delivered the opinion of the court.
By an amendment to the constitution of Ohio adopted September 3, 1912, the legislative power was expressly declared to be vested not only in the Senate and House of Representatives of the State, constituting the General Assembly, but in the people in whom a right was reserved by way of referendum to approve or disapprove by popular vote any law enacted by the General Assembly. And by other constitutional provisions the machinery to carry out the referendum was created'. Briefly they were this: Within a certain time after the enactment of a law by the Senate and House of Representatives and its approval by the Governor, upon petition of six percentum of the voters the question of whether the law should become operative was to be submitted to a vote of the people and if approved, the law should be operative, and .if not approved, it should have no effect whatever.
In May, 1915, the General Assembly of Ohio passed an act redistricting the State for the purpose of congressional elections by which act twenty-two congressional districts were created in some respects differing from the previously established districts, and this act after approval by the Governor was filed in the office of the Secretary of State. The requisite number of electors under the referendum provision having petitioned for a submission of the law to a popular vote, such vote was taken and the law was disapproved. Thereupon in the Supreme Court of the State the suit before us was begun against state election officers for the purpose of procuring a mandamus directing them to disregard the vote of the people on the referendum disapproving the law and to proceéd to discharge their duties as such officers in the next congressional election upon the assumption that the action by way of referendum was void and that the law which was disapproved was
. Without going into the many irrelevant points which are pressed in the argument and the various inapposite authorities cited, although we have considered them all, we think it is apparent that the whole ease and every real question in it will be disposed of by looking at it from three points of view — the state power, the power of Congress, and the operation of the provision of the Constitution of the United States referred to.
1. As to the state power, we pass from its consideration,
.2. So far as the subject may be influenced by the power of Congress, that is, to the extent that the will of Congress has been expressed on the subject, we think the case is equally without merit. We say this because we think it is clear that Congress in 1911 in enacting the controlling law concerning the duties of the States .through their legislative authority, to deal with the subject of the creation of congressional districts expressly modified the phraseology of the previous acts relating to that subject by inserting a clause plainly intended to provide that where by the state constitution and laws the referendum was treated as part of the legislative power, the power as thus constituted should be held and treated to be the state legislative power for the purpose of creating congressional districts by law. This is the case since under the act of Congress dealing with apportionment which preceded the act of 1911, by § 4 it was commanded that the existing districts in a State should continue in force “until the legislature of such State in the manner herein prescribed shall redistrict such state,”(act of February 7, 1891, c. 116; 26 Stat. 735), while in the act of 1911 there was substituted a provision that the redistricting should be made by a State “in the manner provided by the laws thereof.” And the legislative history of this last act. leaves no room for doubt that the prior words were stricken out and the new words inserted for the express purpose, in so far as Congress had power to do
3. To the extent that the contention urges that to include the referendum within state legislative power for the purpose of apportionment is repugnant to § 4 of Article I of the Constitution, and hence void even if sanctioned by Congress because heyond the constitutional authority of that body, and hence' that it is the duty of the judicial power so to declare, we again think the contention is plainly without substance for the following reasons: It must rest upon the assumption that to include the referendum in the scope of the legislative power is to introduce a virus which destroys that power, which in effect annihilates representative government and causes a State where such condition exists to be not republican in form in violation of the guarantee of- the Constitution. Const., § 4, Art. IV. But the proposition and the argument disregard the settled rule that the question of whether that guarantee of the Constitution has been disregarded presents no justiciable controversy but involves the exercise by Congress of the authority vested in it by the Constitution.
Pacific Telephone Co.
v.
Oregon,
It is apparent from these reasons that there must either be a dismissal for want of jurisdiction because there is no power to reexamine the state questions foreclosed by the decision below and because of the want of merit in the Federal questions relied upon, or a judgment of affirmance, it being absolutely, indifferent as to the result which of the two be applied. In view, however, of the subject-matter of the controversy and the Federal characteristics which inhere in it, we are of opinion, applying the rule laid down in
Swafford
v.
Templeton,
Affirmed.
