Lead Opinion
delivered the opinion of the Court.
This case requires us once more to “struggle]... to define the proper accommodation between the law of defamation and the freedoms of speech and press protected by the First Amendment.” Gertz v. Robert Welch, Inc.,
I
Maurice S. Hepps is the principal stockholder of General Programming, Inc. (GPI), a corporation that franchises a chain of stores&emdash;known at the relevant time as “Thrifty” stores&emdash;selling beer, soft drinks, and snacks. Mr. Hepps, GPI, and a number of its franchisees are the appellees here.
The parties first raised the issue of burden of proof as to falsity before trial, but the trial court reserved its ruling on the matter. Appellee Hepps testified at length that the statements at issue were false, Tr. 2221-2290, and he extensively cross-examined the author of the stories as to the veracity of the statements at issue. After all the evidence had been presented by both sides, the trial court concluded that Pennsylvania’s statute giving the defendant the burden of proving the truth of the statements violated the Federal Constitution. Id., at 3589. The trial court therefore instructed the jury that the plaintiffs bore the burden of proving falsity. Id., at 3848.
During the trial, appellants took advantage of Pennsylvania’s “shield law” on a number of occasions. That law allows employees of the media to refuse to divulge their sources. See 42 Pa. Cons. Stat. § 5942(a) (1982) (“No person . . . employed by any newspaper of general circulation ... or any
Pursuant to Pennsylvania statute, 42 Pa. Cons. Stat. § 722(7) (1982), the appellees here brought an appeal directly to the Pennsylvania Supreme Court. That court viewed Gertz as simply requiring the plaintiff to show fault in actions for defamation. It concluded that a showing of fault did not require a showing of falsity, held that to place the burden of showing truth on the defendant did not unconstitutionally inhibit free debate, and remanded the case for a new trial.
1 — 1 I — I
In New York Times Co. v. Sullivan,
This Court reversed, holding that “libel can claim no talis-manic immunity from constitutional limitations.” Id., at 269. Against the “background of a profound national commitment to the principle that debate on public issues should be uninhibited, robust, and wide-open, and that it may well include vehement, caustic, and sometimes unpleasantly sharp attacks,” the Court noted that “[ajuthoritative interpretations of the First Amendment guarantees have consistently refused to recognize an exception for any test of truth— whether administered by judges, juries, or administrative officials — and especially one that puts the burden of proving truth on the speaker.” Id., at 270-271. Freedoms of expression require “‘breathing space,’” id., at 272 (quoting NAACP v. Button,
“A rule compelling the critic of official conduct to guarantee the truth of all his factual assertions — and to do so on pain of libel judgments virtually unlimited in amount— leads to . . . ‘self-censorship.’ . . . Under such a rule, would-be critics of official conduct may be deterred from voicing their criticism, even though it is believed to be true and even though it is in fact true, because of doubt*773 whether it can be proved in court or fear of the expense of having to do so.”376 U. S., at 279 .
The Court therefore held that the Constitution
“prohibits a public official from recovering damages for a defamatory falsehood relating to his official conduct unless he proves that the statement was made with ‘actual malice’ — that is, with knowledge that it was false or with reckless disregard of whether it was false or not.” Id., at 279-280.
That showing must be made with “convincing clarity,” id., at 285-286, or, in a later formulation, by “clear and convincing proof,” Gertz,
A decade after New York Times, the Court examined the constitutional limits on defamation suits by private-figure plaintiffs against media defendants. Gertz, supra. The Court concluded that the danger of self-censorship was a valid, but not the exclusive, concern in suits for defamation: “The need to avoid self-censorship by the news media is ... , not the only societal value at issue . . . [or] this Court would have embraced long ago the view that publishers and broadcasters enjoy an unconditional and indefeasible immunity from liability for defamation.” Gertz, supra, at 341. See also Rosenblatt v. Baer,
The Court most recently considered the constitutional limits on suits for defamation in Dun & Bradstreet, Inc. v. Greenmoss Builders, Inc.,
“In light of the reduced constitutional value of speech involving no matters of public concern, we hold that the state interest [in preserving private reputation] adequately supports awards of presumed and punitive*775 damages — even absent a showing of ‘actual malice.”’472 U. S., at 761 (opinion of Powell, J.) (footnote omitted).
See also id., at 764 (Burger, C. J., concurring in judgment); id., at 774 (White, J., concurring in judgment).
One can discern in these decisions two forces that may reshape the common-law landscape to conform to the First Amendment. The first is whether the plaintiff is a public official or figure, or is instead a private figure. The second is whether the speech at issue is of public concern. When the speech is of public concern and the plaintiff is a public official or public figure, the Constitution clearly requires the plaintiff to surmount a much higher barrier before recovering damages from a media defendant than is raised by the common law. When the speech is of public concern but the plaintiff is a private figure, as in Gertz, the Constitution still supplants the standards of the common law, but the constitutional requirements are, in at least some of their range, less forbidding than when the plaintiff is a public figure and the speech is of public concern. When the speech is of exclusively private concern and the plaintiff is a private figure, as in Dun & Bradstreet, the constitutional requirements do not necessarily force any change in at least some of the features of the common-law landscape.
Our opinions to date have chiefly treated the necessary showings of fault rather than of falsity. Nonetheless, as one might expect given the language of the Court in New York Times, see supra, at 772-773, a public-figure plaintiff must show the falsity of the statements at issue in order to prevail in a suit for defamation. See Garrison v. Louisiana,
There will always be instances when the factfinding process will be unable to resolve conclusively whether the speech is true or false; it is in those cases that the burden of proof is dispositive. Under a rule forcing the plaintiff to bear the burden of showing falsity, there will be some cases in which plaintiffs cannot meet their burden despite the fact that the speech is in fact false. The plaintiff’s suit will fail despite the fact that, in some abstract sense, the suit is meritorious. Similarly, under an alternative rule placing the burden of showing truth on defendants, there would be some cases in which defendants could not bear their burden despite the fact that the speech is in fact true. Those suits would succeed despite the fact that, in some abstract sense, those suits are unmeritorious. Under either rule, then, the outcome of the suit will sometimes be at variance with the outcome that we would desire if all speech were either demonstrably true or demonstrably false.
This dilemma stems from the fact that the allocation of the burden of proof will determine liability for some speech that is true and some that is false, but all of such speech is unknowably true or false. Because the burden of proof is the deciding factor only when the evidence is ambiguous, we cannot know how much of the speech affected by the allocation of the burden of proof is true and how much is false. In a case presenting a configuration of speech and plaintiff like the one we face here, and where the scales are in such an uncertain balance, we believe that the Constitution requires us to tip them in favor of protecting true speech. To ensure that true speech on matters of public concern is not deterred,
In the context of governmental restriction of speech, it has long been established that the government cannot limit speech protected by the First Amendment without bearing the burden of showing that its restriction is justified. See Consolidated Edison Co. v. Public Service Comm’n of N. Y.,
We note that our decision adds only marginally to the burdens that the plaintiff must already bear as a result of our earlier decisions in the law of defamation. The plaintiff must show fault. A jury is obviously more likely to accept a plaintiff’s contention that the defendant was at fault in publishing the statements at issue if convinced that the relevant statements were false. As a practical matter, then, evidence offered by plaintiffs on the publisher’s fault in adequately investigating the truth of the published statements will generally encompass evidence of the falsity of the matters asserted. See Keeton, Defamation and Freedom of the Press, 54 Texas L. Rev. 1221, 1236 (1976). See also Franklin & Bussel, The Plaintiff’s Burden in Defamation: Awareness and Falsity, 25 Wm. & Mary L. Rev. 825, 856-857 (1984).
For the reasons stated above, the judgment of the Pennsylvania Supreme Court is reversed, and the case is remanded for further proceedings not inconsistent with this opinion.
It is so ordered.
Notes
Appellants list nine entities as appellees in the proceedings in this Court: Maurice S. Hepps; General Programming, Inc.; A. David Fried, Inc.; Brookhaven Beverage Distributors, Inc.; Busy Bee Beverage Co.; ALMIK, Inc.; Lackawanna Beverage Distributors; N. F. 0., Inc.; and Elemar, Inc. Brief for Appellants ii.
The state courts that have considered this issue since Gertz have reached differing conclusions. Compare, e. g., Denny v. Mertz,
Pennsylvania is not alone in this choice. See, e. g., Ala. Code §12-21-142 (1977); Cal. Const., Art. I, § 2(b); N. Y. Civ. Rights Law § 79-h (McKinney 1976).
We also have no occasion to consider the quantity of proof of falsity that a private-figure plaintiff must present to recover damages. Nor need we consider what standards would apply if the plaintiff sues a nonmedia defendant, see Hutchinson v. Proxmire,
Concurrence Opinion
with whom Justice Blackmun joins, concurring.
I believe that where allegedly defamatory speech is of public concern, the First Amendment requires that the plaintiff,
Dissenting Opinion
with whom The Chief Justice, Justice White, and Justice Rehnquist join, dissenting.
The issue the Court resolves today will make a difference in only one category of cases — those in which a private individual can prove that he was libeled by a defendant who was at least negligent. For unless such a plaintiff can overcome the burden imposed by Gertz v. Robert Welch, Inc.,
The Court, after acknowledging the need to “‘accommo-dat[e] . . . the law of defamation and the freedoms of speech and press protected by the First Amendment,’” ante, at 768 (quoting Gertz v. Robert Welch, Inc.,
The state interest in preventing and redressing injuries to reputation is obviously important. As Justice Stewart eloquently reminded us in his concurrence in Rosenblatt v. Baer,
“The right of a man to the protection of his own reputation from unjustified invasion and wrongful hurt reflects no more than our basic concept of the essential dignity and worth of every human being — a concept at the root of any decent system of ordered liberty. The protection of private personality, like the protection of life itself, is left primarily to the individual States under the Ninth and Tenth Amendments. But this does not mean that the right is entitled to any less recognition by this Court as a basic of our constitutional system.
[[Image here]]
“. . . The First and Fourteenth Amendments have not stripped private citizens of all means of redress for inju*782 ries inflicted upon them by careless liars. The destruction that defamatory falsehood can bring is, to be sure, often beyond the capacity of the law to redeem. Yet, imperfect though it is, an action for damages is the only hope for vindication or redress the law gives to a man whose reputation has been falsely dishonored.
“Moreover, the preventive effect of liability for defamation serves an important public purpose. For the rights and values of private personality far transcend mere personal interests. Surely if the 1950’s taught us anything, they taught us that the poisonous atmosphere of the easy lie can infect and degrade a whole society.”2
While deliberate or inadvertent libels vilify private personages, they contribute little to the marketplace of ideas. In assaying the First Amendment side of the balance, it helps to remember that the perpetrator of the libel suffers from its failure to demonstrate the truth of its accusation only if the “private-figure” plaintiff first establishes that the publisher is at “fault,” 418 U. S., at 347 — i. e., either that it published its libel with “actual malice” in the New York Times sense (“with knowledge that it was false or with reckless disregard of whether it was false or not,” New York Times Co. v. Sullivan,
To appreciate the thrust of the Court’s holding, we must assume that a private-figure libel plaintiff can prove that a story about him was published with “actual malice” — that is, without the publisher caring in the slightest whether it was false or not. Indeed, in order to comprehend the full ramifications of today’s decision, we should assume that the publisher knew that it would be impossible for a court to verify or discredit the story and that it was published for no other purpose than to destroy the reputation of the plaintiff. Even if the plaintiff has overwhelming proof of malice — in both the common-law sense and as the term was used in New York Times Co. v. Sullivan — the Court today seems to believe that the character assassin has a constitutional license to defame.
In my opinion deliberate, malicious character assassination is not protected by the First Amendment to the United States Constitution. That Amendment does require the target of a defamatory statement to prove that his assailant was at fault, and I agree that it provides a constitutional shield for truthful statements. I simply do not understand, however, why a character assassin should be given an absolute license to defame by means of statements that can be neither verified nor disproved. The danger of deliberate defamation by reference to unprovable facts is not a merely speculative or hypothetical concern. Lack of knowledge about third parties, the loss of critical records, an uncertain recollection about events that occurred long ago, perhaps during a period of special stress, the absence of eyewitnesses — a host of fac
The danger of which I speak can be illustrated within the confines of this very case. Appellants published a series of five articles proclaiming that “Federal authorities . . . have found connections between Thrifty and underworld figures,” App. A65; that “Federal agents have evidence of direct financial involvement in Thrifty by [Joseph] Scalleat,” a “leader of organized crime in northeastern Pennsylvania,” id., at A72; and that “the Thrifty Beverage beer chain . . . had connections itself with organized crime,” id., at A80.
Despite the obvious blueprint for character assassination provided by the decision today, the Court’s analytical approach — by attaching little or no weight to the strong state interest in redressing injury to private reputation — provides a wholly unwarranted protection for malicious gossip. As I understand the Court’s opinion, its counterintuitive result is derived from a straightforward syllogism. The major premise seems to be that “the First Amendment’s protection of true speech on matters of public concern,” ante, at 777, is
The Court’s result is plausible however, only because it grossly undervalues the strong state interest in redressing injuries to private reputations. The error lies in its initial premise, with its mistaken belief that doubt regarding the veracity of a defamatory statement must invariably be resolved in favor of constitutional protection of the statement and against vindication of the reputation of the private individual. To support its premise, the Court relies exclusively on our precedents requiring the government to bear the burden of proving that a restriction of speech is justified. See ante, at 777-778. Whether such restrictions appear in the form of legislation burdening the speech of particular speakers or of particular points of view, or of common-law actions punishing seditious libel, the Court is doubtlessly correct that the government or its agents must at a minimum shoulder the burden of proving that the speech is false and must do so with sufficient reliability that we can be confident that true speech is not suppressed. It was to achieve this reliability that the Court, in New York Times Co. v. Sullivan,
Even assuming that attacks on the reputation of a public figure should be presumed to be true, however, a different calculus is appropriate when a defamatory statement disparages the reputation of a private individual.
Recognition of the “strong and legitimate [state] interest in compensating private individuals for injury to reputation,” id., at 348-349, exposes the untenability of the Court’s methodology: the burden of proof in “private-figure” libel suits simply cannot be determined by reference to our precedents having the reputations of “public figures” in mind. In libel cases brought by the latter category of plaintiffs,
“we view an erroneous verdict for the plaintiff as most serious. Not only does it mulct the defendant for an innocent misstatement . . . but the possibility of such error . . . would create a strong impetus toward self-censorship, which the First Amendment cannot tolerate.” Rosenbloom v. Metromedia,403 U. S., at 50 (opinion of Brennan, J.).
In libel suits brought by private individuals, in contrast, “the state interest in compensating injury to the reputation of private individuals requires that a different rule should obtain.” Gertz v. Robert Welch, Inc.,
In my view, as long as publishers are protected by the requirement that the plaintiff has the burden of proving fault, there can be little, if any, basis for a concern that a significant amount of true speech will be deterred unless the private person victimized by a malicious libel can also carry the burden of proving falsity. The Court’s decision trades on the good names of private individuals with little First Amendment coin to show for it.
I respectfully dissent.
See, e. g., Elliott v. Roach,
“There is no doubt about the historical fact that the interest in one’s good name was considered an important interest requiring legal protection more than a thousand years ago; and that so far as Anglo-Saxon history is concerned this interest became a legally protected interest comparatively soon after the interest in bodily integrity was given legal protection.” L. Eldridge, The Law of Defamation § 53, pp. 293-294 (1978).
See Dun & Bradstreet, Inc. v. Greenmoss Builders, Inc.,
“But there is no constitutional value in false statements of fact. Neither the intentional lie nor the careless error materially advances society’s interest in ‘uninhibited, robust, and wide-open’ debate on public issues. New York Times Co. v. Sullivan, 376 U. S. [254,] 270 [(1964)]. They belong to that category of utterances which ‘are no essential part of any exposition of ideas, and are of such slight social value as a step to truth that any benefit that may be derived from them is clearly outweighed by the social interest in order and morality.’ Chaplinsky v. New Hampshire,
But cf. New York Times Co. v. Sullivan,
“Our eases, however, have furnished meaningful guidance for the further definition of a reckless publication. In New York Times, supra, the plaintiff did not satisfy his burden because the record failed to show that the publisher was aware of the likelihood that he was circulating false information. In Garrison v. State of Louisiana,
See Rosenblatt v. Baer,
It is presumably for this reason that the Court believes that its “decision adds only marginally to the burdens that the plaintiff must already bear as a result of our earlier decisions in the law of defamation.” Ante, at 778. See ibid. (“As a practical matter, then, evidence offered by plaintiffs on the publisher’s fault in adequately investigating the truth of the published statements will generally encompass evidence of the falsity of the matters asserted” (citations omitted)).
Although I am inclined to agree with the preceding observation, I do not agree that it supports the result reached by the Court today. That allocation of the burden of proof is inconsequential in many cases provides no answer to eases in which it is determinative. See infra, at 785-787. Moreover, the Court’s belief, however sincere, that its decision will not significantly impair the state interest in redressing injury to reputation is not itself sufficient to justify overriding state law. See Gertz v. Robert Welch, Inc.,
I note that the Court makes no claim that its decision to impose on private-figure libel plaintiffs the burden of proving falsity is necessary to prevent jury confusion. See W. Keeton, D. Dobbs, R. Keeton, & D. Owen, Prosser and Keeton on Law of Torts § 116, pp. 839-840 (5th ed. 1984) (“[Tjhere is no inconsistency in assuming falsity until defendant publisher proves otherwise and requiring the plaintiff to prove negligence or recklessness with respect to the truth or falsity of the imputation”). See also
This license would gain immeasurable strength if courts take up the suggestion of commentators in the Court’s camp that the nonfalsifiable nature of a libel should entitle the defendant to summary judgment. See Franklin & Bussel, The Plaintiff’s Burden in Defamation: Awareness and Falsity, 25 Wm. & Mary L. Rev. 825, 865 (1984) (“If the plaintiff’s suit is based upon a statement that is not susceptible to being proved false, for example, the court should deny any discovery and dismiss the complaint”).
The parties agree that “the thrust of the challenged publications was that the Thrifty chain was connected with underworld figures and organized crime. It was that proposition that was required to be proven false.” Brief for Appellants 36.
At trial, the individual plaintiff simply denied knowledge of Joseph Scalleat’s employment with Beer Sales Consultants and of BSC’s employment by three Thrifty stores. See Testimony of Maurice Hepps, Tr. 2185-2186, 2200.
The New York Times Co. v. Sullivan privilege was subsequently extended to “public figures.” See Curtis Publishing Co. v. Butts,
If the issue were properly before us, I would be inclined to the view that public figures should not bear the burden of disproving the veracity of accusations made against them with “actual malice,” as the New York Times Court used that term. The contrary remarks in cases such as Garrison v. Louisiana,
See
