Navreet Nanda, Ph.D., brought this discrimination action against her former employer, the Board of Trustees of the University of Illinois, as well as her former supervisors and colleagues at the University (collectively “the University”). The University moved to dismiss Dr. Nanda’s complaint, principally on the basis that Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, as amended, 42 U.S.C. § 2000e et seq. (“Title VII”), did not validly abrogate the State’s sovereign immunity under the Eleventh Amendment. The district court rejected this argument and held that Congress validly abrogated Eleventh Amendment immunity when it extended Title VII to the States. For the reasons set forth in the following opinion, we affirm the judgment of the district court.
I
BACKGROUND
A. Facts
Dr. Nanda was employed as an assistant professor in the Department of Microbiology at the University’s Chicago campus. In July 1998, Bellur Prabhakar, the Chairman of the Department of Microbiology and Immunology, recommendеd to the University that Dr. Nanda be issued a terminal contract that would end, at its expiration, her employment with the University. The University accepted Dr. Prabhakar’s recommendation and issued Dr. Nanda a terminal contract ending on August 31, 1999. Dr. Nanda’s efforts to reverse the decision through the University’s grievance process were unsuccessful. After exhausting her administrative remedies, Dr. Nanda filed this action in district court.
Dr. Nanda’s complaint included three counts. In Count I, Dr. Nanda alleged that she had suffered harassment and that her employment had been terminated on the basis of her sex, race and national origin in violation of Title VII. Count II of Dr. Nanda’s complaint set forth a parallel claim under 42 U.S.C. §§ 1983 and 1988 for violations of her equal protection rights and sought injunctive relief, compensatory damages and punitive damages against thе University as an institution and also her supervisors for violations of her equal protection rights. Finally, Count III, a state tort law claim, alleged that Dr. Prabhakar had interfered intentionally with Dr. Nan-da’s employment relationship with the University.
The University timely moved to dismiss Dr. Nanda’s complaint. With respect to Count I, the University maintained that Congress did not abrogate properly the *820 States’ sovereign immunity under the Eleventh Amendment when it enacted the Equal Employment Act of 1972 (the “1972 Act”) which extended Title VII’s coverage to the States. The individual defendants and the University moved to dismiss Count II on the ground that the named administrators were not “persons” within the meaning of 42 U.S.C. § 1983. Finally, Dr. Prabhakar moved to dismiss Count III on the ground that the pleaded state cause of action was preempted by a state statutory cause of action.
In her response, Dr. Nanda submitted that Congress had the authority to extend Title VII to the States pursuant to § 5 of the Fourteenth Amendment. Specifically, Dr. Nanda claimed that Title VII passed the “congruence and proportionality” test articulated in
City of Boerne v. Flores,
With respect to Count II, Dr. Nanda contended that Count II of her cоmplaint stated a claim under § 1983 because it alleged deliberate conduct for which she sought punitive damages and because she sought injunctive relief which “may be granted under § 1983 without violating the Eleventh Amendment.” Id. at 10. Finally, Dr. Nanda maintained that her allegations against Dr. Prabhakar in Count III were distinguishable from her allegations of civil rights violations made in the first two counts, and, therefore, that count should be considered independent of those violations under Illinois tort law.
B. District Court Opinion
After considering the arguments of the parties, the district court granted in part and denied in part the University’s motion. The district court acknowledged that, in several recent cases, the Supreme Court had held that Congress had encroached on the States’ Eleventh Amendment immunity. However, with respect to whether Congress had abrogated properly the Statеs’ Eleventh Amendment immunity in enacting the 1972 Act, the court determined that it was not “writing] on a clean slate.” R.79 at 3.
The district court began its analysis by stating that “[i]n
Fitzpatrick v. Bitzer,
With respect to Count II, the district court held that, by virtue of the Supreme Court’s decision in
Will v. Michigan Department of State Police,
Finally, the district court determined that Dr. Nanda’s claim for intentional interference with contract contained in Count III was linked inextricably with the allegations that Dr. Prabhakar’s actions were motivеd by sex, race and national origin. Therefore, the Illinois Human Rights Act provided the exclusive remedy for the alleged conduct and preempted Dr. Nanda’s state tort claim. The court therefore granted Dr. Prabhakar’s motion to dismiss Count III.
The University timely appealed the district court’s denial of its motion to dismiss Counts I and II. 1
II
DISCUSSION
A. Eleventh Amendment Immunity
Under 28 U.S.C. § 1291, this court has jurisdiction only from “final decisions” of the district courts.
See
28 U.S.C. § 1291;
Cherry v. Univ. of Wis. Sys. Bd. of Regents,
We review a district court’s decision to dismiss a claim on Eleventh Amendment immunity grounds de novo.
See Cherry,
Dr. Nanda, and the United States as intervenor, argue the opposite. According to these parties, federal courts only have to look for a legislative record of constitutional violations if the congressional action fails the “congruence and proportionality” test. In their view, because Title VII proscribes only unconstitutional behavior, the district court did not have to examine the legislative record for a history of constitutional violations. In the alternative, Dr. Nanda and the United States maintain that, if courts have to examine the legislative record to assess the need for congressional action, there is ample evidence in the record tо justify the extension of Title VII to the States. 2
The Eleventh Amendment states: “The Judicial power of the United States shall not be construed to extend to any suit in law or equity, commenced or prosecuted against one of the United States by Citizens of another State, or by Citizens or Subjects of any Foreign State.” U.S. Const, amend. XI.
3
A state’s immuni
*823
ty, however, is not absolute; “Congress may abrogate the State’s Eleventh Amendment immunity when it both unequivocally intends to do so and acts pursuant to a valid grant of constitutional authority.”
Garrett,
The Fourteenth Amendment states, in relevant part:
Section 1. ... No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the law.
Section 5. The Congress shall have the power to enforce, by appropriate legislation, the provisions of this article.
U.S. Const, amend. XIV. Section 5 of the Fourteenth Amendment gives to Congress the right to “enforce the substantive guarantees contained in § 1 by enacting ‘appropriate legislation.’”
Garnett,
A review of the Supreme Court’s § 5 jurisprudence and our own court’s implementation of these principles is helpful in drawing this distinction between enforcing and redefining the protections of the Fourteenth Amendment.
1. Supreme Court Precedent
Through a recent line of cases, the Court has articulated what constitutes a proper exercise of the Fourteenth Amendment enforcement power vis a vis the Eleventh Amendment. We begin our review with City of Boeme v. Flores.
a. City of Boeme
In
City of Boeme,
the Court considered the constitutionality of the Religious Freedom Recovery Act (“RFRA”), specifically whether Congress, in enacting RFRA, properly had exercised its enforcement power under § 5 of the Fourteenth Amendment. The Court first “acknowledge[d] that § 5 is a ‘positive grant of legislative power to Congress.’ ”
Id.
at 517,
[w]hile the line between measurеs that remedy or prevent unconstitutional actions and measures that make a substantive change in the governing law is not easy to discern, and Congress must have wide latitude in determining where it lies, the distinction exists and must be observed. There must be a congruence and proportionality between the injury to be prevented or remedied and the means adopted to that end.
Id.
at 519-20,
The Court then examined the provisions of RFRA to determine if it was a valid exercise of Congress’ § 5 powers. The parties presented RFRA as a measure to “prevent[ ] and remedty] laws which are enacted with the unconstitutional object of targeting religious beliefs and practices.”
Id.
at 529,
[rjegardless of the state of the legislative record, RFRA cannot be considered remedial, preventive legislation, if those terms are to have any meaning. RFRA is so out of proportion to a supposed remedial or preventive object that it cannot be understood as responsive to, or designed to prevent, unconstitutional behavior.
Id.
at 532,
b. Florida Prepaid
The Court next addressed the interplay of the Eleventh and Fourteenth Amendments in
Florida Prepaid Postsecondary Education Expense Board v. College Savings Bank,
We ... held that for Congress to invoke § 5, it must identify conduct transgressing the Fourteenth Amendment’s substantive provisions, and must tailor its legislative schemе to remedying or preventing such conduct.
RFRA failed to meet this test because there was little support in the record for the concerns that animated the law.
Id.
at 639,
Following this course, the Court first identified the Fourteenth Amendment
*825
“evil” or “wrong” that Congress intended to remedy “ ‘with reference to the historical experience ... it reflects.’ ”
Id.
at 639-40,
c. Kimel
The Age Discrimination in Employment Act was the next Congressional enactment to meet with an Eleventh Amendment challenge. In
Kimel v. Florida Board of Regents,
Congress never identified any pattern of age discrimination by the States, much less any discrimination whatsoever that rose to the level of constitutional violation. The evidence compiled by petitioners to demonstrate such attention by Congress to age discrimination by the States falls well short of the mark. That evidence consists almost entirely of *826 isolated sentences clipped from floor debates and legislative reports.
Id.
Looking back to its decision in
City of Boeme,
the Court held that, although this lack of support in the legislative record was not determinative, “Congress’ failure to uncover any significant pattern of unconstitutional discrimination here confirms that Congress had no reason to believe that broad prophylactic legislation was necessary in this field.”
Id.
at 91,
d. Garrett
Finally, in
Board of Trustees of the University of Alabama v. Garrett,
Although articulated and ordered slightly differently within each case, we believe that these cases identify several guiding principles that must inform our Eleventh Amendment analysis. First, congressional action taken pursuant to § 5 of the Fourteenth Amendment is not limited to parroting the language of § 1. Section 5 is a positive grant of power, and Congress may enact reasonable prophylac *827 tic legislation in the face of constitutional violations.
However, Congress’ enforcement power must stop short of redefining the States’ substantive obligations under the Fourteenth Amendment. Whether a particular congressional response enforces, as opposed to defines, the States’ obligations under § 1 of the Fourteenth Amendment is determined by looking at the scope of the enactment compared with the constitutional right being protected. If the scope of the remedy is broad, it must be justified by a proportionately pressing need. Finally, although legislative history is not determinative of this inquiry, it is one means — and perhaps the most telling means — of assessing the depth of the constitutional problem and the consequent need for a congressional remedy.
2. Circuit Precedent
This court has applied the principles set forth above in considering two Eleventh Amendment challenges to the Equal Pay Act. In
Varner v. Illinois State University,
In applying the principles of congruence and proportionality, we noted three distinctions between the Equal Pay Act and the legislative provisions that the Court had struck down. First, the Equal Pay Act was “less indiscriminate in scope” than those acts, id.; it contained exemptions from liability for employers “who can provide a neutral explanation for a disparity in pay,” id. at 934. Furthermore, the Equal Pay Act addressed a problem — gender discrimination — which was subject to heightened scrutiny under the Constitution. Finally, Congress had gained an historical understanding of the problem of gender discrimination through other legislation.' All of these considerations militated against a finding that Congress had acted to redefine the States’ obligations under the Equal Protection Clause as opposed to simply enforcing the already stringent requirements on the States.
In upholding the Equal Pay Act against the Elеventh Amendment challenge, we rejected the view that explicit legislative findings were a necessary element of the § 5 inquiry. In Varner, the University had urged that, because “the legislative findings underlying the Equal Pay Act address only the problem of discrimination in private industry,” there was no record to justify extension of the Equal Pay Act to public employers. Id. at 935. We stated:
Although we recognize that a review of the legislative record can be an instructive means of distinguishing appropriate remedial action from an impermissible substantive change.in legal rights, we want to emphasize that a “lack of support [in the legislative record] is not determinative of the § 5 inquiry.” This observation is particularly relevant in the context of the Equal Pay Act, where the value of congressional findings is *828 greatly diminished by the fact that the Act prohibits very little constitutional conduct аnd where the historical record clearly demonstrates that gender discrimination is a problem that is national in scope.
Id.
(quoting
Kimel,
Shortly thereafter, we revisited our decision in
Vamer
in light of the Supreme Court’s decision in
Garrett. See Cherry v. Univ. of Wis. Sys. Bd. of Regents,
Congress can enact legislation to remedy or prevent conduct that violates the Fourteenth Amendment, but Congress cannot redefine or expand the substance of the Fourteenth Amendment itself. Thus there must be a congruence and proportionality between the injury to be prevented or remedied and the means adopted to that end. This means that Congress must carefully tailor its legislation so that it enforces the Fourteenth Amendment without altering the Amendment’s meaning.
Id. at 549 (internal quotation marks and citations omitted). We then examined the scope of the Equal Pay Act to determine whether it was consistent and compatible with the Fourteenth Amendment or whether it expanded the substantive prohibitions of the Amendment by prohibiting more state action than would be unconstitutional. As part of this analysis, we examined the legislative record to assess whether Congress had identified a pattern of unconstitutional conduct by the States. Noting that the Court had advised that this evidence “is not determinative of the § 5 inquiry,” we stated that “[s]uch evidence tends to ensure that Congress’ means are appropriate under § 5 when the statute in question pervasively prohibits constitutional State action.” Id. at 549 (internal quotation marks and citations omitted). We dismissed the argument that Garrett
established a new, bright-line rule that Congress’ attempt to abrogate immunity from a federal statute is invalid if the statute lacks specific findings that the States had engaged in a pattern of unconstitutional conduct of the type prohibited by the statute.... All Garrett does is further demonstrate that the legislative record is an important factor when the statute in question pervasively prohibits constitutional State action.
Id. at 553. Consequently, again we sustained the Equal Pay Act as it applied to the States.
3. Application
As detailed above, in determining whether Congress overstepped its constitutional authority in applying Title VII to the States, we must “identify with some precision the scope of the constitutional right at issue,” here the limitations that § 1 of the Fourteenth Amendment places upon States’ treatment of women and of ethnic and racial minorities.
Garrett,
Under the Constitution, gender-based classifications are afforded heightenеd scrutiny. Once an individual is able to establish the existence of a gender-based distinction, “[pjarties who seek to defend gender-based government action must demonstrate an ‘exceedingly persuasive justification’ for that action.”
Although as an original matter it seems odd that the pleading and proof of liability in a case under the Constitution would be the same as in a case under a statute passed in 1964, this is indeed the teaching of an unbroken phalanx of decisions by this and other courts. These cases hold that the issue of liability and the method of proving liability are the same, though only in a disparate-treatment case....
Riordan v. Kempiners,
The Supreme Court also has instructed us to evaluate the scope of the congressional action at issue to determine to what extent, if any, the act prohibits conduct allowed by the Constitution. At issue here is the disparate treatment prohibition of Title VII. It states in relevant part:
It shall be an unlawful employment practice for an employer—
(1) to fail or refuse to hire or to discharge any individual, or otherwise to discriminate against any individual with respect to his compensation, terms, conditions, or privileges of employment, because of such individual’s race, color, religion, sex, or national origin; or
(2) to limit, segregate, or classify his employees or applicants for employment in any way which would deprive or tend to deprive any individual of employment opportunities or otherwise adversely affect his status as an employee, because of such individual’s race, color, religion, sex or national origin.
42 U.S.C. § 2000e-2(a). Like the prohibition of the Equal Protection Clause, this language is aimed at intentional discrimination, and “[t]o prove a violation of this provision, a plaintiff must proffer either direct or indirect evidence of the employer’s discriminatory intent.”
Bennett v. Roberts,
A review of the standards of the Equal Protection Clause and of Title VII reveals that Title VII “enforces the Fourteenth Amendment without altering its meaning.”
Cherry,
In the present case, the legislative record confirms that Congress was responding to a pattern of discrimination by the States. The legislative history shows that Congress relied upon and adopted two comprehensive studies of racial and national origin discrimination to support its proposed legislation. See H.R.Rep. No. 92-238, at 17 (1971). The first of these “indicate[d] that widespread discrimination against minоrities exist[ed] in State and local government employment....” Id. The legislative record also specifically addresses the problem of racial and gender discrimination in academia. See id. at 19-20. Finally, statistical evidence bolstered Congress’ view that “there exist[ed] a profound economic discrimination against women workers” across all fields, and, consequently, legislation was needed to strengthen and broaden federal administrative procedures for combatting this discrimination. Id. at 4.
Not only did Congress document the need for additional legislation protecting minority and women workers employed by the states, local governments, and specifically educational institutions, Congress had become familiar with the problems of race and national origin discrimination in the public and private sector in enаcting the Civil Rights Act of 1964, and with the problems of gender discrimination in considering the Equal Rights Amendment and the Educational Opportunity Act,
see Ok-
*831
ruhlik v. Univ. of Ark. ex rel. May, 255
F.3d 615, 625 (8th Cir.2001). Such familiarity “ ‘reduce[s] the need for fresh hearings and prolonged debates.’ ”
Id.
(quoting
Fullilove v. Klutznick,
We are not alone in concluding that Congress validly abrogated the States’ Eleventh Amendment immunity in passing the 1972 Act. In
Okruhlik,
the Eighth Circuit also rejected an Eleventh Amendment challenge to Title VII. Following the guidelines of the Supreme Court, that circuit looked at the legislative history where it found “much support” for Congress’ action.
Okruhlik,
Because the disparate treatment provision of Title VII prohibits little if any constitutional behavior and because Congress was acting on a solid evidentiary ground in extending Title VII to the States, we hold that the 1972 Act validly abrogated the States’ Eleventh Amendment immunity with respect to Title VII disparate treatment claims.
B. Prayer for Injunctive Relief in Count II
The University also challenges the district court’s failure to dismiss Dr. Nanda’s claims for injunctive relief pursuant to 42 U.S.C. § 1983. The University and its officials contend that the district court erred when it let stand Dr. Nanda’s request in Count II for injunctive relief against the University officials in their official capacities. Because the requested relief of reinstatement can be granted only by the University acting through its trustees, the defendants contend that this request is appropriately characterized as a request for injunctive relief against the University. The University, they continue, is protected by the Eleventh Amendment from such relief. Before we address the merits of this claim, we must first consider whether we have jurisdiction to entertain this aspect of the appeal. 9
We believe that we have jurisdiction over this contention for the same reason that we have jurisdiction over the earlier contention concerning the applicability of the Eleventh Amendment to a suit under Title VII. In essence, the defendants are claiming that the Eleventh Amendment provides them with a shield from litigating this claim. This situation therefore is different from the situation in
Cherry
in which we held that a claim of immunity
*832
from punitive damages under Title IX was not the equivalent of a claim of immunity from litigation.
See Cherry,
We agree with the district court that, under § 1983, a suit against state officials in their official capacity limited to injunc-tive relief is not barred by the Eleventh Amendment.
See Will v. Mich. Dep’t of State Police,
Conclusion
For the foregoing reasons, the judgment of the district court is affirmed.
AFFIRMED
Notes
. Dr. Nanda did not cross-appeal the district court’s dismissal of Count III, and no arguments concerning Count III are befоre this court.
. The United States argues that
Fitzpatrick v. Bitzer, 427
U.S. 445,
. Although the text of the Amendment does not forbid suits against a State by its own citizens, "the sovereign immunity enjoyed by the States extends beyond the literal text of the Eleventh Amendment.”
Fed. Mar. Comm’n v. South Carolina State Ports Auth.,
-U.S.-,-,
. The University does not dispute that Congress unequivocally intended to abrogate the States' Eleventh Amendment immunity when it passed the 1972 Act.
. Racial classifications are subject to strict scrutiny — they must promote a compelling
*829
state interest and be narrowly tailored to serve that interest.
See Billings v. Madison Met. Sch. Dist.,
. The allegations in Dr. Nanda’s complaint are limited to claims of intentional discrimination, i.e., disparate treatment. Because Dr. Nanda’s claims are disparate treatment claims, and because the University does not contend that Title VII’s disparate impact provisions should factor into the Eleventh Amendment calculus, we limit our review to Title VII’s disparate treatment provisions.
Cf. In re: Employment Discrimination Litig. Against the State of Ala.,
. Both Dr. Nanda and the Government argue that Title VII does not prohibit any constitutional conduct because the burdens of proof on employers is the samе under both the Equal Protection Clause and Title VII. The University responds to this argument accordingly:
The substantive provisions of Title VII were enacted in 1964, not in 1972, and the States at that time were expressly excluded from coverage because of sovereign immunity. If the court were to accept the argument of Nanda and the United States, the court would be required to conclude that since, in 1964, the Title VII protections were identical to the protections of § 1 of the Fourteenth Amendment they were at that time, by definition, congruent and proportional and that, abrogation, without more, occurred. The court would then have to conclude that in 1964, Congress, when it enacted Title VII, abrogated the States' immunity and at the same time expressly excluded the States from Title VII's coverage, an absurd conclusion.
Reply Br. at 1-2. This response, we believe, lacks both logic and persuasiveness. The substantive provisions of Title VII did not change between 1964 and 1972; the 1972 amendment merely extended Title VII to the States. It is perfectly appropriate, therefore, in applying principles of congruence and proportionality, to compare the substantive provisions of Title VII, as extended to the States in 1972, to the limitations placed on the States by the Equal Protection Clause.
. The Eighth Circuit considered the effect of Title VII's disparate impact provisions as well as Title VII’s disparate treatment provision.
See Okruhlik
v.
Univ. of Ark. ex rel. May,
. Dr. Nanda did not argue that this court lacked jurisdiction to entertain the University’s appeal on this issue; however, this court must assure itself of its own jurisdiction regardless of whether the issue was raised by a party.
See Wingerter v. Chester Quarry Co.,
