PERRY LOCAL EDUCATORS' ASSOCIATION, Evelyn E. Waddell and
Judith M. Dietrich, Plaintiffs-Appellants,
v.
William HOHLT, et al., Defendants-Appellees.
No. 80-1420.
United States Court of Appeals,
Seventh Circuit.
Argued Nov. 4, 1980.
Decided June 24, 1981.
Rehearing and Rehearing En Banc Denied August 14, 1981.
Lawrence M. Reuben, Indianapolis, Ind., for plaintiffs-appellants.
Richard J. Darko, Louis H. Borgmann, Indianapolis, Ind., for defendants-appellees.
Before FAIRCHILD, Chief Judge, WISDOM, Senior Circuit Judge,* and CUMMINGS, Circuit Judge.
WISDOM, Senior Circuit Judge.
This case requires us to consider the constitutionality of a collective bargaining agreement between a teachers' union and a school board that both permits the union to use the school district's internal mail system and compels the school district to deny that right to competing unions. The plaintiffs, an insurgent union and two of its members, contend that their exclusion from the school mail system violates their first and fourteenth amendment rights. The district court disagreed. We reverse.
I.
The facts, as they appear in the parties' pleadings and affidavits, are not in dispute. The Metropolitan School District of Perry Township in Marion County, Indiana, operates a public school system made up of thirteen separate schools. Each school building is equipped with a set of mailboxes or mail slots each labelled with the name of a teacher at the school. Inter-school delivery by school employees permits messages to be delivered rapidly to every teacher in the district. The main function of this internal mail system is to transmit official messages among the teachers and between the teachers and the school administration. That is not its only function, however, for the present collective bargaining representative of the teachers in that school district, the Perry Education Association (PEA), also has access to the system for its own purposes.
Until 1978 the school district evidently had no firm policy on the use of the internal mail system by teachers' unions; both PEA and a minority union, the Perry Local Educators Association (PLEA), had access at least to the mailboxes, if not to the inter-school delivery system. In 1977, however, PLEA challenged PEA's status as de facto bargaining representative of the Perry Township teachers by filing an election petition with the Indiana Education Employment Relations Board. PEA prevailed in the election and was formally certified as exclusive bargaining representative. In anticipation of continuing opposition from PLEA, PEA negotiated a labor contract designed to cement its status as bargaining representative. In that contract, the school board (1) guaranteed PEA's access to the teachers' mailboxes, (2) permitted it to use the inter-school delivery system to the extent that the school district incurred no extra expense by such use, and (3) promised to deny those rights to any other "school employee organization" a term of art defined by Indiana law to mean "any organization which has school employees as members and one of whose primary purposes is representing school employees in dealing with their employer".1 Effective in July 1978, the contract was renewed with these same provisions upon its expiration in 1980, and it is presently in force.
PEA's privilege is subject to certain obvious limitations. Because the contractual prohibition extends only to competing unions, PEA's letters and broadsides are not the only unofficial communications permitted to flow through the internal mail system. Teachers use the system to send purely personal messages. The school district allows outside organizations to use it with the approval of any building principal. Local parochial schools, church groups, YMCA's, and Cub Scout units use the system. Furthermore, the privilege extends only to use of the mail system; it does not prevent PLEA from using other school facilities to communicate with teachers. As with PEA, members of PLEA may post notices on school bulletin boards (where available); may distribute written material in the teachers' lounge; may speak with teachers during luncheon and free periods; may, with prior approval of the building principal, make announcements on the public address system; and, apparently, may freely hold meetings on school property after school hours. Finally, we may assume for purposes of this appeal that Indiana law would prevent PEA from using the mail system during the period immediately preceding an inter-union election.2
PLEA and two of its members filed this action under 42 U.S.C. § 1983 (1976) against PEA and the individual members of the Perry Township School Board. They contend that their exclusion from the internal mail system violates their first amendment and equal protection rights, and they seek injunctive and declaratory relief and damages.3 Upon cross-motions for summary judgment, the district court gave judgment for the defendants. Quoting Connecticut State Federation of Teachers v. Board of Education Members,
From this holding, plaintiffs appeal.
II.
The plaintiffs' constitutional contentions arise from the confluence of two developments of relatively recent vintage: the rapid growth of collective bargaining in the public sector in the last two decades, and the erosion of the notion that public employment is a "privilege" to which some constitutional guarantees may be inapplicable.4 We therefore have not had occasion to consider the merits of any similar claims before,5 and none of the Supreme Court cases on the constitutional law of public sector labor relations is directly applicable.6 Still, the district court had authority for rejecting the plaintiffs' claims. Our research discloses ten cases fairly on point, including two decided by federal Courts of Appeals, five decided only at the district court level, and three decided by state appellate courts. All but one, a district court opinion, rejected such claims.7 Indeed, many of these cases upheld exclusive access policies considerably broader than the one followed by the Perry Township school board. For example, the two leading cases, Connecticut State Federation of Teachers v. Board of Education Members,
We are, of course, not bound by these cases, and their reasoning fails to persuade us. We hold that when the Perry Township school board opens its internal mail system to PEA but denies it to PLEA, it violates both the equal protection clause and first amendment as incorporated into the fourteenth.
To help place the issue in context, we begin by noting that similar behavior by a private employer subject to the National Labor Relations Act (NLRA)8 would constitute an unfair labor practice. NLRB v. Magnavox Co.,
The teachers of the Perry Township Schools, however, as employees of a municipality, are not covered by the NLRA,12 and the Indiana Education Employment Relations Board, which administers the analogous Indiana statute governing labor relations in Indiana public school systems, has ruled that a school district may, as a matter of state law, grant a majority union the exclusive right to use school facilities to communicate with teachers. Pike Independent Professional Educators, No. U-76-16-5350 (May 20, 1977).13 Of course, we do not sit to judge the wisdom of that state policy, but only to ensure that it falls within the limits prescribed by the Constitution. "(T)he First Amendment is not a substitute for the national labor relations laws." Smith v. State Highway Employees Local 1315,
Still, it will not do to say, as some courts have said when faced with similar constitutional claims, that because this case involves the government only in its role as employer, it should be subject only to the constitutional restraints that would apply to a similarly situated private employer that is to say, none.14 That amounts to an argument that state action is not implicated when the government acts in a proprietary capacity, an argument that has lost favor in the courts.15 Indeed, the constitutional law of public sector labor relations is today a large and flourishing field. The due process clause limits the government's power to fire employees without a hearing,16 the equal protection clause limits who may be employed and how employees may be hired and fired,17 and the first amendment places a wide variety of restrictions on government labor practices. For example, the government may not forbid its employees to join a union,18 compel them to finance political or ideological advocacy by their collective bargaining representative,19 refuse to permit teachers other than union representatives to speak at open school board meetings,20 fire employees solely because they publicly or privately criticize the government,21 condition certain types of employment on affiliation with the political party in power,22 refuse employment to members of the Communist Party,23 require employees to affirm belief in God,24 or require them to file affidavits listing the private organizations to which they belong.25 Of course, "it cannot be gainsaid that the State has interests as an employer in regulating the speech of its employees that differ significantly from those it possesses in connection with regulation of the speech of the citizenry in general". Pickering v. Board of Education,
A.
The first step in constitutional analysis is to ascertain the applicable standard of review. The cases that have rejected constitutional challenges to similar exclusive access policies did so largely because they did not scrutinize the schools' justifications for those policies. Memphis AFT, for example, held that such a policy does not implicate the first amendment rights of the members of the minority union at all. Asserting that the policy neither regulated "the content or the subject matter of speech in the schools" nor "censored (nor) promoted a particular point of view", the court implicitly applied a right/privilege distinction to hold that because teachers have no absolute right of access to the mail system, the school board could open it to some teachers but not others without justification or limitation under the first amendment.
With deference, we suggest that both Memphis AFT and Connecticut SFT erred by confusing the constitutional standards applicable to a rule that evenhandedly excludes all private communications from a particular government facility with the standards applicable to a rule that grants access to certain speakers or certain viewpoints and denies access to others. A challenge by an excluded speaker to the former sort of rule is a claim for absolute access; a challenge to the latter sort is a claim for equal access. An imprecise terminology makes it easy to confuse the two. Convention has established the term "public forum" to denote a facility that may not constitutionally be closed to all private expression, but the absence of a natural phrase to describe a facility that the government may not open only to certain speakers or viewpoints has led some courts to use the same or confusingly similar phrases in that context as well.28 That is unfortunate, for the interests at stake in the two situations, and hence the appropriate standards of review, differ greatly.
Discriminatory treatment of speech on the basis of its content or on the basis of the identity of the speaker usually requires rigorous scrutiny because it presumptively violates the first amendment's primary and overriding proscription against censorship. Censorship, broadly defined as an attempt by the government to suppress the expression of disfavored points of view by private individuals, is a relative concept; it is defined by reference to the opportunities for expression open to favored or neutral viewpoints.29 Contrary to Memphis AFT, it may easily take the form of amplifying favored or neutral speech, rather than of stifling the disfavored.
(A)bove all else, the First Amendment means that government has no power to restrict expression because of its message, its ideas, its subject matter, or its content....
Necessarily, then, under the Equal Protection Clause, not to mention the First Amendment itself, government may not grant the use of a forum to people whose views it finds acceptable, but deny use to those wishing to express less favored or more conventional views. And it may not select which issues are worth discussing or debating in public facilities. There is an "equality of status in the field of ideas," and the government must afford all points of view an equal opportunity to be heard. Once a forum is opened up to assembly or speaking to some groups, government may not prohibit others from assembling or speaking on the basis of what they intend to say. Selective exclusions from a public forum may not be based on content alone, and may not be justified by reference to content alone.
Police Department v. Mosley,
The standard applicable to this case is a high one. Despite the sweeping language of Mosley quoted above, other Supreme Court cases demonstrate that it is not invariably true that the government may never discriminate among constitutionally protected speech on the basis of its content or on the basis of the speaker, nor even that all such discrimination must always be scrutinized with equal strictness. Because a majority of the Court were unable to agree on any one rationale in some of these cases, it is not always easy to determine the appropriate standard of review. Even interpreting the cases in the way most favorable to the defendants, however, they require rigorous scrutiny to be applied here. Although not always made explicit, one of the most important factors in determining the appropriate standard is the extent to which a given restriction has the effect of favoring the expression of a particular point of view on an identifiable issue more than would a content-and speaker-neutral restriction or no restriction at all.30 The restriction challenged here does substantially favor one viewpoint in that sense, and so it is valid only if it is "finely tailored to serve substantial state interests, and the justifications offered for any distinctions it draws must be carefully scrutinized". Carey v. Brown,
The decisive importance of viewpoint neutrality is illustrated by the cases dealing with so-called "subject matter restrictions": content discrimination based on the subject matter of expression in a particular setting.31 In both Greer v. Spock,
This is not to say that lack of viewpoint-neutrality is a necessary condition for vigorous scrutiny of content or speaker discrimination; the Speech Clause guards other values with comparable intensity.35 But it is at least a sufficient condition. No case has applied any but the most exacting scrutiny to a content or speaker restriction that substantially tended to favor the advocacy of one point of view on a given issue. The access policy adopted by the Perry schools, in form a speaker restriction, favors a particular viewpoint on labor relations in the Perry schools in just such a manner: the teachers inevitably will receive from PEA self-laudatory descriptions of its activities on their behalf and will be denied the critical perspective offered by the PLEA. It must therefore be rigorously scrutinized.
Although this discussion is couched in terms of the first amendment, the same standard of review may be derived from the equal protection clause. Equal protection analysis may broadly be said to fall into a familiar two-tiered pattern: government classifications that impinge on fundamental rights and classifications along suspect lines must be closely tailored to meet a compelling state interest, but other classifications need only be rationally related to a legitimate state interest. E. g., San Antonio Independent School District v. Rodriguez,
In principle, of course, the stringency with which these tools should be applied could vary between the first amendment and equal protection clauses. The strictness of the scrutiny applied under the fundamental rights strand of equal protection does in fact vary in different contexts; there seems to be more than a verbal difference between the "necessary to promote a compelling state interest" test, applied to certain restrictions on the fundamental right to equal treatment in the voting process,38 and the "closely tailored to an important state interest" test, applied by Carey, Mosley, and Consolidated Edison Co. to non-viewpoint-neutral content and speaker discrimination. It should not be surprising that the strictness of fundamental rights scrutiny may vary with the particular right in question, just as the strictness of the scrutiny applied under the suspect classification strands may vary as the classification is fully suspect, such as race, or only semi-suspect, such as gender.39 But, as also illustrated by the passage quoted from Mosley, the Supreme Court has alluded to the first amendment and the equal protection clauses almost indiscriminately in cases involving discrimination in access to communications facilities.40 In this case, therefore, there is no substantial difference between the standards of review required by those two constitutional provisions.41
It is irrelevant to application of the viewpoint-neutrality principle that the school district's internal mail system is not a public forum in the exact sense of the term. That is, we may assume that the Constitution would not prohibit the school district from closing its internal mail system to all unofficial communications if it chose. The public forum doctrine is a manifestation of the first amendment's independent proscription against government regulation that unnecessarily constricts opportunities for expression, even if viewpoint-neutral. If viewpoint-neutrality is an equal protection guarantee, the public forum doctrine is its substantive due process analogue.42 But while content neutrality is an all-pervasive restriction, the public forum doctrine, because of its more sweeping consequences and potentially limitless application, has been carefully restricted to guarantee unofficial access only to government property or facilities of a sort that traditionally have been open to public expression, Greer v. Spock,
Many cases demonstrate that the obligation of viewpoint neutrality applies to discriminatory access restrictions whether or not the facility could be completely closed to unofficial communications. For example, a school classroom is not a public forum, but Tinker v. Des Moines Independent Community School District,
Connecticut SFT asserted that a low standard of scrutiny should apply to a minority union's equal access claim in part because its communications were thought to be of "limited public interest".
Finally, the fact that PLEA has alternative ways to communicate with the teachers does not weaken the applicable standard of review. The oft-cited general rule is that "one is not to have the exercise of his liberty of expression in appropriate places abridged on the plea that it may be exercised in some other place". Schneider v. State,
The other channels of communication here available to PLEA, however, are not nearly as effective as the internal mail system. "The place of work is a place uniquely appropriate for dissemination of views concerning the bargaining representative and the various options open to the employees", NLRB v. Magnavox Co.,
B.
Given that the exclusive access policy must be closely tailored to an important state interest, the defendants' attempts to justify it must be rejected. Their arguments fall into two categories. First, they assert that discrimination in favor of the incumbent union is justified because the incumbent has legal duties to the teachers with respect to bargaining and contract administration that other unions and individuals do not have, and which require it to have an efficient method of communicating with the teachers. Second, citing Memphis AFT, they suggest that the access restriction is necessary to ensure "labor peace" in the school system.
That PEA has legal duties to the teachers that PLEA does not have does not justify the exclusive access policy. The access policy presently in force is both overinclusive and underinclusive with respect to that asserted justification: overinclusive, because the collective bargaining agreement does not limit PEA's use of the mail system to messages related to its special legal duties, and hence does not exclude messages simply critical of PLEA; underinclusive, because the school district permits outside organizations with no special duties to the teachers to use the system. Even if the board had attempted to tailor its access policy more closely to that justification, by excluding all private communications but PEA's and limiting PEA to messages directly related to its special duties, the fit would still be questionable, for it might be difficult both in practice and in principle effectively to separate "necessary" communications from propaganda. More fundamentally, we hold that such an exclusive access policy would be invalid even aside from questions of fit because it furthers no discernible state interest. PLEA does not argue that the school district has no legitimate interest in allowing PEA to use the mail system, but rather that the school district has no interest in making PEA's use exclusive. Without an independent reason why equal access for other labor groups and individual teachers is undesirable, the special duties of the incumbent do not justify opening the system to the incumbent alone. The defendants do not contend that equal access for others would impose significant additional expenses on the school district, nor that it would interfere with PEA's execution of its duties as bargaining representative in any way.46
Nor can the access policy be defended as designed to preserve labor peace. It is true that the state's compelling interest in educating the students attending its public schools permits it to prohibit behavior that "materially and substantially disrupt(s) the work and discipline of the school". Healy v. James,
III.
Because the school board's grant to PEA of an exclusive right to use the internal mail system must be searchingly examined and because the board has failed adequately to justify it, we hold that it violates the first amendment and equal protection rights of the teachers who belong to PLEA. We stress the scope and limits of that holding. It is premised entirely on the discrimination between members of PEA and other teachers; at no point did we rely solely on the fact that the school district permits outside organizations to use the mail system. On the other hand, we do not hold that a school's internal mail system is a public forum in the sense that a school board may not close it to all but official business if it chooses. Furthermore, it does not follow that a school board that opens the system to a majority union may place no restrictions at all on who may use it or the content of the messages that pass through it. The school's interest in keeping outsiders off campus during school hours doubtless supports appropriate restrictions on entry for the purpose of using the mail system, and a school certainly would not be compelled to distribute literature inciting its teachers to participate in an illegal strike, for example. On a more refined level, we have no occasion to consider the validity of content or speaker restrictions that are relatively neutral with respect to viewpoint, such as a restriction of unofficial access to messages about school operations or labor relations, or an exclusion of commercial advertisements or political messages unrelated to school operations. Finally, we are not faced with and do not address the constitutional questions that may arise from a public employer's grant to a majority union of exclusive rights other than of access to communications facilities, such as a dues checkoff.47
The decision of the district court is reversed, and this case is remanded for proceedings in conformity with this opinion.
Notes
Honorable John Minor Wisdom, Senior Circuit Judge for the United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit, is sitting by designation
Ind.Code Ann. § 20-7.5-1-2(k) (Burns 1975). The exact language of the contract is:
Article II Association Rights and Responsibilities
Section 2 Communications
C. The Association (PEA) is permitted access to teacher's mailboxes in which to insert material, provided the Association makes a copy available to the building principal in advance of the distribution. The Association's sponsorship shall appear on all materials which are distributed through teachers' mailboxes. The rights and privileges of the Association, acting as the representative of the teachers, as set forth in Article II, Section 2 part C of this agreement shall not be granted to any other school employee organization as defined in IC 1971, 20-7.5 more commonly known as PL 217.
D. The association shall be permitted to use the inter-school mail system provided that the school corporation shall have no obligation to make special arrangements, incur extra expenses, or devote time beyond that required for inter-school mailing normally and routinely instituted by the school corporation. The rights and privileges of the Association, acting as the representative of the teachers, as set forth in Article II, Section 2 part D of this Agreement, shall not be granted to any other school employee organization as defined in IC 1971, 20-7.5 more commonly known as PL 217.
The Indiana Education Employment Relations Board prohibited either union from using the mail system immediately before the 1977 election, so we presume that they would do so in the event of another election. Note that Indiana law requires at least two years to elapse between elections. Ind.Code Ann. § 20-7.5-1-10(c)(4) (Burns 1975)
The plaintiffs also made a pendent state law claim, but they do not press it on appeal
On the former point, see generally Geed, Unionization of Mr. Chips: A Survey Analysis of Collective Bargaining in the Public Schools, 15 Willamette L.Rev. 367 (1979). On the latter, see Elrod v. Burns,
Cf. Teachers Local 399 v. Michigan City Area Schools,
See, e. g., notes 16-26 infra
The only case we have found holding unconstitutional a school district's refusal to grant a minority union access to teachers' mailboxes or other facilities while granting such privileges to a majority union is Teachers Local 399 v. Michigan City Area Schools, No. 72-S-94 (N.D.Ind. Jan. 24, 1973), vacated on other grounds,
Rejecting such claims are: Connecticut State Federation of Teachers v. Board of Education,
This tabulation does not include constitutional challenges by minority unions to exclusive rights that do not directly involve communication, such as a dues checkoff. Such challenges have uniformly been rejected. The leading case is Bauch v. City of New York,
29 U.S.C. §§ 151-169 (1976)
NLRB v. Northeastern University,
Such discrimination cannot be justified on grounds of cost, for it is an unfair labor practice for an employer to "contribute financial or other support" to "any labor organization". National Labor Relations Act § 8(a) (2), 29 U.S.C. § 158(a)(2) (1976). Some forms of assistance to union efforts to communicate with employees may be permissible "cooperation" rather than unlawful "support", but not assistance that discriminates against a disfavored union. See, e. g., Chicago Rawhide Mfg. Co. v. NLRB,
E. g., Eastex, Inc. v. NLRB,
See National Labor Relations Act § 2(2), 29 U.S.C. § 152(2) (1976)
The Indiana Education Employment Relations Board qualified Pike by stating that it "expresses no opinion concerning the use of school facilities for meetings held by an exclusive representative for purposes other than for the discharge of the exclusive representative's duties of representing the bargaining unit and its individual members". But PEA's right of access here is not so limited, even if it were, that would not change the result. See page 1300 infra
This case presents a problem of labor relations, and although the problem is in the context of public employment, this does not alter its essential character. Plaintiffs are a labor union and its officials and members, and they are seeking to utilize only those internal channels of school communication which are not traditionally of a public nature for the purpose of furthering the goals of their union.... Thus, we do not accept plaintiffs' characterization of the issue as one of alleged impairment of broad First Amendment rights
Local 858, American Federation of Teachers v. School District No. 1,
Gilmore v. City of Montgomery,
Perry v. Sindermann,
E. g., Davis v. Passman,
Smith v. State Highway Employees Local 1315,
Abood v. Detroit Board of Education,
City of Madison, Joint School District No. 8 v. Wisconsin Employment Relations Commission,
Givhan v. Western Line Consolidated School District,
Branti v. Finkel,
Keyishian v. Board of Regents,
Torcaso v. Watkins,
Shelton v. Tucker,
E. g., United States Civil Service Commission v. National Association of Letter Carriers,
Connecticut SFT avoided passing on equal protection claims by invoking the abstention doctrine.
As far as we can discern, the phrase "public forum" was first used in Professor Kalven's seminal article, The Concept of the Public Forum: Cox v. Louisiana, 1965 Sup.Ct.Rev. 1. Loose use of the term has not always kept courts from applying the equal access principle correctly. See, e. g., National Socialist White People's Party v. Ringers,
The limitation to "private individuals", while awkward, is necessary. Several commentators have recently pointed out that the Mosley equal access principle, in order to be workable, must be limited by a distinction between "unofficial speech", which should trigger the equal-access principle, and "legitimate official speech", which should not. A rule permitting only Democrats to give political speeches on a military base should be invalid, but the equal-access principle should not extend so far as to require viewpoints on military tactics other than those taught in the military classroom to be heard. Cf. Greer v. Spock,
See, e. g., First National Bank v. Bellotti,
See also, e. g., Brown v. Glines,
See note 35 infra
See also FCC v. Pacifica Foundation,
See First National Bank v. Bellotti,
For example, the individual interest in self-expression may require speaker restrictions to be scrutinized rigorously in any case, see First National Bank of Boston v. Bellotti,
The differences between the fundamental rights strand of equal protection and a substantive constitutional guarantee are debatable even outside this context. See, e. g., Zablocki v. Redhail,
On important interest and least restrictive means, see, e. g., Martin v. City of Struthers,
E. g., Kramer v. Union Free School District,
E. g., Califano v. Wescott,
See Carey v. Brown,
An alternative ground for strict scrutiny in this case might be derived from the "suspect classification" strand of equal protection, however. If strict scrutiny of suspect classifications is meant to protect those who cannot adequately protect themselves in the political arena, see United States v. Carolene Products Co.,
See generally Kalven, Equality as a Central Principle in the First Amendment, 43 U.Chi.L.Rev. 20 (1975); Note, supra note 40; Stone, supra note 15
See also, e. g., Knights of the KKK v. East Baton Rouge Parish School Board,
See FCC v. Pacifica Foundation,
See Consolidated Edison Co. v. Public Service Commission,
Cf. Southeastern Promotions, Ltd. v. Conrad,
It is arguable that a dues checkoff for the majority union alone would unconstitutionally chill the minority's right to associate or violate their equal protection rights. See nn.7, 18 supra. But because a discriminatory checkoff would not directly interfere with speech, it arguably should be subject to a much less stringent standard of review. Cf. City of Charlotte v. Local 660, International Association of Firefighters,
