At issue here is the power of the Legislature to reenact a law while a referendum process regarding that law is pending but before the general election deciding the referendum. Plaintiffs 1 claim that, in granting declaratory relief to defendants, the trial court improperly determined that the Legislature has this power. We conclude that the relevant constitutional provisions do not deny the Legislature this power and we affirm.
STANDARD of review
Matters of constitutional and statutory interpretation are reviewed de novo.
Oakland Co Bd of Co Rd Comm’rs v Michigan Property & Casualty Guaranty Ass’n,
*87 When interpreting the constitution, the primary duty of the judiciary is to “ascertain as best the Court may the general understanding and therefore the uppermost or dominant purpose of the people when they approved the provision or provisions.” Michigan Farm Bureau v Secretary of State,379 Mich 387 , 390-391;151 NW2d 797 (1967). A constitutional provision must be interpreted in the “sense most obvious to the common understanding.” House Speaker v Governor,443 Mich 560 , 577;506 NW2d 190 (1993). [Bingo Coalition for Charity-Not Politics v Bd of State Canvassers,215 Mich App 405 , 409-410;546 NW2d 637 (1996).]
Similarly, when interpreting statutes, our primary goal is to ascertain and give effect to the intent of the Legislature.
Frankenmuth Mut Ins Co v Marlette Homes, Inc,
FACTUAL BACKGROUND
To understand the question presented and to aid in its proper analysis, it is necessary to outline the underlying facts in some detail. Before 1994, subsection 3(6) of the Bingo Act, MCL 432.103(6); MSA 18.969(103)(6), specifically provided that political candidate committees were among the “qualified organization^]” that could be licensed to conduct bingo.
The prohibition of bingo activity by political organizations was controversial and petitions for a statewide referendum on
*89
However, while the referendum petition certification and appeal were in process, the Legislature enacted
The Legislature gave
As a result of the passage of
After our Court’s determination in
Bingo Coalition
that all signatures collected with respect to
ANALYSIS
With respect to referendums, our Michigan Constitution states in pertinent part:
The people reserve to themselves . . . the power to approve or reject laws enacted by the legislature, called the referendum. . . . The power of referendum . . . must be invoked in the manner prescribed by law within 90 days following the final adjournment of the legislative session at which the law was enacted. To invoke the . . . referendum, petitions signed by a number of registered electors, not less than . . . five percent... of the total vote cast for all candidates for governor at the last preceding general election at which a governor was elected shall be required.
No law as to which the power of referendum properly has been invoked shall be effective thereafter unless approved by a majority of the electors voting thereon at the next general election.
* * *
Any law submitted to the people by . . . referendum petition and approved by a majority of the votes cast thereon at any election shall take effect 10 days after the date of the official declaration of the vote. . . . Laws approved by the people under the referendum provision of this section may be amended by the legislature at any subsequent session thereof. [Const 1963, art 2, § 9.]
The primary question raised in this appeal is whether, under these constitutional provisions, the Legislature was without authority to pass
We begin our analysis by considering our Supreme Court’s decision in Michigan Farm Bureau. The question presented there was whether referendum petition signatures could be collected and filed before the adjournment of the legislative session in which the challenged law was enacted. Michigan Farm Bureau, supra at 391-392. At issue was a state statute that exempted Michigan from the national daylight saving time program. Absent the statute, that national program would have advanced official time forward one hour from the last Sunday in April until the last Sunday in October each year. Id. at 392. In that context, the Court reasoned that a construction of the constitution that prevented the gathering of signatures before the adjournment of the legislative session could completely eradicate the people’s right to a referendum:
The construction claimed here by plaintiffs would permit outright legislative defeat, not just hindrance, of the people’s reserved right to test, by referendary process, the exemption made by Act No 6 or any like immediate-effect exemption the legislature might enact come the showers of April each year hereafter. To be specific: With such construction announced judicially, the legislature would stand free to avoid effective referral of this and future legislative exemptions . . . simply by repealing Act No 6 next November, then by enacting another immediate-effect act of exemption next spring and then by another repealer in the late fall, and so on through the years. [Id. at 394-395.]
*93 In other words, our Supreme Court was concerned that, with respect to the rather unique legislative issue presented there, a contrary result would have meant that the people might never be afforded the referendum right to express at a general election their will with respect to an enacted law. That right might be defeated through repeated repeals 7 (and reenactments) of the unique seasonal legislation at issue *94 there. The Court’s ruling thus prevented “outright legislative defeat, not just hindrance, of the people’s reserved right” to a referendum. Id. at 394.
Having arrived at this conclusion, the Court then proceeded to a very favorable discussion of
McBride v Kerby,
32 Ariz 515;
“Nowhere in the Constitution can be found even a suggestion that a referendum petition has any effect except the nullification of the particular measure referred until its approval by the voters, which inferentially would leave the legislature in full possession of all other ordinary constitutional powers.” [Id. at 396, quoting McBride, supra at 523.]
The Supreme Court summarized the McBride conclusion as being “that, after a measure has been referred and prior to the taking of the referendary vote, the legislature may — nay, must needs be left free to — legislate anew in the same area, subject always to the referral process should a sufficient numbers of electors petition therefor.” Michigan Farm Bureau, supra at 396. The Court then “commendfed] to our profession for application to” our constitution’s referendum provisions the following passage from McBride:
“Taken into consideration with subdivision 5, the only logical and consistent interpretation is that when an act of *95 the legislature is referred, that particular act is suspended in its operation, but that such suspension does not deprive the legislature of the right thereafter to pass, in the legal manner any measure it may deem advisable, notwithstanding such measure may deal with exactly the same subject as the referred act, and in the same manner, but subject, of course, to the same right of reference as was the original act.” [Id. at 396, quoting McBride, supra at 523 (emphasis in original).]
Of course, under familiar principles of stare decisis, this discussion of
McBride
would be decisive of the outcome of the present case without further analysis, unless that discussion is considered dictum. We agree with plaintiffs that the
Michigan Farm Bureau
discussion of
McBride
was dictum. The issue in
Michigan Farm Bureau
was not whether the Legislature may pass legislation identical to an act that is subject to the referendum process but, instead, whether signatures in support of a referendum petition may be gathered and filed before the end of the legislative session in which the challenged act was passed. In other words, the Court’s statements in favor of
McBride
concerned “a principle of law not essential to determination of the case” and thus are “obiter dictum” without the “force of an adjudication.”
Roberts v Auto-Owners Ins Co,
Nonetheless, having reviewed McBride closely, we, like our Supreme Court, are “impressed” with its reasoning. See Michigan Farm Bureau, supra at 395. *96 The McBride court centered its analysis on the language of the constitution:
What is it the people reserve the right to refer? According to the [Arizona] Constitution, it is “any measure, or item, section, or part of any measure, enacted by the Legislature.” Now; legislatures do not enact general principles or subjects, nor indeed can they. The “measure” referred to by the Constitution can only be a definite, specific act or resolution. It may attempt to deal with a general principle, or it may not, but the “enactment” only applies to the precise language of the particular act, and no more. . . .
. . . [W]hat is the effect of the reference? Again the Constitution is explicit on that point:
“Any measure ... to which the referendum is applied, shall be referred to a vote of the qualified electors, and shall become law when approved by a majority of the votes cast thereon . . . and not otherwise.”
In other words, the vote of the Legislature approving the particular measure referred is nullified, and that particular measure can only become a law when approved by the voters. Nowhere in the Constitution can be found even a suggestion that a referendum petition has any effect except the nullification of the particular measure referred until its approval by the voters, which inferentially would leave the Legislature in full possession of all other ordinary constitutional powers. [McBride, supra at 522-523.]1 9 1
In Michigan, as in Arizona, courts inteipret the constitution primarily by relying on the language used by its drafters, to find the “common understanding” of the “words employed.” See, e.g.,
Bolt v Lansing,
Thus, when a “[law] enacted by the legislature” is referred to the people, the reference is of a particular definite act and not, by implication, the general principle or subject matter at issue in the act. The specific law referred, in this case
However, nothing in the Michigan Constitution suggests that the referendum had a broader effect than nullification of
*98
Plaintiffs try to avoid this result not by pointing to language in our constitution but, instead, by speaking broadly of the “right of referendum” and arguing that passage of
This conclusion is buttressed by other constitutional language providing that “[l]aws approved by the people under the referendum provision . . . may be amended by the legislature at any subsequent session thereof.” Const 1963, art 2, § 9; see
Advisory Opinion on Constitutionality of
We reject plaintiffs’ broad argument that our decision today will “nullify” the peoples’ “right of referendum.” Under Michigan Farm Bureau, once a law has been enacted, signatures in support of a referendum on that law may immediately be gathered and filed *100 with the Secretary of State. Under Bingo Coalition, signatures gathered before ninety days after the legislative session in which the challenged law was passed may be counted, regardless of an intervening general election. These precedents protect the people’s right to a referendum in the sense that they will result in a general election vote of the people if sufficient signatures are obtained, to provide the Legislature a clear indication of the popular will. That will be the result even if the Legislature has reenacted the challenged provisions in separate legislation not affected by the referendum, as allowed by our decision today.
The further result plaintiffs seek — a change in the law to implement the will of the people as evidenced at a general election referendum vote — can certainly be obtained; however, that will be a matter for political decision making rather than the automatic result of the general election vote. In the present case, for example, once the referendum vote had been taken, the Legislature could have responded to the expressed popular will by repealing
Further, should legislators not be responsive to the will of the people expressed at the referendum vote, the second legislation itself is “ ‘subject ... to the same right of reference as was the original act.’ ”
Michigan Farm Bureau, supra
at 396, quoting
McBride, supra
at 523. In the present case, the Gov
*101
emor’s letter pointed out that approach by specifically noting that “the deadline to properly invoke the power of referendum on [
It has been urged, however, that if we adopt petitioners’ theory, the act may become a legislative football, the Legislature passing and the people referring act after act, and that the expense of the reference in so many successive cases will be prohibitive. We do not think a situation in which the Legislature repeatedly passes an act which has been several times referred by the people is likely ever to arise. Legislators as a rule are anxious to obey what they honestly believe to be the real wishes of their constituents, and we think it very unlikely that a Legislature which had been told twice by its constituents they did not desire a certain law would dare to again pass it, especially when they knew that each passage could and would be suspended by another referendum. So far as the expense feature is concerned, if the law in question is really obnoxious to 5 percent of the voters, the expense of each successive referendum would be negligible. [McBride, supra at 530.]
We believe that our decision thus properly balances the people’s right to a referendum with the political process that necessarily surrounds any public policy debate. We are leeiy of having the courts, in effect, dragged into that political process in the manner suggested by plaintiffs. For example, plaintiffs cite precedents from other states that allow further legislative activity with regard to an issue addressed by previous legislation that has become subject to a referendum, but only if the new legislation treats the issue in a “substantially different” manner, if the Legislature enacts the new legislation “in good faith” without the
*102
purpose of subverting the referendum process,
13
or if there is some “emergency” which necessitates the new legislation. See, e.g.,
In re Megnella,
133 Minn 98, 99-100;
We further note that the approach suggested by plaintiffs would allow a small number of petitioners (here about 155,000) to limit the power of a Legislature elected by all of Michigan’s citizens. As noted by the trial court:
A ruling that 155,000 petition signers can tie the hands of the elected representatives of over nine million people would allow the will of the majority to be held hostage to the will of special interest groups. Clearly the drafters of *103 our constitution would not have considered such a result to be democratic.
In the absence of clear constitutional authority to limit the representatives of the people from exercising the legislative power granted to them, we cannot allow a minority to subvert that power. 14
We thus conclude that remedial efforts aimed at addressing the policy concerns raised by plaintiffs are best directed to appropriate changes to the Michigan Constitution. This is an exercise solely within the province of the people through methods prescribed by law and the judicial branch should not intrude into this domain, invitations to the contrary notwithstanding.
The other issues raised by plaintiffs require only brief consideration. Amicus bingo argues that plaintiffs are without standing to bring this action, but this was not an issue raised by appellees (in a cross-appeal) and it is not properly before us. MCR 7.212(H)(2). Appellants also argue that the decision by another panel of our Court denying the appellants’ motion to dismiss the
Bingo Coalition
appeal as moot should operate as res judicata with respect to this appeal. One requirement for res judicata is that
*104
the prior case must have resulted in a decision on the merit of issues raised in the second action.
West Michigan Park Ass’n, Inc v Fogg,
We affirm.
Notes
We use the term “plaintiffs” here to mean plaintiffs and also the amicus parties, the Attorney General and B.I.N.G.O. (Bingo is Necessary for Grassroots Organization) (bingo), both of which support plaintiffs’ position on this appeal. The amicus parties were allowed to file briefs and to present oral argument regarding this matter because of the weighty constitutional issue presented.
We express no opinion concerning the continuing legal validity of the changes made by
This change apparently was requested to alleviate problems that certain fraternal organizations were having with the Internal Revenue Service. House Legislative Analysis, HB 5271, November 1, 1995.
Plaintiffs suggest that, for a time after
At least one other political committee in a situation similar to plaintiffs’ has filed an appeal with our Court. The instant matter was the first appeal filed with respect to the issues raised.
Plaintiffs have referred to
In a related argument, amicus curiae the Attorney General contends that MCL 8.3u; MSA 2.212(21) compels the conclusion that the language of
Under this same analysis, we consider our Supreme Court’s favorable citation of
Michigan Farm Bureau
with regard to this issue in
In re Proposals D & H,
Plaintiffs point out that the McBride conclusion in this regard was buttressed by consideration of another section of the Arizona constitution without a counterpart within the Michigan Constitution. See McBride, supra at 523. However, we find the McBride analysis of the constitutional sections that are common to both constitutions to be persuasive in its own right.
A similar tack was taken in McBride, supra at 524:
In fact, counsel for respondent do not argue very seriously that the language of the Constitution, taken in its ordinary sense, would sustain their position, but devote most of their effort to show that to allow the Legislature to again consider and legislate upon a subject once referred to the people, until the latter had voted on such reference, would violate not so much the letter as the spirit of the referendum clauses of the Constitution, and, to use their own language, “strike at the very root of the principles of democratic government, particularly principles embodied in the Constitution of the state of Arizona”
As noted earlier,
Similarly, had the Legislature concentrated on the issue before us, there would no doubt have been much argument and debate about the propriety (and political wisdom) of passing
We note that there was certainly no bad-faith attempt to subvert the referendum here. As noted below, the legislators apparently did not understand the potential effect their passage of the later legislation might have on the referendum process with respect to the earlier legislation. Fhrther, at the time the Legislature approved
Plaintiffs argue that, in passing
