Newspapers’ content has many sources. To the work of their own staff, papers add dispatches from syndicated news services such as the Associated Press and Reuters that station reporters or stringers across the globe. Leading newspapers such as the New York - Times, the Los Angeles Times, the Washington Post, the Chicago Tribune, and the Wall Street Journal have set up supplemental news services. The New York Times News Service carries that paper’s stories; the Los Angeles Times/Washington Post News Service combines stories from those papers; the Knight-Ridder/Tribune Information Service pools stories from the Tribune and the Knight-Ridder chain’s papers. Subscribers can reprint the originating paper’s stories (and those of other papers that contribute to the supplemental service) in the subscribers’ home markets. Cartoons, op-ed pieces, book reviews, chess columns, puzzles, and other features are available from syndicators such as United Press Syndicate, United Features Syndicate, King Features Syndicate, Creators Syndicate, and Tribune Media Services.
Supplemental news services and features syndicators offer exclusive contracts to subscribers in each metropolitan area. Because the Chicago Tribune subscribes to the New York Times News Service, stories from the Times are unavailable to the Chicago Sum-Times and smaller newspapers in the Chicago area; the Sun-Times subscribes to the Los Angeles Times/Washington Post News Service, which therefore is unavailable to the Tribune and smaller papers. News services and features syndicates charge by the circulation of the subscribing paper, and they therefore strive to sign up the largest paper in each market. Exclusivity is one valuable feature the service offers, for a paper with exclusive rights to a service or feature is both more attractive to readers and more distinctive from its rivals. When selling to smaller papers, however, the supplemental news services and features syndicates generally do not offer exclusivity — for they still hope to interest the larger, and therefore more lucrative, papers in the market (which can sign up later with exclusive rights against all but the original customer).
As a rule, the larger papers subscribe to the more popular services and features; or perhaps it is the very fact that a feature runs
The
Herald
does not contend that the
Tribune
has conspired with the
Sun-Times
to bring about this state of affairs. Compare
Associated Press v. United States,
This is fundamentally an “essential facilities” claim-but without any essential facility. There are three supplemental news services that the
Herald
is willing to acknowledge as major competitors (and ■ others besides, though the
Herald
denigrates them). There are hundreds, if not thousands, of opinion and entertainment features; a newspaper deprived of access to' the
New York Times
crosswords puzzles can find others, even if the
Times
has the best known one. Unlike
United States v. Terminal Railroad Ass’n,
Competition-for-the-contract is a form of competition that antitrust laws protect rather than proscribe, and it is common. Every year or two, General Motors, Ford, and Chrysler invite tire manufacturers to bid for exclusive rights to have their tires used in the manufacturers’ cars. Exclusive contracts make the market hard to enter in mid-year but cannot stifle competition over the longer run, and competition of this kind drives down the price of tires, to the ultimate benefit of consumers. Just so in the news business — if smaller newspapers are willing to bid with cash rather than legal talent. In the meantime, exclusive stories and features help the newspapers differentiate themselves, the better to compete with one another. A market in which every newspaper carried the same stories, columns, and cartoons would be a less vigorous market than the existing one. And a market in which the creators of intellectual property (such as the New York Times) could not decide how best to market it for maximum profit would be a market with less (or less interesting) intellectual property created in the first place. No one can take the supply of well researched and written news as a given; legal rulings that diminish the incentive to find and explicate the news (by reducing the return from that business) have little to commend them.
In what way could the news services’ practices harm consumers? Tacit collusion (economists’ term for “shared monopoly”) could be a source of monopoly profits and injury to consumers even if none of the stages of production is monopolized. Some distribution arrangements might be objectionable because they facilitate tacit collusion. But collusion, tacit or express, requires some horizontal cooperation, or at least forbearance from vigorous competition among rivals. See Herbert Hovenkamp,
Federal Antitrust Policy
§ 4.4 (1994). Compare Richard A. Posner,
Antitrust Law: An Economic Perspective
42-77 (1976), with Donald F. Turner,
The Definition of Agreement Under the Sherman Act: Conscious Parallelism and Refusals to Deal,
75 Harv.L.Rev. 655 (1962). Although the newspaper market is concentrated on the readers’ side, the inputs to newspaper production are unconcentrated and therefore do not facilitate tacit collusion in the more concentrated market. The New York Times News Service competes for column inches of ink not only with other supplemental news services but also with the Associated Press, Reuters, and the reporters of the subscribing papers. Markets here are less concentrated, and use fewer of the devices that facilitate oligopolistic interdependence, than the markets in
E.I. Du Pont de Nemours & Co. v. FTC,
What the
Herald
does argue is that a mixture of fewness of firms, exclusive contracts, and relations between suppliers and users of news that endure despite short contract terms, hampers the growth of small rivals even though each market is competitive. Such an argument does not come within any of the economic approaches to tacit collusion — but it does, the
Herald
insists, come within the holding of
FTC v. Motion Picture Advertising Service Co.,
First,
Motion Picture Advertising Service
was decided under § 5 of the FTC Act. The Commission has the authority under that provision to forbid practices that pose risks to effective competition, even when they do not violate the Sherman Act. The Court remarked on this in
Motion Picture Advertising Service:
“The ‘unfair methods of competition,’ which are condemned by § 5(a) of the Act, are not confined to those that were illegal at common law or that were condemned by the Sherman Act.”
Second,
Motion Picture Advertising Service
involved exclusive
dealing,
while this case involves exclusive
distributorships.
Despite the similarity in nomenclature, there is a difference — one vital to the theory of
Motion Picture Advertising Service
itself. See generally Hovenkamp,
Federal Antitrust Policy
§ 10.8. An exclusive dealing contract obliges a firm to obtain its inputs from a single source. Each of the theaters was committed to one distributor for all of its ads. This was the genesis of the concern about foreclosure. A new advertising distributor could not find outlets. An exclusive distributorship, by contrast, does not restrict entry at either level. None of the newspapers in Chicago (or anywhere else) has promised by contract to obtain all of its news from a single source — and the sources have not locked all of their output together (unlike the “block booking” involved in
Loew’s).
A new entrant to the supplemental news service business could sell to every newspaper in the United States, if it chose to do so. Existing features syndicates sell to multiple firms in the same market (although most features go to one paper per city; this is the exclusive distribution aspect of the contracts). So vendors can and do sell news and features to multiple customers, and customers can and
Third, the FTC and the Supreme Court concluded that even exclusive dealing contracts are lawful if limited to a year’s duration.
Contracts in the news business, unlike those in the motion picture advertising business, are of indefinite duration, and either side may terminate after giving the required advance notice. According to the
Herald,
this makes all the difference, but we don’t see why. A termination clause works just like a stated time limit in facilitating competition for the contract. The FTC did not insist that dealings between a distributor and a theater
cease
after a year; the parties were free to renew their arrangement for successive years; it was enough that there be an option to change distributors or renegotiate once a year. That option exists in the newspaper business. Both sides to these contracts enjoy an annual (or more frequent) right to negotiate new terms or change partners. To this the
Herald
responds, in essence: The contracts aren’t terminated in fact, so the legal terms do not matter; the contracts should be treated as perpetual. Yet for all we can tell renewal was (and remains) the norm in the
motion
picture business. As long as arrangements serve the interests of both parties, they will continue, whether that means signing another in a series of one-year contracts or declining to exercise an annual option to cancel a contract. Enduring exclusive distribution contracts characterize markets that are recognized as competitive: for example,
Babylon 5
appears exclusively on WPWR-TV (Channel 50) in Chicago, and almost all other shows are exhibited exclusively on one channel per locale, sticking with that station for their entire original production run, even though no one thinks that individual stations or producers have market power; Cf.
Schurz Communications, Inc. v. FCC,
Affirmed.
