PHILADELPHIA NEWSPAPERS, INC., ET AL. v. HEPPS ET AL.
No. 84-1491
Supreme Court of the United States
Argued December 3, 1985—Decided April 21, 1986
475 U.S. 767
David H. Marion argued the cause for appellants. With him on the briefs were Samuel E. Klein and Kerry L. Adams.
Ronald H. Surkin argued the cause for appellees. With him on the brief was Edwin P. Rome.*
JUSTICE O‘CONNOR delivered the opinion of the Court.
This case requires us once more to “struggl[e] . . . to define the proper accommodation between the law of defamation and the freedoms of speech and press protected by the
I
Maurice S. Hepps is the principal stockholder of General Programming, Inc. (GPI), a corporation that franchises a chain of stores—known at the relevant time as “Thrifty” stores—selling beer, soft drinks, and snacks. Mr. Hepps, GPI, and a number of its franchisees are the appellees here.1 Appellant Philadelphia Newspapers, Inc., owns the Philadelphia Inquirer (Inquirer). The Inquirer published a series of articles, authored by appellants William Ecenbarger and William Lambert, containing the statements at issue here. The general theme of the five articles, which appeared in the Inquirer between May 1975 and May 1976, was that appellees had links to organized crime and used some of those links to influence the State‘s governmental processes, both legislative and administrative. The articles discussed a state legislator, described as “a Pittsburgh Democrat and convicted felon,” App. A60, whose actions displayed “a clear pattern of interference in state government by [the legislator] on behalf of Hepps and Thrifty,” id., at A62–A63. The stories reported that federal “investigators have found connections between Thrifty and underworld figures,” id., at A65; that “the Thrifty Beverage beer chain . . . had connections . . . with organized crime,” id., at A80; and that Thrifty had “won a series of competitive advantages through rulings by the State Liquor Control Board,” id., at A65. A grand jury was said to be investigating the “alleged relationship between the Thrifty chain and known Mafia figures,” and “[w]hether the chain received special treatment from the [state Governor‘s] administration and the Liquor Control Board.” Id., at A68.
The parties first raised the issue of burden of proof as to falsity before trial, but the trial court reserved its ruling on the matter. Appellee Hepps testified at length that the statements at issue were false, Tr. 2221–2290, and he extensively cross-examined the author of the stories as to the veracity of the statements at issue. After all the evidence had been presented by both sides, the trial court concluded that Pennsylvania‘s statute giving the defendant the burden of proving the truth of the statements violated the Federal Constitution. Id., at 3589. The trial court therefore instructed the jury that the plaintiffs bore the burden of proving falsity. Id., at 3848.
During the trial, appellants took advantage of Pennsylvania‘s “shield law” on a number of occasions. That law allows employees of the media to refuse to divulge their sources. See
Pursuant to Pennsylvania statute,
II
In New York Times Co. v. Sullivan, 376 U. S. 254 (1964), the Court “determin[ed] for the first time the extent to which the constitutional protections for speech and press limit a State‘s power to award damages in a libel action brought by a
This Court reversed, holding that “libel can claim no talismanic immunity from constitutional limitations.” Id., at 269. Against the “background of a profound national commitment to the principle that debate on public issues should be uninhibited, robust, and wide-open, and that it may well include vehement, caustic, and sometimes unpleasantly sharp attacks,” the Court noted that “[a]uthoritative interpretations of the
“A rule compelling the critic of official conduct to guarantee the truth of all his factual assertions—and to do so on pain of libel judgments virtually unlimited in amount—leads to . . . ‘self-censorship.’ . . . Under such a rule, would-be critics of official conduct may be deterred from voicing their criticism, even though it is believed to be true and even though it is in fact true, because of doubt
whether it can be proved in court or fear of the expense of having to do so.” 376 U. S., at 279.
The Court therefore held that the Constitution
“prohibits a public official from recovering damages for a defamatory falsehood relating to his official conduct unless he proves that the statement was made with ‘actual malice‘—that is, with knowledge that it was false or with reckless disregard of whether it was false or not.” Id., at 279–280.
That showing must be made with “convincing clarity,” id., at 285–286, or, in a later formulation, by “clear and convincing proof,” Gertz, 418 U. S., at 342. The standards of New York Times apply not only when a public official sues a newspaper, but also when a “public figure” sues a magazine or news service. See Curtis Publishing Co. v. Butts, 388 U. S. 130, 162–165 (1967) (Warren, C. J., concurring in result); id., at 170 (opinion of Black, J.); id., at 172 (opinion of BRENNAN, J.). See also Wolston v. Reader‘s Digest Assn., Inc., 443 U. S. 157, 163–169 (1979).
A decade after New York Times, the Court examined the constitutional limits on defamation suits by private-figure plaintiffs against media defendants. Gertz, supra. The Court concluded that the danger of self-censorship was a valid, but not the exclusive, concern in suits for defamation: “The need to avoid self-censorship by the news media is . . . , not the only societal value at issue . . . [or] this Court would have embraced long ago the view that publishers and broadcasters enjoy an unconditional and indefeasible immunity from liability for defamation.” Gertz, supra, at 341. See also Rosenblatt v. Baer, 383 U. S. 75, 92 (1966) (Stewart, J., concurring). Any analysis must also take into account the “legitimate state interest underlying the law of libel [in] the compensation of individuals for the harm inflicted on them by defamatory falsehood.” Gertz, supra, at 341. See also Time, Inc. v. Firestone, 424 U. S. 448, 456 (1976) (dis-
The Court most recently considered the constitutional limits on suits for defamation in Dun & Bradstreet, Inc. v. Greenmoss Builders, Inc., 472 U. S. 749 (1985). In sharp contrast to New York Times, Dun & Bradstreet involved not only a private-figure plaintiff, but also speech of purely private concern. 472 U. S., at 751–752. A plurality of the Court in Dun & Bradstreet was convinced that, in a case with such a configuration of speech and plaintiff, the showing of actual malice needed to recover punitive damages under either New York Times or Gertz was unnecessary:
“In light of the reduced constitutional value of speech involving no matters of public concern, we hold that the state interest [in preserving private reputation] adequately supports awards of presumed and punitive
damages—even absent a showing of ‘actual malice.‘” 472 U. S., at 761 (opinion of POWELL, J.) (footnote omitted).
See also id., at 764 (BURGER, C. J., concurring in judgment); id., at 774 (WHITE, J., concurring in judgment).
One can discern in these decisions two forces that may reshape the common-law landscape to conform to the
Our opinions to date have chiefly treated the necessary showings of fault rather than of falsity. Nonetheless, as one might expect given the language of the Court in New York Times, see supra, at 772–773, a public-figure plaintiff must show the falsity of the statements at issue in order to prevail in a suit for defamation. See Garrison v. Louisiana, 379 U. S. 64, 74 (1964) (reading New York Times for the proposition that “a public official [is] allowed the civil [defamation] remedy only if he establishes that the utterance was false“). See also Herbert v. Lando, 441 U. S. 153, 176 (1979) (“[T]he plaintiff must focus on the editorial process and prove a false publication attended by some degree of culpability“).
There will always be instances when the factfinding process will be unable to resolve conclusively whether the speech is true or false; it is in those cases that the burden of proof is dispositive. Under a rule forcing the plaintiff to bear the burden of showing falsity, there will be some cases in which plaintiffs cannot meet their burden despite the fact that the speech is in fact false. The plaintiff‘s suit will fail despite the fact that, in some abstract sense, the suit is meritorious. Similarly, under an alternative rule placing the burden of showing truth on defendants, there would be some cases in which defendants could not bear their burden despite the fact that the speech is in fact true. Those suits would succeed despite the fact that, in some abstract sense, those suits are unmeritorious. Under either rule, then, the outcome of the suit will sometimes be at variance with the outcome that we would desire if all speech were either demonstrably true or demonstrably false.
This dilemma stems from the fact that the allocation of the burden of proof will determine liability for some speech that is true and some that is false, but all of such speech is unknowably true or false. Because the burden of proof is the deciding factor only when the evidence is ambiguous, we cannot know how much of the speech affected by the allocation of the burden of proof is true and how much is false. In a case presenting a configuration of speech and plaintiff like the one we face here, and where the scales are in such an uncertain balance, we believe that the Constitution requires us to tip them in favor of protecting true speech. To ensure that true speech on matters of public concern is not deterred,
In the context of governmental restriction of speech, it has long been established that the government cannot limit speech protected by the
We note that our decision adds only marginally to the burdens that the plaintiff must already bear as a result of our earlier decisions in the law of defamation. The plaintiff must show fault. A jury is obviously more likely to accept a plaintiff‘s contention that the defendant was at fault in publishing the statements at issue if convinced that the relevant statements were false. As a practical matter, then, evidence offered by plaintiffs on the publisher‘s fault in adequately investigating the truth of the published statements will generally encompass evidence of the falsity of the matters asserted. See Keeton, Defamation and Freedom of the Press, 54 Texas L. Rev. 1221, 1236 (1976). See also Franklin & Bussel, The Plaintiff‘s Burden in Defamation: Awareness and Falsity, 25 Wm. & Mary L. Rev. 825, 856–857 (1984).
For the reasons stated above, the judgment of the Pennsylvania Supreme Court is reversed, and the case is remanded for further proceedings not inconsistent with this opinion.
It is so ordered.
JUSTICE BRENNAN, with whom JUSTICE BLACKMUN joins, concurring.
I believe that where allegedly defamatory speech is of public concern, the
JUSTICE STEVENS, with whom THE CHIEF JUSTICE, JUSTICE WHITE, and JUSTICE REHNQUIST join, dissenting.
The issue the Court resolves today will make a difference in only one category of cases—those in which a private individual can prove that he was libeled by a defendant who was at least negligent. For unless such a plaintiff can overcome the burden imposed by Gertz v. Robert Welch, Inc., 418 U. S. 323, 347 (1974), he cannot recover regardless of how the burden of proof on the issue of truth or falsity is allocated. By definition, therefore, the only litigants—and the only publishers—who will benefit from today‘s decision are those who act negligently or maliciously.
The Court, after acknowledging the need to “‘accommo-dat[e] . . . the law of defamation and the freedoms of speech and press protected by the
The state interest in preventing and redressing injuries to reputation is obviously important. As Justice Stewart eloquently reminded us in his concurrence in Rosenblatt v. Baer, 383 U. S. 75, 92–94 (1966):
“The right of a man to the protection of his own reputation from unjustified invasion and wrongful hurt reflects no more than our basic concept of the essential dignity and worth of every human being—a concept at the root of any decent system of ordered liberty. The protection of private personality, like the protection of life itself, is left primarily to the individual States under the
Ninth andTenth Amendments . But this does not mean that the right is entitled to any less recognition by this Court as a basic of our constitutional system.“. . . The
First andFourteenth Amendments have not stripped private citizens of all means of redress for inju-
ries inflicted upon them by careless liars. The destruction that defamatory falsehood can bring is, to be sure, often beyond the capacity of the law to redeem. Yet, imperfect though it is, an action for damages is the only hope for vindication or redress the law gives to a man whose reputation has been falsely dishonored.
“Moreover, the preventive effect of liability for defamation serves an important public purpose. For the rights and values of private personality far transcend mere personal interests. Surely if the 1950‘s taught us anything, they taught us that the poisonous atmosphere of the easy lie can infect and degrade a whole society.”2
While deliberate or inadvertent libels vilify private personages, they contribute little to the marketplace of ideas. In assaying the
Although I am inclined to agree with the preceding observation, I do not agree that it supports the result reached by the Court today. That allocation of the burden of proof is inconsequential in many cases provides no answer to cases in which it is determinative. See infra, at 785–787. Moreover, the Court‘s belief, however sincere, that its decision will not significantly impair the state interest in redressing injury to reputation is not itself sufficient to justify overriding state law. See Gertz v. Robert Welch, Inc., 418 U. S., at 349.
I note that the Court makes no claim that its decision to impose on private-figure libel plaintiffs the burden of proving falsity is necessary to prevent jury confusion. See W. Keeton, D. Dobbs, R. Keeton, & D. Owen, Prosser and Keeton on Law of Torts § 116, pp. 839–840 (5th ed. 1984) (“[T]here is no inconsistency in assuming falsity until defendant publisher proves otherwise and requiring the plaintiff to prove negligence or recklessness with respect to the truth or falsity of the imputation“). See also 506 Pa. 304, 325, n. 13, 485 A. 2d 374, 385, n. 13 (1984) (“In a rather circuitous argument, [appellants] contend that falsity is inextricably bound up with proof of fault. [Appellants] assert that to prove fault the plaintiff in fact must demonstrate the falsity of the matter. While in some instances the plaintiff may elect to establish the patent error in the material to demonstrate the lack of due care in ascertaining its truth, it does not necessarily follow that negligence of the defendant can only be shown by proving that the material is false. A plaintiff can demonstrate negligence in the manner in which the material was gathered, regardless of its truth or falsity. In such instance the presumption of falsity will prevail unless the defendant elects to establish the truth of the material and thereby insulate itself from liability. Where it is necessary to prove falsity to establish the negligence of the defendant, it is then the burden of the plaintiff to do so. . . . That proposition will not, of course, hold true in all cases. Where negligence can be established without a demonstration of the falsity of the material, there is no additional obligation upon the plaintiff to prove the falsity of the material“).
To appreciate the thrust of the Court‘s holding, we must assume that a private-figure libel plaintiff can prove that a story about him was published with “actual malice“—that is, without the publisher caring in the slightest whether it was false or not. Indeed, in order to comprehend the full ramifications of today‘s decision, we should assume that the publisher knew that it would be impossible for a court to verify or discredit the story and that it was published for no other purpose than to destroy the reputation of the plaintiff. Even if the plaintiff has overwhelming proof of malice—in both the common-law sense and as the term was used in New York Times Co. v. Sullivan—the Court today seems to believe that the character assassin has a constitutional license to defame.6
In my opinion deliberate, malicious character assassination is not protected by the
The danger of which I speak can be illustrated within the confines of this very case. Appellants published a series of five articles proclaiming that “Federal authorities . . . have found connections between Thrifty and underworld figures,” App. A65; that “Federal agents have evidence of direct financial involvement in Thrifty by [Joseph] Scalleat,” a “leader of organized crime in northeastern Pennsylvania,” id., at A72; and that “the Thrifty Beverage beer chain . . . had connections itself with organized crime,” id., at A80.7 The defamatory character of these statements is undisputed. Yet the factual basis for the one specific allegation contained in them is based on an admitted relationship between appellees and a third party. The truth or falsity of that statement depends on the character and conduct of that third party—a matter which the jury may well have resolved against the plaintiffs on the ground that they could not disprove the allegation on which they bore the burden of proof.8
Despite the obvious blueprint for character assassination provided by the decision today, the Court‘s analytical approach—by attaching little or no weight to the strong state interest in redressing injury to private reputation—provides a wholly unwarranted protection for malicious gossip. As I understand the Court‘s opinion, its counterintuitive result is derived from a straightforward syllogism. The major premise seems to be that “the
The Court‘s result is plausible however, only because it grossly undervalues the strong state interest in redressing injuries to private reputations. The error lies in its initial premise, with its mistaken belief that doubt regarding the veracity of a defamatory statement must invariably be resolved in favor of constitutional protection of the statement and against vindication of the reputation of the private individual. To support its premise, the Court relies exclusively on our precedents requiring the government to bear the burden of proving that a restriction of speech is justified. See ante, at 777–778. Whether such restrictions appear in the form of legislation burdening the speech of particular speakers or of particular points of view, or of common-law actions punishing seditious libel, the Court is doubtlessly correct that the government or its agents must at a minimum shoulder the burden of proving that the speech is false and must do so with sufficient reliability that we can be confident that true speech is not suppressed. It was to achieve this reliability that the Court, in New York Times Co. v. Sullivan, 376 U. S. 254 (1964), incorporated into the
Even assuming that attacks on the reputation of a public figure should be presumed to be true, however, a different calculus is appropriate when a defamatory statement disparages the reputation of a private individual.10 In that case, the overriding concern for reliable protection of truthful statements must make room for “[t]he legitimate state interest underlying the law of libel“—“the compensation of individuals for the harm inflicted on them by defamatory falsehood.” Gertz v. Robert Welch, Inc., 418 U. S., at 341. A public official, of course, has no “less interest in protecting his reputation than an individual in private life.” Rosenbloom v. Metromedia, Inc., 403 U. S. 29, 46 (1971) (opinion of
Recognition of the “strong and legitimate [state] interest in compensating private individuals for injury to reputation,” id., at 348–349, exposes the untenability of the Court‘s methodology: the burden of proof in “private-figure” libel suits simply cannot be determined by reference to our precedents having the reputations of “public figures” in mind. In libel cases brought by the latter category of plaintiffs,
“we view an erroneous verdict for the plaintiff as most serious. Not only does it mulct the defendant for an innocent misstatement . . . but the possibility of such error . . . would create a strong impetus toward self-censorship, which the
First Amendment cannot tolerate.” Rosenbloom v. Metromedia, Inc., 403 U. S., at 50 (opinion of BRENNAN, J.).
In libel suits brought by private individuals, in contrast, “the state interest in compensating injury to the reputation of private individuals requires that a different rule should obtain.” Gertz v. Robert Welch, Inc., 418 U. S., at 343. To be sure, both categories of cases involve “speech that matters.” Id., at 341. But “[t]he extension of the New York Times test” to every item of public interest “would abridge this legitimate state interest to a degree that we find unacceptable.” Id., at 346.11 Accordingly, in Gertz v. Robert Welch, Inc., this
In my view, as long as publishers are protected by the requirement that the plaintiff has the burden of proving fault, there can be little, if any, basis for a concern that a significant amount of true speech will be deterred unless the private person victimized by a malicious libel can also carry the burden of proving falsity. The Court‘s decision trades on the good names of private individuals with little
I respectfully dissent.
