Cong., 1st Sess., pt. 2, pp. 433-434, 437-438 (1966).
Popular attendance at trials, in sum, substantially furthers the particular public purposes of that critical judicial proceeding.22 In that sense, public access is an indispensable element of the trial process itself. Trial access, therefore, assumes structural importance in our “government of laws,” Marbury v. Madison, 1 Cranch 137, 163 (1803).
IV
As previously noted, resolution of
MR. JUSTICE STEWART, concurring in the judgment.
In Gannett Co. v. DePasquale, 443 U. S. 368, the Court held that the
Whatever the ultimate answer to that question may be with respect to pretrial suppression hearings in criminal cases, the
In conspicuous contrast to a military base, Greer v. Spock, 424 U. S. 828; a jail, Adderley v. Florida, 385 U. S. 39; or a prison, Pell v. Procunier, 417 U. S. 817, a trial courtroom is a public place. Even more than city streets, sidewalks, and
But this does not mean that the
Since in the present case the trial judge appears to have
It is upon the basis of these principles that I concur in the judgment.
MR. JUSTICE BLACKMUN, concurring in the judgment.
My opinion and vote in partial dissent last Term in Gannett Co. v. DePasquale, 443 U. S. 368, 406 (1979), compels my vote to reverse the judgment of the Supreme Court of Virginia.
I
The decision in this case is gratifying for me for two reasons:
It is gratifying, first, to see the Court now looking to and relying upon legal history in determining the fundamental public character of the criminal trial. Ante, at 564-569, 572-574, and n. 9. The partial dissent in Gannett, 443 U. S., at 419-433, took great pains in assembling—I believe adequately—the historical material and in stressing its importance to this area of the law. See also MR. JUSTICE BRENNAN‘s helpful review set forth as Part II of his opinion in the present case. Ante, at 589-593. Although the Court in Gannett gave a modicum of lip service to legal history, 443 U. S., at 386, n. 15, it denied its obvious application when the defense and the prosecution, with no resistance by the trial judge, agreed that the proceeding should be closed.
The Court‘s return to history is a welcome change in direction.
It is gratifying, second, to see the Court wash away at least some of the graffiti that marred the prevailing opinions in Gannett. No fewer than 12 times in the primary opinion in that case, the Court (albeit in what seems now to have be-
II
The Court‘s ultimate ruling in Gannett, with such clarification as is provided by the opinions in this case today, apparently is now to the effect that there is no
The Court, however, has eschewed the
Having said all this, and with the
I also would reverse, and I join the judgment of the Court.
MR. JUSTICE REHNQUIST, dissenting.
In the Gilbert and Sullivan operetta “Iolanthe,” the Lord Chancellor recites:
“The Law is the true embodiment
of everything that‘s excellent,
It has no kind of fault or flaw,
And I, my Lords, embody the Law.”
It is difficult not to derive more than a little of this flavor from the various opinions supporting the judgment in this case. The opinion of THE CHIEF JUSTICE states:
“[H]ere for the first time the Court is asked to decide whether a criminal trial itself may be closed to the public upon the unopposed request of a defendant, without any
demonstration that closure is required to protect the defendant‘s superior right to a fair trial, or that some other overriding consideration requires closure.” Ante, at 564.
The opinion of MR. JUSTICE BRENNAN states:
“Read with care and in context, our decisions must therefore be understood as holding only that any privilege of access to governmental information is subject to a degree of restraint dictated by the nature of the information and countervailing interests in security or confidentiality.” Ante, at 586.
For the reasons stated in my separate concurrence in Gannett Co. v. DePasquale, 443 U. S. 368, 403 (1979), I do not believe that either the
We have at present 50 state judicial systems and one federal judicial system in the United States, and our authority to reverse a decision by the highest court of the State is limited to only those occasions when the state decision violates some provision of the United States Constitution. And that authority should be exercised with a full sense that the judges whose decisions we review are making the same effort as we to uphold the Constitution. As said by Mr. Justice Jackson, concurring in the result in Brown v. Allen, 344 U. S. 443, 540 (1953), “we are not final because we are infallible, but we are infallible only because we are final.”
The proper administration of justice in any nation is bound to be a matter of the highest concern to all thinking citizens.
However high-minded the impulses which originally spawned this trend may have been, and which impulses have been accentuated since the time Mr. Justice Jackson wrote, it is basically unhealthy to have so much authority concentrated in a small group of lawyers who have been appointed to the Supreme Court and enjoy virtual life tenure. Nothing in the reasoning of Mr. Chief Justice Marshall in Marbury v. Madison, 1 Cranch 137 (1803), requires that this Court through ever-broadening use of the Supremacy Clause smother a healthy pluralism which would ordinarily exist in a national government embracing 50 States.
The issue here is not whether the “right” to freedom of the press conferred by the
Notes
“Neither the First Amendment nor the Fourteenth Amendment mandates a right of access to government information or sources of informаtion within the government‘s control.” 438 U.S., at 15 (opinion of BURGER, C. J.).
“The First and Fourteenth Amendments do not guarantee the public a right of access to information generated or controlled by government.... The Constitution does no more than assure the public and the press equal access once government has opened its doors.” Id., at 16 (STEWART, J., concurring in judgment).
Of course, theThis idea has been foreshadowed in MR. JUSTICE POWELL‘S dissent in Saxbe v. Washington Post Co., supra, at 862-863:
“What is at stake here is the societal function of the First Amendment in preserving free public discussion of governmental affairs. No aspect of that constitutional guarantee is more rightly treasured than its protection of the ability of our people through free and open debate to consider and resolve their own destiny.... ‘[The] First Amendment is one of the vital bulwarks of our national commitment to intelligent self-government.’ ... It embodies our Nation‘s commitment to popular self-determination and our abiding faith that the surest course for developing sound national policy lies in a free exchange of views on public issues. And public debate must not only be unfettered; it must also be informed. For that reason this Court has repeatedly stated that First Amendment concerns encompass the receipt of information and ideas as well as the right of free expression.” (Footnote omitted.)
In such situations, representatives of the press must be assured access. Houchins v. KQED, Inc., 438 U. S. 1, 16 (opinion concurring in judgment). I shall not again seek to demonstrate the errors of analysis in the Court‘s opinion in Gannett. I note, however, that the very existence of the present case illustrates the utter fallacy of thinking, in this context, that “the public interest is fully protected by the participants in the litigation.” Gannett Co. v. DePasquale, 443 U. S., at 384. Cf. id., at 438-439 (opinion in partial dissent).“A trial is a public event. What transpires in the court room is public property.” Craig v. Harney, 331 U. S. 367, 374 (1947) (Douglas, J.).
“[W]e have been unable to find a single instance of a criminal trial conducted in camera in any federal, state, or municipal court during the history of this country. Nor have we found any record of even one such secret criminal trial in England since abolition of the Court of Star Chamber in 1641, and whether that court ever convicted people secretly is in dispute....
“This nation‘s accepted practice of guaranteeing a public trial to an accused has its roots in our English common law heritage. The exact date of its origin is obscure, but it likely evolved long before the settlement of our land as an accompaniment of the ancient institution of jury trial.” In re Oliver, 333 U. S. 257, 266 (1948) (Black, J.) (footnotes omitted).
“One of the demands of a democratic society is that the public should know what goes on in courts by being told by the press what happens
there, to the end that the public may judge whether our system of criminal justice is fair and right.” Maryland v. Baltimore Radio Show, Inc., 338 U. S. 912, 920 (1950) (Frankfurter, J., dissenting from denial of certiorari).“It is true that the public has the right to be informed as to what occurs in its courts, . . . reporters of all media, including television, are always present if they wish to be and are plainly free to report whatever occurs in open court ....” Estes v. Texas, 381 U. S. 532, 541-542 (1965) (Clark, J.); see also id., at 583-584 (Warren, C. J., concurring). (The Court ruled, however, that the televising of the criminal trial over the defendant‘s objections violated his due process right to a fair trial.)
“The principle that justice cannot survive behind walls of silence has long been reflected in the ‘Anglo-American distrust for secret trials.‘” Sheppard v. Maxwell, 384 U. S. 333, 349 (1966) (Clark, J.).
First edition published in 1713.When the First Congress was debating the Bill of Rights, it was contended that there was no need separately to assert the right of assembly because it was subsumed in freedom of speech. Mr. Sedgwick of Massachusetts argued that inclusion of “assembly” among the enumerated rights would tend to make the Congress “appear trifling in the eyes of their constituents.... If people freely converse together, they must assemble for that purpose; it is a self-evident, unalienable right which the people possess; it is certainly a thing that never would be called in question....” 1 Annals of Cong. 731 (1789).
Since the right existed independent of any written guarantee, Sedgwick went on to argue that if it were the drafting committee‘s purpose to protect all inherent rights of the people by listing them, “they might have gone into a very lengthy enumeration of rights,” but this was unnecessary, he said, “in a Government where none of them were intended to be infringed.” Id., at 732.
Mr. Page of Virginia responded, however, that at times “such rights have been opposed,” and that “people have ... been prevented from assembling together on their lawful occasions“:
“[T]herefore it is well to guard against such stretches of authority, by inserting the privilege in the declaration of rights. If the people could
It is of course true that the right of assembly in our Bill of Rights was in large part drafted in reaction to restrictions on such rights in England. See, e. g., 1 Geo. 1, stat. 2, ch. 5 (1714); cf. 36 Geo. 3, ch. 8 (1795). As we have shown, the right of Englishmen to attend trials was not similarly limited; but it would be ironic indeed if the very historic openness of the trial could militate against protection of the right to attend it. The Constitution guarantees more than simply freedom from those abuses which led the Framers to single out particular rights. The very purpose of the First Amendment is to guarantee all facets of each right described; its draftsmen sought both to protect the “rights of Englishmen” and to enlarge their scope. See Bridges v. California, 314 U.S. 252, 263-265 (1941).
“There are no contrary implications in any part of the history of the period in which the First Amendment was framed and adopted. No purpose in ratifying the Bill of Rights was clearer than that of securing for the people of the United States much greater freedom of religion, expression, assembly, and petition than the people of Great Britain had ever enjoyed.” Id., at 265.
Id., at 323.