Lead Opinion
The jury is a central foundation of our justice system and our democracy. Whatever its imperfections in a particular case, the jury is a necessary check on governmental power. The jury, over the centuries, has been an inspired, trusted, and effective instrument for resolving factual disputes and determining ultimate questions of guilt or innocence in criminal cases. Over the long course its judgments find acceptance in the community, an acceptance essential to respect for the rule of law. The jury is a tangible implementation of the principle that the law comes from the people.
In the era of our Nation's founding, the right to a jury trial already had existed and evolved for centuries, through and alongside the common law. The jury was considered a fundamental safeguard of individual liberty. See The Federalist No. 83, p. 451 (B. Warner ed. 1818) (A. Hamilton). The right to a jury trial in criminal cases was part of the Constitution as first drawn, and it was restated in the Sixth Amendment. Art. III, § 2, cl. 3 ; Amdt. 6.
*861By operation of the Fourteenth Amendment, it is applicable to the States. Duncan v. Louisiana,
Like all human institutions, the jury system has its flaws, yet experience shows that fair and impartial verdicts can be reached if the jury follows the court's instructions and undertakes deliberations that are honest, candid, robust, and based on common sense. A general rule has evolved to give substantial protection to verdict finality and to assure jurors that, once their verdict has been entered, it will not later be called into question based on the comments or conclusions they expressed during deliberations. This principle, itself centuries old, is often referred to as the no-impeachment rule. The instant case presents the question whether there is an exception to the no-impeachment rule when, after the jury is discharged, a juror comes forward with compelling evidence that another juror made clear and explicit statements indicating that racial animus was a significant motivating factor in his or her vote to convict.
I
State prosecutors in Colorado brought criminal charges against petitioner, Miguel Angel Peña-Rodriguez, based on the following allegations. In 2007, in the bathroom of a Colorado horse-racing facility, a man sexually assaulted two teenage sisters. The girls told their father and identified the man as an employee of the racetrack. The police located and arrested petitioner. Each girl separately identified petitioner as the man who had assaulted her.
The State charged petitioner with harassment, unlawful sexual contact, and attempted sexual assault on a child. Before the jury was empaneled, members of the venire were repeatedly asked whether they believed that they could be fair and impartial in the case. A written questionnaire asked if there was "anything about you that you feel would make it difficult for you to be a fair juror." App. 14. The court repeated the question to the panel of prospective jurors and encouraged jurors to speak in private with the court if they had any concerns about their impartiality. Defense counsel likewise asked whether anyone felt that "this is simply not a good case" for them to be a fair juror. Id., at 34. None of the empaneled jurors expressed any reservations based on racial or any other bias. And none asked to speak with the trial judge.
After a 3-day trial, the jury found petitioner guilty of unlawful sexual contact and harassment, but it failed to reach a verdict on the attempted sexual assault charge. When the jury was discharged, the court gave them this instruction, as mandated by Colorado law:
"The question may arise whether you may now discuss this case with the lawyers, defendant, or other persons. For your guidance the court instructs you that whether you talk to anyone is entirely your own decision.... If any person persists in discussing the case over your objection, or becomes critical of your service either before or after any discussion has begun, please report it to me." Id., at 85-86.
Following the discharge of the jury, petitioner's counsel entered the jury room to discuss the trial with the jurors. As the room was emptying, two jurors remained to speak with counsel in private. They stated that, during deliberations, another juror had expressed anti-Hispanic bias toward petitioner and petitioner's alibi witness. Petitioner's counsel reported this to the court and, with the court's supervision, obtained sworn affidavits from the two jurors.
*862The affidavits by the two jurors described a number of biased statements made by another juror, identified as Juror H.C. According to the two jurors, H.C. told the other jurors that he "believed the defendant was guilty because, in [H.C.'s] experience as an ex-law enforcement officer, Mexican men had a bravado that caused them to believe they could do whatever they wanted with women." Id ., at 110. The jurors reported that H.C. stated his belief that Mexican men are physically controlling of women because of their sense of entitlement, and further stated, " 'I think he did it because he's Mexican and Mexican men take whatever they want.' " Id., at 109. According to the jurors, H.C. further explained that, in his experience, "nine times out of ten Mexican men were guilty of being aggressive toward women and young girls." Id., at 110. Finally, the jurors recounted that Juror H.C. said that he did not find petitioner's alibi witness credible because, among other things, the witness was " 'an illegal.' " Ibid. (In fact, the witness testified during trial that he was a legal resident of the United States.)
After reviewing the affidavits, the trial court acknowledged H.C.'s apparent bias. But the court denied petitioner's motion for a new trial, noting that "[t]he actual deliberations that occur among the jurors are protected from inquiry under [Colorado Rule of Evidence] 606(b)." Id ., at 90. Like its federal counterpart, Colorado's Rule 606(b) generally prohibits a juror from testifying as to any statement made during deliberations in a proceeding inquiring into the validity of the verdict. See Fed. Rule Evid. 606(b). The Colorado Rule reads as follows:
"(b) Inquiry into validity of verdict or indictment. Upon an inquiry into the validity of a verdict or indictment, a juror may not testify as to any matter or statement occurring during the course of the jury's deliberations or to the effect of anything upon his or any other juror's mind or emotions as influencing him to assent to or dissent from the verdict or indictment or concerning his mental processes in connection therewith. But a juror may testify about (1) whether extraneous prejudicial information was improperly brought to the jurors' attention, (2) whether any outside influence was improperly brought to bear upon any juror, or (3) whether there was a mistake in entering the verdict onto the verdict form. A juror's affidavit or evidence of any statement by the juror may not be received on a matter about which the juror would be precluded from testifying." Colo. Rule Evid. 606(b) (2016).
The verdict deemed final, petitioner was sentenced to two years' probation and was required to register as a sex offender. A divided panel of the Colorado Court of Appeals affirmed petitioner's conviction, agreeing that H.C.'s alleged statements did not fall within an exception to Rule 606(b) and so were inadmissible to undermine the validity of the verdict. - -- P.3d ----,
The Colorado Supreme Court affirmed by a vote of 4 to 3.
Juror H.C.'s bias was based on petitioner's Hispanic identity, which the Court in prior cases has referred to as ethnicity, and that may be an instructive term here. See, e.g., Hernandez v. New York,
II
A
At common law jurors were forbidden to impeach their verdict, either by affidavit or live testimony. This rule originated in Vaise v. Delaval, 1 T.R. 11, 99 Eng. Rep. 944 (K.B. 1785). There, Lord Mansfield excluded juror testimony that the jury had decided the case through a game of chance. The Mansfield rule, as it came to be known, prohibited jurors, after the verdict was entered, from testifying either about their subjective mental processes or about objective events that occurred during deliberations.
American courts adopted the Mansfield rule as a matter of common law, though not in every detail. Some jurisdictions adopted a different, more flexible version of the no-impeachment bar known as the "Iowa rule." Under that rule, jurors were prevented only from testifying about their own subjective beliefs, thoughts, or motives during deliberations. See Wright v. Illinois & Miss. Tel. Co.,
An alternative approach, later referred to as the federal approach, stayed closer to the original Mansfield rule. See Warger,
This Court's early decisions did not establish a clear preference for a particular version of the no-impeachment rule. In United States v. Reid,
In a following case the Court required the admission of juror affidavits stating that the jury consulted information that *864was not in evidence, including a prejudicial newspaper article. Mattox v. United States,
Later, however, the Court rejected the more lenient Iowa rule. In McDonald v. Pless,
The common-law development of the no-impeachment rule reached a milestone in 1975, when Congress adopted the Federal Rules of Evidence, including Rule 606(b). Congress, like the McDonald Court, rejected the Iowa rule. Instead it endorsed a broad no-impeachment rule, with only limited exceptions.
The version of the rule that Congress adopted was "no accident." Warger, 574 U.S., at ----,
The House favored the Iowa approach, but the Senate expressed concern that it did not sufficiently address the public policy interest in the finality of verdicts. S.Rep. No. 93-1277, pp. 13-14 (1974). Siding with the Senate, the Conference Committee adopted, Congress enacted, and the President signed the Court's proposed rule. The substance of the Rule has not changed since 1975, except for a 2006 modification permitting evidence of a clerical mistake on the verdict form. See 574 U.S., at ----,
The current version of Rule 606(b) states as follows:
"(1) Prohibited Testimony or Other Evidence . During an inquiry into the validity of a verdict or indictment, a juror may not testify about any statement made or incident that occurred during the jury's deliberations; the effect of anything on that juror's or another juror's *865vote; or any juror's mental processes concerning the verdict or indictment. The court may not receive a juror's affidavit or evidence of a juror's statement on these matters.
"(2) Exceptions. A juror may testify about whether:
"(A) extraneous prejudicial information was improperly brought to the jury's attention;
"(B) an outside influence was improperly brought to bear on any juror; or
"(C) a mistake was made in entering the verdict on the verdict form."
This version of the no-impeachment rule has substantial merit. It promotes full and vigorous discussion by providing jurors with considerable assurance that after being discharged they will not be summoned to recount their deliberations, and they will not otherwise be harassed or annoyed by litigants seeking to challenge the verdict. The rule gives stability and finality to verdicts.
B
Some version of the no-impeachment rule is followed in every State and the District of Columbia. Variations make classification imprecise, but, as a general matter, it appears that 42 jurisdictions follow the Federal Rule, while 9 follow the Iowa Rule. Within both classifications there is a diversity of approaches. Nine jurisdictions that follow the Federal Rule have codified exceptions other than those listed in Federal Rule 606(b). See Appendix, infra . At least 16 jurisdictions, 11 of which follow the Federal Rule, have recognized an exception to the no-impeachment bar under the circumstances the Court faces here: juror testimony that racial bias played a part in deliberations.
The federal courts, for their part, are governed by Federal Rule 606(b), but their interpretations deserve further comment. Various Courts of Appeals have had occasion to consider a racial bias exception and have reached different conclusions. Three have held or suggested there is a constitutional exception for evidence of racial bias. See United States v. Villar,
C
In addressing the scope of the common-law no-impeachment rule before Rule 606(b)'s adoption, the Reid and McDonald Courts noted the possibility of an exception to the rule in the "gravest and most *866important cases." Reid,
In its first case, Tanner,
The Tanner Court outlined existing, significant safeguards for the defendant's right to an impartial and competent jury beyond post-trial juror testimony. At the outset of the trial process, voir dire provides an opportunity for the court and counsel to examine members of the venire for impartiality. As a trial proceeds, the court, counsel, and court personnel have some opportunity to learn of any juror misconduct. And, before the verdict, jurors themselves can report misconduct to the court. These procedures do not undermine the stability of a verdict once rendered. Even after the trial, evidence of misconduct other than juror testimony can be used to attempt to impeach the verdict.
The second case to consider the general issue presented here was Warger, 574 U.S. ----,
In Warger , however, the Court did reiterate that the no-impeachment rule may admit exceptions. As in Reid and McDonald, the Court warned of "juror bias so extreme that, almost by definition, the jury trial right has been abridged." 574 U.S., at ---- - ----, n. 3,
The recognition in Warger that there may be extreme cases where the jury trial *867right requires an exception to the no-impeachment rule must be interpreted in context as a guarded, cautious statement. This caution is warranted to avoid formulating an exception that might undermine the jury dynamics and finality interests the no-impeachment rule seeks to protect. Today, however, the Court faces the question that Reid,McDonald, and Warger left open. The Court must decide whether the Constitution requires an exception to the no-impeachment rule when a juror's statements indicate that racial animus was a significant motivating factor in his or her finding of guilt.
III
It must become the heritage of our Nation to rise above racial classifications that are so inconsistent with our commitment to the equal dignity of all persons. This imperative to purge racial prejudice from the administration of justice was given new force and direction by the ratification of the Civil War Amendments.
"[T]he central purpose of the Fourteenth Amendment was to eliminate racial discrimination emanating from official sources in the States." McLaughlin v. Florida,
The duty to confront racial animus in the justice system is not the legislature's alone. Time and again, this Court has been called upon to enforce the Constitution's guarantee against state-sponsored racial discrimination in the jury system. Beginning in 1880, the Court interpreted the Fourteenth Amendment to prohibit the exclusion of jurors on the basis of race. Strauder v. West Virginia,
*868Leesville Concrete Co.,
The unmistakable principle underlying these precedents is that discrimination on the basis of race, "odious in all aspects, is especially pernicious in the administration of justice." Rose v. Mitchell,
IV
A
This case lies at the intersection of the Court's decisions endorsing the no-impeachment rule and its decisions seeking to eliminate racial bias in the jury system. The two lines of precedent, however, need not conflict.
Racial bias of the kind alleged in this case differs in critical ways from the compromise verdict in McDonald, the drug and alcohol abuse in Tanner, or the pro-defendant bias in Warger . The behavior in those cases is troubling and unacceptable, but each involved anomalous behavior from a single jury-or juror-gone off course. Jurors are presumed to follow their oath, cf. Penry v. Johnson,
The same cannot be said about racial bias, a familiar and recurring evil that, if left unaddressed, would risk systemic injury to the administration of justice. This Court's decisions demonstrate that racial bias implicates unique historical, constitutional, and institutional concerns. An effort to address the most grave and serious statements of racial bias is not an effort to perfect the jury but to ensure that our legal system remains capable of coming ever closer to the promise of equal treatment under the law that is so central to a functioning democracy.
Racial bias is distinct in a pragmatic sense as well. In past cases this Court has relied on other safeguards to protect the right to an impartial jury. Some of those safeguards, to be sure, can disclose racial bias. Voir dire at the outset of trial, observation of juror demeanor and conduct during trial, juror reports before the verdict, and nonjuror evidence after trial are important mechanisms for discovering bias. Yet their operation may be compromised, or they may prove insufficient.
*869For instance, this Court has noted the dilemma faced by trial court judges and counsel in deciding whether to explore potential racial bias at voir dire . See Rosales-Lopez,
The stigma that attends racial bias may make it difficult for a juror to report inappropriate statements during the course of juror deliberations. It is one thing to accuse a fellow juror of having a personal experience that improperly influences her consideration of the case, as would have been required in Warger . It is quite another to call her a bigot.
The recognition that certain of the Tanner safeguards may be less effective in rooting out racial bias than other kinds of bias is not dispositive. All forms of improper bias pose challenges to the trial process. But there is a sound basis to treat racial bias with added precaution. A constitutional rule that racial bias in the justice system must be addressed-including, in some instances, after the verdict has been entered-is necessary to prevent a systemic loss of confidence in jury verdicts, a confidence that is a central premise of the Sixth Amendment trial right.
B
For the reasons explained above, the Court now holds that where a juror makes a clear statement that indicates he or she relied on racial stereotypes or animus to convict a criminal defendant, the Sixth Amendment requires that the no-impeachment rule give way in order to permit the trial court to consider the evidence of the juror's statement and any resulting denial of the jury trial guarantee.
Not every offhand comment indicating racial bias or hostility will justify setting aside the no-impeachment bar to allow further judicial inquiry. For the inquiry to proceed, there must be a showing that one or more jurors made statements exhibiting overt racial bias that cast serious doubt on the fairness and impartiality of the jury's deliberations and resulting verdict. To qualify, the statement must tend to show that racial animus was a significant motivating factor in the juror's vote to convict. Whether that threshold showing has been satisfied is a matter committed to the substantial discretion of the trial court in light of all the circumstances, including the content and timing of the alleged statements and the reliability of the proffered evidence.
The practical mechanics of acquiring and presenting such evidence will no doubt be shaped and guided by state rules of professional ethics and local court rules, both of which often limit counsel's post-trial contact with jurors. See 27 C. Wright & V. Gold, Federal Practice and Procedure: Evidence § 6076, pp. 580-583 (2d ed. 2007) (Wright); see also Variations of ABA Model Rules of Professional Conduct, Rule 3.5 (Sept. 15, 2016) (overview of state ethics rules); 2 Jurywork Systematic Techniques § 13:18 (2016-2017) (overview of Federal District Court rules). These limits seek to provide jurors some protection when they return to their daily affairs after the verdict has been entered. But while a juror can always tell counsel they do not wish to discuss the case, jurors in some instances may come forward of their own accord.
*870That is what happened here. In this case the alleged statements by a juror were egregious and unmistakable in their reliance on racial bias. Not only did juror H.C. deploy a dangerous racial stereotype to conclude petitioner was guilty and his alibi witness should not be believed, but he also encouraged other jurors to join him in convicting on that basis.
Petitioner's counsel did not seek out the two jurors' allegations of racial bias. Pursuant to Colorado's mandatory jury instruction, the trial court had set limits on juror contact and encouraged jurors to inform the court if anyone harassed them about their role in the case. Similar limits on juror contact can be found in other jurisdictions that recognize a racial-bias exception. See, e.g., Fla. Standard Jury Instrs. in Crim. Cases No. 4.2 (West 2016) ("Although you are at liberty to speak with anyone about your deliberations, you are also at liberty to refuse to speak to anyone"); Mass. Office of Jury Comm'r, Trial Juror's Handbook (Dec. 2015) ("You are not required to speak with anyone once the trial is over.... If anyone tries to learn this confidential information from you, or if you feel harassed or embarrassed in any way, you should report it to the court ... immediately"); N.J. Crim. Model Jury Charges, Non 2C Charges, Dismissal of Jury (2014) ("It will be up to each of you to decide whether to speak about your service as a juror").
With the understanding that they were under no obligation to speak out, the jurors approached petitioner's counsel, within a short time after the verdict, to relay their concerns about H.C.'s statements. App. 77. A similar pattern is common in cases involving juror allegations of racial bias. See, e.g., Villar,
While the trial court concluded that Colorado's Rule 606(b) did not permit it even to consider the resulting affidavits, the Court's holding today removes that bar. When jurors disclose an instance of racial bias as serious as the one involved in this case, the law must not wholly disregard its occurrence.
C
As the preceding discussion makes clear, the Court relies on the experiences of the 17 jurisdictions that have recognized a racial-bias exception to the no-impeachment rule-some for over half a century-with no signs of an increase in juror harassment or a loss of juror willingness to engage in searching and candid deliberations.
The experience of these jurisdictions, and the experience of the courts going forward, will inform the proper exercise of trial judge discretion in these and related matters. This case does not ask, and the Court need not address, what procedures a trial court must follow when confronted with a motion for a new trial based on juror testimony of racial bias. See
D
It is proper to observe as well that there are standard and existing processes designed to prevent racial bias in jury deliberations. The advantages of careful voir dire have already been noted. And other safeguards deserve mention.
Trial courts, often at the outset of the case and again in their final jury instructions, explain the jurors' duty to review the evidence and reach a verdict in a fair and impartial way, free from bias of any kind. Some instructions are framed by trial judges based on their own learning and experience. Model jury instructions likely take into account these continuing developments and are common across jurisdictions. See, e.g., 1A K. O'Malley, J. Grenig, & W. Lee, Federal Jury Practice and Instructions, Criminal § 10:01, p. 22 (6th ed. 2008) ("Perform these duties fairly. Do not let any bias, sympathy or prejudice that you may feel toward one side or the other influence your decision in any way"). Instructions may emphasize the group dynamic of deliberations by urging jurors to share their questions and conclusions with their colleagues. See, e.g., id ., § 20:01, at 841 ("It is your duty as jurors to consult with one another and to deliberate with one another with a view towards reaching an agreement if you can do so without violence to individual judgment").
Probing and thoughtful deliberation improves the likelihood that other jurors can confront the flawed nature of reasoning that is prompted or influenced by improper biases, whether racial or otherwise. These dynamics can help ensure that the exception is limited to rare cases.
* * *
The Nation must continue to make strides to overcome race-based discrimination. The progress that has already been made underlies the Court's insistence that blatant racial prejudice is antithetical to the functioning of the jury system and must be confronted in egregious cases like this one despite the general bar of the no-impeachment rule. It is the mark of a maturing legal system that it seeks to understand and to implement the lessons of history. The Court now seeks to strengthen the broader principle that society can and must move forward by achieving the thoughtful, rational dialogue at the foundation of both the jury system and the free society that sustains our Constitution.
The judgment of the Supreme Court of Colorado is reversed, and the case is remanded for further proceedings not inconsistent with this opinion.
It is so ordered.
Dissenting Opinion
The Court today holds that the Sixth Amendment requires the States to provide a criminal defendant the opportunity to impeach a jury's guilty verdict with juror testimony about a juror's alleged racial bias, notwithstanding a state procedural rule forbidding such testimony. I agree with Justice ALITO that the Court's decision is incompatible with the text of the Amendment it purports to interpret and with our precedents. I write separately to explain that the Court's holding also cannot be squared with the original understanding of the Sixth or Fourteenth Amendments.
I
The Sixth Amendment's protection of the right, "[i]n all criminal prosecutions,"
*872to a "trial, by an impartial jury," is limited to the protections that existed at common law when the Amendment was ratified. See, e.g., Apprendi v. New Jersey,
The Sixth Amendment's specific guarantee of impartiality incorporates the common-law understanding of that term. See, e.g., 3 W. Blackstone, Commentaries on the Laws of England 365 (1769) (Blackstone) (describing English trials as "impartially just" because of their "caution against all partiality and bias" in the jury). The common law required a juror to have "freedome of mind" and to be "indifferent as hee stands unsworne." 1 E. Coke, First Part of the Institutes of the Laws of England § 234, p. 155a (16th ed. 1809); accord, 3 M. Bacon, A New Abridgment of the Law 258 (3d ed. 1768); cf. T. Cooley, A Treatise on the Constitutional Limitations Which Rest Upon the Legislative Power of the States of the American Union 319 (1868) ("The jury must be indifferent between the prisoner and the commonwealth"). Impartial jurors could "have no interest of their own affected, and no personal bias, or pre-possession, in favor [of] or against either party." Pettis v. Warren,
II
The common-law right to a jury trial did not, however, guarantee a defendant the right to impeach a jury verdict with juror testimony about juror misconduct, including "a principal species of [juror] misbehaviour"-"notorious partiality." 3 Blackstone 388. Although partiality was a ground for setting aside a jury verdict, ibid., the English common-law rule at the time the Sixth Amendment was ratified did not allow jurors to supply evidence of that misconduct. In 1770, Lord Mansfield refused to receive a juror's affidavit to impeach a verdict, declaring that such an affidavit "can't be read." Rex v. Almon, 5 Burr. 2687, 98 Eng. Rep. 411 (K.B.). And in 1785, Lord Mansfield solidified the doctrine, holding that "[t]he Court [could not] receive such an affidavit from any of the jurymen" to prove that the jury had cast lots to reach a verdict. Vaise v. Delaval, 1 T.R. 11, 99 Eng. Rep. 944 (K.B.).
At the time of the founding, the States took mixed approaches to this issue. See Cluggage v. Swan,
By the time the Fourteenth Amendment was ratified, Lord Mansfield's no-impeachment rule had become firmly entrenched in American law. See Lettow, New Trial for Verdict Against Law: Judge-Jury Relations in Early-Nineteenth Century America,
*874The Court today acknowledges that the States "adopted the Mansfield rule as a matter of common law," ante, at 863, but ascribes no significance to that fact. I would hold that it is dispositive. Our common-law history does not establish that-in either 1791 (when the Sixth Amendment was ratified) or 1868 (when the Fourteenth Amendment was ratified)-a defendant had the right to impeach a verdict with juror testimony of juror misconduct. In fact, it strongly suggests that such evidence was prohibited. In the absence of a definitive common-law tradition permitting impeachment by juror testimony, we have no basis to invoke a constitutional provision that merely "follow[s] out the established course of the common law in all trials for crimes," 3 Story § 1785, at 662, to overturn Colorado's decision to preserve the no-impeachment rule, cf. Boumediene v. Bush,
* * *
Perhaps good reasons exist to curtail or abandon the no-impeachment rule. Some States have done so, see Appendix to majority opinion, ante, and others have not. Ultimately, that question is not for us to decide. It should be left to the political process described by Justice ALITO. See post, at 876 - 878 (dissenting opinion). In its attempt to stimulate a "thoughtful, rational dialogue" on race relations, ante, at 871, the Court today ends the political process and imposes a uniform, national rule. The Constitution does not require such a rule. Neither should we.
I respectfully dissent.
Justice ALITO, with whom THE CHIEF JUSTICE and Justice THOMAS join, dissenting.
Our legal system has many rules that restrict the admission of evidence of statements made under circumstances in which confidentiality is thought to be essential. Statements made to an attorney in obtaining legal advice, statements to a treating physician, and statements made to a spouse or member of the clergy are familiar examples. See Trammel v . United States,
The present case concerns a rule like those just mentioned, namely, the age-old rule against attempting to overturn or "impeach" a jury's verdict by offering statements made by jurors during the course of deliberations. For centuries, it has been the judgment of experienced judges, trial attorneys, scholars, and lawmakers that allowing jurors to testify after a trial about what took place in the jury room would undermine the system of trial by jury that is integral to our legal system.
Juries occupy a unique place in our justice system. The other participants in a trial-the presiding judge, the attorneys, the witnesses-function in an arena governed by strict rules of law. Their every word is recorded and may be closely scrutinized for missteps.
When jurors retire to deliberate, however, they enter a space that is not regulated in the same way. Jurors are ordinary people. They are expected to speak, debate, argue, and make decisions the way ordinary people do in their daily lives. Our Constitution places great value on this way of thinking, speaking, and deciding. The jury trial right protects parties in *875court cases from being judged by a special class of trained professionals who do not speak the language of ordinary people and may not understand or appreciate the way ordinary people live their lives. To protect that right, the door to the jury room has been locked, and the confidentiality of jury deliberations has been closely guarded.
Today, with the admirable intention of providing justice for one criminal defendant, the Court not only pries open the door; it rules that respecting the privacy of the jury room, as our legal system has done for centuries, violates the Constitution. This is a startling development, and although the Court tries to limit the degree of intrusion, it is doubtful that there are principled grounds for preventing the expansion of today's holding.
The Court justifies its decision on the ground that the nature of the confidential communication at issue in this particular case-a clear expression of what the Court terms racial bias
Suppose that a prosecution witness gives devastating but false testimony against a defendant, and suppose that the witness's motivation is racial bias. Suppose that the witness admits this to his attorney, his spouse, and a member of the clergy. Suppose that the defendant, threatened with conviction for a serious crime and a lengthy term of imprisonment, seeks to compel the attorney, the spouse, or the member of the clergy to testify about the witness's admissions. Even though the constitutional rights of the defendant hang in the balance, the defendant's efforts to obtain the testimony would fail. The Court provides no good reason why the result in this case should not be the same.
I
Rules barring the admission of juror testimony to impeach a verdict (so-called "no-impeachment rules") have a long history. Indeed, they pre-date the ratification of the Constitution. They are typically traced back to Vaise v. Delaval, 1 T.R. 11, 99 Eng. Rep. 944 (K.B. 1785), in which Lord Mansfield declined to consider an affidavit from two jurors who claimed that the jury had reached its verdict by lot. See Warger v. Shauers, 574 U.S. ----, ----,
In McDonald v. Pless,
The firm no-impeachment approach taken in McDonald came to be known as "the federal rule." This approach categorically bars testimony about jury deliberations, except where it is offered to demonstrate that the jury was subjected to an extraneous influence (for example, an attempt to bribe a juror). Warger,
Some jurisdictions, notably Iowa, adopted a more permissive rule. Under the Iowa rule, jurors were generally permitted to testify about any subject except their "subjective intentions and thought processes in reaching a verdict." Warger,
Debate between proponents of the federal rule and the Iowa rule emerged during the framing and adoption of Federal Rule of Evidence 606(b). Both sides had their supporters. The contending arguments were heard and considered, and in the end the strict federal approach was retained.
An early draft of the Advisory Committee on the Federal Rules of Evidence included a version of the Iowa rule,
Initially, the House rejected this Court's version of Rule 606(b) and instead reverted to the earlier (and narrower) Advisory Committee draft. Tanner,
As this summary shows, the process that culminated in the adoption of Federal Rule of Evidence 606(b) was the epitome of reasoned democratic rulemaking. The "distinguished, Supreme Court-appointed" members of the Advisory Committee went through a 7-year drafting process, "produced two well-circulated drafts," and "considered numerous comments from persons involved in nearly every area of court-related law." Rothstein, The Proposed Amendments to the Federal Rules of Evidence,
Colorado considered this same question, made the same judgment as the participants in the federal process, and adopted a very similar rule. In doing so, it joined *878the overwhelming majority of States. Ante, at 864 - 865. In the great majority of jurisdictions, strong no-impeachment rules continue to be "viewed as both promoting the finality of verdicts and insulating the jury from outside influences." Warger, 574 U.S., at ----,
II
A
Recognizing the importance of Rule 606(b), this Court has twice rebuffed efforts to create a Sixth Amendment exception-first in Tanner and then, just two Terms ago, in Warger .
The Tanner petitioners were convicted of committing mail fraud and conspiring to defraud the United States.
The Court noted that "[s]ubstantial policy considerations support the common-law rule against the admission of jury testimony to impeach a verdict."
The Tanner petitioners, of course, had a Sixth Amendment right "to 'a tribunal both impartial and mentally competent to afford a hearing.' " Id ., at 126,
The Court identified four mechanisms that protect defendants' Sixth Amendment rights. First, jurors can be "examined during voir dire ."
Warger involved a negligence suit arising from a motorcycle crash. 574 U.S., at ----,
In seeking to use this testimony to overturn the jury's verdict, the plaintiff's primary contention was that Rule 606(b) does not apply to evidence concerning a juror's alleged misrepresentations during voir dire . If otherwise interpreted, the plaintiff maintained, the rule would threaten his right to trial by an impartial jury.
Tanner and Warger fit neatly into this Court's broader jurisprudence concerning the constitutionality of evidence rules. As the Court has explained, "state and federal rulemakers have broad latitude under the Constitution to establish rules excluding evidence from criminal trials." Holmes v. South Carolina,
Today, for the first time, the Court creates a constitutional exception to no-impeachment rules. Specifically, the Court holds that no-impeachment rules violate the Sixth Amendment to the extent that they preclude courts from considering evidence of a juror's racially biased comments. Ante, at 869. The Court attempts to distinguish Tanner and Warger , but its efforts fail.
Tanner and Warger rested on two basic propositions. First, no-impeachment rules advance crucial interests. Second, the right to trial by an impartial jury is adequately protected by mechanisms other than the use of juror testimony regarding jury deliberations. The first of these propositions applies regardless of the nature of the juror misconduct, and the Court does not argue otherwise. Instead, it contends that, in cases involving racially biased jurors, the Tanner safeguards are less effective and the defendant's Sixth Amendment interests are more profound. Neither argument is persuasive.
B
As noted above, Tanner identified four "aspects of the trial process" that protect a defendant's Sixth Amendment rights: (1) voir dire ; (2) observation by the court, counsel, and court personnel; (3) pre-verdict reports by the jurors; and (4) non-juror evidence.
*880
1
First, the Court contends that the effectiveness of voir dire is questionable in cases involving racial bias because pointed questioning about racial attitudes may highlight racial issues and thereby exacerbate prejudice.
*881The suggestion that voir dire is ineffective in unearthing bias runs counter to decisions of this Court holding that voir dire on the subject of race is constitutionally required in some cases, mandated as a matter of federal supervisory authority in others, and typically advisable in any case if a defendant requests it. See Turner v. Murray,
In any event, the critical point for present purposes is that the effectiveness of voir dire is a debatable empirical proposition. Its assessment should be addressed in the process of developing federal and state evidence rules. Federal and state rulemakers can try a variety of approaches, and they can make changes in response to the insights provided by experience and research. The approach taken by today's majority-imposing a federal constitutional rule on the entire country-prevents experimentation and makes change exceedingly hard.
2
The majority also argues-even more cursorily-that "racial bias may make it difficult for a juror to report inappropriate statements during the course of juror deliberations."
*882Ante, at 869. This is so, we are told, because it is difficult to "call [another juror] a bigot."
Since the Court's decision mandates the admission of the testimony of one juror about a statement made by another juror during deliberations, what the Court must mean in making this argument is that jurors are less willing to report biased comments by fellow jurors prior to the beginning of deliberations (while they are still sitting with the biased juror) than they are after the verdict is announced and the jurors have gone home. But this is also a questionable empirical assessment, and the Court's seat-of-the-pants judgment is no better than that of those with the responsibility of drafting and adopting federal and state evidence rules. There is no question that jurors do report biased comments made by fellow jurors prior to the beginning of deliberations. See, e.g., United States v. McClinton,
Even if there is something to the distinction that the Court makes between pre- and post-verdict reporting, it is debatable whether the difference is significant enough to merit different treatment. This is especially so because post-verdict reporting is both more disruptive and may be the result of extraneous influences. A juror who is initially in the minority but is ultimately persuaded by other jurors may have second thoughts after the verdict is announced and may be angry with others on the panel who pressed for unanimity. In addition, if a verdict is unpopular with a particular juror's family, friends, employer, co-workers, or neighbors, the juror may regret his or her vote and may feel pressured to rectify what the jury has done.
In short, the Court provides no good reason to depart from the calculus made in Tanner and Warger . Indeed, the majority itself uses hedged language and appears to recognize that this "pragmatic" argument is something of a makeweight. Ante, at 868 - 869 (noting that the argument is "not dispositive"); ante, at 869 (stating that the operation of the safeguards "may be compromised, or they may prove insufficient").
III
A
The real thrust of the majority opinion is that the Constitution is less tolerant of racial bias than other forms of juror misconduct, but it is hard to square this argument with the nature of the Sixth Amendment right on which petitioner's argument and the Court's holding are based. What the Sixth Amendment protects is the right to an "impartial jury." Nothing in the text or history of the Amendment or in the inherent nature of the jury trial right suggests that the extent of the protection provided by the Amendment depends on the nature of a jury's partiality or bias. As the Colorado Supreme Court aptly put it, it is hard to "discern a dividing line between different types of juror bias or misconduct, whereby one form of partiality would implicate a party's Sixth Amendment right while another would not."
*883Nor has the Court found any decision of this Court suggesting that the Sixth Amendment recognizes some sort of hierarchy of partiality or bias. The Court points to a line of cases holding that, in some narrow circumstances, the Constitution requires trial courts to conduct voir dire on the subject of race. Those decisions, however, were not based on a ranking of types of partiality but on the Court's conclusion that in certain cases racial bias was especially likely. See Turner,
It is undoubtedly true that "racial bias implicates unique historical, constitutional, and institutional concerns." Ante, at 868. But it is hard to see what that has to do with the scope of an individual criminal defendant's Sixth Amendment right to be judged impartially. The Court's efforts to reconcile its decision with McDonald,Tanner, and Warger illustrate the problem. The Court writes that the misconduct in those cases, while "troubling and unacceptable," was "anomalous." Ante, at 868. By contrast, racial bias, the Court says, is a "familiar and recurring evil" that causes "systemic injury to the administration of justice." Ante, at 868.
Imagine two cellmates serving lengthy prison terms. Both were convicted for homicides committed in unrelated barroom fights. At the trial of the first prisoner, a juror, during deliberations, expressed animosity toward the defendant because of his race. At the trial of the second prisoner, a juror, during deliberations, expressed animosity toward the defendant because he was wearing the jersey of a hated football team. In both cases, jurors come forward after the trial and reveal what the biased juror said in the jury room. The Court would say to the first prisoner: "You are entitled to introduce the jurors' testimony, because racial bias is damaging to our society." To the second, the Court would say: "Even if you did not have an impartial jury, you must stay in prison because sports rivalries are not a major societal issue."
This disparate treatment is unsupportable under the Sixth Amendment. If the Sixth Amendment requires the admission of juror testimony about statements or conduct during deliberations that show one type of juror partiality, then statements or conduct showing any type of partiality should be treated the same way.
B
Recasting this as an equal protection case would not provide a ground for limiting the holding to cases involving racial bias. At a minimum, cases involving bias based on any suspect classification-such as national origin
Attempting to limit the damage worked by its decision, the Court says that only "clear" expressions of bias must be admitted, ante, at 883, but judging whether a statement is sufficiently "clear" will often not be easy. Suppose that the allegedly biased juror in this case never made reference to Peña-Rodriguez's race or national origin but said that he had a lot of experience with "this macho type" and knew that men of this kind felt that they could get their way with women. Suppose that other jurors testified that they were certain that "this macho type" was meant to refer to Mexican or Hispanic men. Many other similarly suggestive statements can easily be imagined, and under today's decision it will be difficult for judges to discern the dividing line between those that are "clear[ly]" based on racial or ethnic bias and those that are at least somewhat ambiguous.
IV
Today's decision-especially if it is expanded in the ways that seem likely-will invite the harms that no-impeachment rules were designed to prevent.
First, as the Court explained in Tanner, "postverdict scrutiny of juror conduct" will inhibit "full and frank discussion in the jury room."
Today's ruling will also prompt losing parties and their friends, supporters, and attorneys to contact and seek to question jurors, and this pestering may erode citizens' willingness to serve on juries. Many jurisdictions now have rules that prohibit or restrict post-verdict contact with jurors, but whether those rules will survive today's decision is an open question-as is the effect of this decision on privilege rules such as those noted at the outset of this opinion.
*885Where post-verdict approaches are permitted or occur, there is almost certain to be an increase in harassment, arm-twisting, and outright coercion. See McDonald,
The majority's approach will also undermine the finality of verdicts. "Public policy requires a finality to litigation." S. Rep., at 14. And accusations of juror bias-which may be "raised for the first time days, weeks, or months after the verdict"-can "seriously disrupt the finality of the process." Tanner, supra, at 120,
The Court itself acknowledges that strict no-impeachment rules "promot[e] full and vigorous discussion," protect jurors from "be[ing] harassed or annoyed by litigants seeking to challenge the verdict," and "giv[e] stability and finality to verdicts." Ante, at 865. By the majority's own logic, then, imposing exceptions on no-impeachment rules will tend to defeat full and vigorous discussion, expose jurors to harassment, and deprive verdicts of stability.
The Court's only response is that some jurisdictions already make an exception for racial bias, and the Court detects no signs of "a loss of juror willingness to engage in searching and candid deliberations." Ante, at 870. One wonders what sort of outward signs the Court would expect to see if jurors in these jurisdictions do not speak as freely in the jury room as their counterparts in jurisdictions with strict no-impeachment rules. Gathering and assessing evidence regarding the quality of jury deliberations in different jurisdictions would be a daunting enterprise, and the Court offers no indication that anybody has undertaken that task.
In short, the majority barely bothers to engage with the policy issues implicated by no-impeachment rules. But even if it had carefully grappled with those issues, it still would have no basis for exalting its own judgment over that of the many expert policymakers who have endorsed broad no-impeachment rules.
V
The Court's decision is well-intentioned. It seeks to remedy a flaw in the jury trial system, but as this Court said some years ago, it is questionable whether our system of trial by jury can endure this attempt to perfect it. Tanner,
I respectfully dissent.
*886APPENDIX
Codified Exceptions in Addition to Those Enumerated in Fed. Rule Evid. 606(b)
See Ariz. Rules Crim. Proc. 24.1(c)(3), (d) (2011) (exception for evidence of misconduct, including verdict by game of chance or intoxication); Idaho Rule Evid. 606(b) (2016) (game of chance); Ind. Rule Evid. 606(b)(2)(A) (Burns 2014) (drug or alcohol use); Minn. Rule Evid. 606(b) (2014) (threats of violence or violent acts); Mont. Rule Evid. 606(b) (2015) (game of chance); N.D. Rule Evid. 606(b)(2)(C) (2016-2017) (same); Tenn. Rule Evid. 606(b) (2016) (quotient verdict or game of chance); Tex. Rule Evid. 606(b)(2)(B) (West 2016) (rebutting claim juror was unqualified); Vt. Rule Evid. 606(b) (Cum. Supp. 2016) (juror communication with nonjuror); see also 27 C. Wright & V. Gold, Federal Practice and Procedure: Evidence § 6071, p. 447, and n. 66 (2d ed. 2007); id., at 451, and n. 70; id., at 452, and n. 72.
Judicially Recognized Exceptions for Evidence of Racial Bias
See State v. Santiago,
Prior to 1770, it appears that juror affidavits were sometimes received to impeach a verdict on the ground of juror misbehavior, although only "with great caution." McDonald v. Pless,
Although two States declined to follow the rule in the mid-19th century, see Wright v. Illinois & Miss. Tel. Co.,
The bias at issue in this case was a "bias against Mexican men." App. 160. This might be described as bias based on national origin or ethnicity. Cf. Hernandez v. New York,
As this Court has explained, the extraneous influence exception "do[es] not detract from, but rather harmonize[s] with, the weighty government interest in insulating the jury's deliberative process." Tanner,
In particular, the Justice Department observed that "[s]trong policy considerations continue to support" the federal approach and that "[r]ecent experience has shown that the danger of harassment of jurors by unsuccessful litigants warrants a rule which imposes strict limitations on the instances in which jurors may be questioned about their verdict." Letter from R. Kliendienst, Deputy Attorney General, to Judge A. Maris (Aug. 9, 1971), 117 Cong. Rec. 33648, 33655 (1971). And Senator McClellan, an influential member of the Senate Judiciary Committee, insisted that the "mischief in this Rule ought to be plain for all to see" and that it would be impossible "to conduct trials, particularly criminal prosecutions, as we know them today, if every verdict were followed by a post-trial hearing into the conduct of the juror's deliberations." Letter from Sen. J. McClellan to Judge A. Maris (Aug. 12, 1971), id., at 33642, 33645.
Although Warger was a civil case, we wrote that "[t]he Constitution guarantees both criminal and civil litigants a right to an impartial jury." 574 U.S., at ----,
The majority opinion in this case identifies a fifth mechanism: jury instructions. It observes that, by explaining the jurors' responsibilities, appropriate jury instructions can promote "[p]robing and thoughtful deliberation," which in turn "improves the likelihood that other jurors can confront the flawed nature of reasoning that is prompted or influenced by improper biases." Ante, at 871. This mechanism, like those listed in Tanner, can help to prevent bias from infecting a verdict.
Both of those techniques were used in this case for other purposes. App. 13-14; Tr. 56-78 (Feb. 23, 2010, morning session).
See People v. Harlan,
See, e.g., J. Gobert, E. Kreitzberg, & C. Rose, Jury Selection: The Law, Art, and Science of Selecting a Jury § 7:41, pp. 357-358 (3d ed. 2014) (explaining that "the issue should be approached more indirectly" and suggesting the use of "[o]pen-ended questions" on subjects like "the composition of the neighborhood in which the juror lives, the juror's relationship with co-workers or neighbors of different races, or the juror's past experiences with persons of other races"); W. Jordan, Jury Selection § 8.11, p. 237 (1980) (explaining that "the whole matter of prejudice" should be approached "delicately and cautiously" and giving an example of an indirect question that avoids the word "prejudice"); R. Wenke, The Art of Selecting a Jury 67 (1979) (discussing questions that could identify biased jurors when "your client is a member of a minority group"); id., at 66 (suggesting that instead of "asking a juror if he is 'prejudiced' " the attorney should "inquire about his 'feeling,' 'belief' or 'opinion' "); 2 National Jury Project, Inc., Jurywork: Systematic Techniques § 17.23 (E. Krauss ed., 2d ed. 2010) (listing sample questions about racial prejudice); A. Grine & E. Coward, Raising Issues of Race in North Carolina Criminal Cases, p. 8-14 (2014) (suggesting that attorneys "share a brief example about a judgment shaped by a racial stereotype" to make it easier for jurors to share their own biased views), http://defendermanuals.sog.unc.edu/race/8-addressing-race-trial (as last visited Mar. 3, 2017); id., at 8-15 to 8-17 (suggesting additional strategies and providing sample questions); T. Mauet, Trial Techniques 44 (8th ed. 2010) (suggesting that "likely beliefs and attitudes are more accurately learned through indirection"); J. Lieberman & B. Sales, Scientific Jury Selection 114-115 (2007) (discussing research suggesting that "participants were more likely to admit they were unable to abide by legal due process guarantees when asked open-ended questions that did not direct their responses").
To the extent race does become salient during voir dire, there is social science research suggesting that this may actually combat rather than reinforce the jurors' biases. See, e.g., Lee, A New Approach to Voir Dire on Racial Bias, 5 U.C. Irvine L. Rev. 843, 861 (2015) ("A wealth of fairly recent empirical research has shown that when race is made salient either through pretrial publicity, voir dire questioning of prospective jurors, opening and closing arguments, or witness testimony, White jurors are more likely to treat similarly situated Black and White defendants the same way"). See also Sommers & Ellsworth, White Juror Bias: An Investigation of Prejudice Against Black Defendants in the American Courtroom, 7 Psychology, Pub. Pol'y, & L. 201, 222 (2001); Sommers & Ellsworth, How Much Do We Really Know About Race and Juries? A Review of Social Science Theory and Research,
It is worth noting that, even if voir dire were entirely ineffective at detecting racial bias (a proposition no one defends), that still would not suffice to distinguish this case from Warger v. Shauers, 574 U.S. ----,
The majority's reliance on footnote 3 of Warger, ante, at 866 - 867, is unavailing. In that footnote, the Court noted that some "cases of juror bias" might be "so extreme" as to prompt the Court to "consider whether the usual safeguards are or are not sufficient to protect the integrity of the process." 574 U.S., at 866, n. 3,
In addition, those cases did not involve a challenge to a long-established evidence rule. As such, they offer little guidance in performing the analysis required by this case.
See Cleburne v. Cleburne Living Center, Inc.,
See, e.g., United States v. Armstrong,
The majority's emphasis on the unique harms of racial bias will not succeed at cabining the novel exception to no-impeachment rules, but it may succeed at putting other kinds of rules under threat. For example, the majority approvingly refers to the widespread rules limiting attorneys' contact with jurors. Ante, at 883. But under the reasoning of the majority opinion, it is not clear why such rules should be enforced when they come into conflict with a defendant's attempt to introduce evidence of racial bias. For instance, what will happen when a lawyer obtains clear evidence of racist statements by contacting jurors in violation of a local rule? (Something similar happened in Tanner.
