Lead Opinion
Graffiti cover more than five million square feet of walls, signs, windows, and other public surfaces in Chicago. Full-time crews patrol the streets removing paint, but they are losing ground. Vandalism and trespass are crimes, but prosecution has not sufficed. In May 1992 Chicago decided to do something more: to lump spray paint and jumbo markers, the principal tools of the graffiti “artist,” with burglars’ tools and other criminal implements as contraband. An ordinance forbids the sale of spray paint and jumbo indelible markers (collectively spray paint) within the city limits. Chicago Municipal Code § 4-132-150 (1992). The fine for each violation: $100.
I
Plaintiffs in this suit, a consortium of makers, wholesalers, and retailers оf paint and markers, contend that this ordinance and a related law enacted at the same time exceed Chicago’s home-rule powers under Illinois law and violate the Constitution of the United States to boot. Over the objection of the City, the district court held a trial and concluded, after hearing evidence for six days, that a ban will not work.
The district court treated the extent of the City’s powers as an afterthought, mentioning the subject (and holding the ordinance invalid on this basis) only after considering and resolving both of plaintiffs’ constitutional claims.
II
Are the benefits of spray paint worth the costs in defacement of property by vandals? Will limits on the sale and possession of spray paint reduce graffiti by enough to justify the inconvenience they create for those who use the product without harming others? Will the vandals find an adequate supply in the suburbs or perhaps turn to substitutes such as automotive undercoating? These are important questions, but the Constitutiоn commits their decision to the political branches of government. The power to decide, to be wrong as well as to be right on contestable issues, is both privilege and curse of democracy.
Not willing to accept the legislative answer to these questions, the district judge took evidence and gave his own answers. Chicago does not contend that the judge’s answers are wrong; instead it contends that they are irrelevant, because holding the trial in the first place usurped the legislative power. Indeed so: a legislative decision “is not subject to courtroom factfinding and may be based on rational speculation unsupported by еvidence or empirical data.” FCC v. Beach Communications, Inc., — U.S. -, -,
A person challenging the regulation of economic transactions must “negative every conceivable basis which might support” the rule. Lehnhausen v. Lake Shore Auto Parts Co.,
What is more, a legislature rationally may conclude that even the most committed of taggers will alter his behavior. That fines and other criminal punishments deter misconduct is a rational belief backed up by a significant body of evidence. See United States v. Turner,
Availability of spray paint in the suburbs, and of undercoating in Chicago, reduces the effectiveness of the statute, but a rational legislature could conclude that some effect remains. Many persons believe that restrictions on guns, fireworks, and liquor (to name only three of the hazardous products that local governments regulate) are defeated by movements from unregulated jurisdictions. Yet people of good will (and possessed of ample information) debate the extent of this effect; the existence of the debate establishes that the Constitution does not dictate the outcome. Legislatures often enact laws that reduce but cannot eliminate the effects of movements across municipal and state borders. For example, Congress has forbidden radio and television stations with broadcast facilities in states that do not conduct lotteries to broadcast lottery ads and information — even if a significant portion of their signal falls in lottery states, and even if the non-lottery states are flooded by lottery ads and information broadcast from the neighboring lottery states. A judge concluded that this law is irrational because people in non-lottery states have many other ways to learn the information and buy lottery tickets, and because in the judge’s view the people in lottery states should not be deprived of valuable information for such a speculative “benefit” to people in neighboring states. The Supreme Court reversed, holding that the “leakage” of information did not render the law invalid. United States v. Edge Broadcasting Co., — U.S. -, -,
It may be, as plaintiffs say, that Chicago could have taken a path that would have given more leeway to those who use spray paint constructively. San Francisco restricts the availability of spray paint along the lines of prescription drugs. See Sherwin-Williams Co. v. San Francisco,
Plaintiffs respond that this is all well and good for equal protection analysis, but they assert (and the district court held) that the ordinance is a violation of substantive due process. Now we have spent some time looking through the Constitution for the Substantive Due Process Clause without finding it. The fourteenth amendment contains an equal protection clause, and a due process clause, but no “due substance” clause. The word that follows “due” is “process.” This court has held repeatedly that economic regulation must be evaluated under equal protection principles, and that laws supported by a rational basis are within the power of the elected branches of government. River Park, Inc. v. Highland Park,
The doctrine that goes by the name “substantive due process” is not a rival to the established rational basis analysis of economic regulation. It is instead derived from the many constitutional rules that protect personal liberty from unjustified intrusions. The fact that it is a doctrine owing its existence to constitutional structure rather than a clear grant of power tо the judiciary has led the Supreme Court to be cautious in its use. Albright v. Oliver, — U.S. -, - - -,
One could scan the most wild-eyed radical’s list of candidates for the status of “fundamental right” without encountering spray paint. Plaintiffs point to their licenses to do business, but these are property, not “fundamental rights.” Many of the cases in the equal protection canon involved licenses, without the Court so much as hinting that a special rule applied. E.g., New Orleans v. Dukes,
Plaintiffs all are corрorations. Corporations do not have fundamental rights; they do not have liberty interests, period. Investors may have such rights, and inhibí-
Ill
Plaintiffs have a final arrow in their quiver: the commerce clause, which, although in terms a grant of power to Congress, is today understood to imply some limitation on state power. They contend, and the district court held, that even if the ordinance is rationally related to a legitimate objective, it achieves its ends at an excessive price to interstate commerce. Most of the spray paint sold in Chicago comes from outside Illinois. This is enough, the district court held, to activate the balancing approach of Pike v. Bruce Church, Inc.,
Several years ago we disapproved exactly this approach, remarking that the dormant commerce clause does not replace the rational-basis inquiry with a “broader, all-weather, be-reasonable vision of the Constitution.... Although Pike v. Bruce Church, Inc.,
Interstate communication and transportation is pervasive. Because even “local” activities displace the movement of goods, services, funds, and people, almost every state and local law — indeed, almost every private transaction — affects interstate commerce. This is why the commerce clause authorizes Congress to regulate so many details of daily life. E.g., Summit Health, Ltd. v. Pinhas,
State and local laws affecting commerce may be put into one of three categories. (The classification of a particular law may be difficult, but that does not concern us here.) The first category comprises laws that explicitly discriminate against interstate commerce. Chicago might, for example, forbid the sale of spray paint manufactured outside Illinois. Such laws are treated as all but per se unconstitutional. E.g., C & A Carbone, Inc. v. Clarkstown, — U.S. -,
The second category comprises laws that appear to be neutral among states but that bear more heavily on interstate commerce than on local commerce. One state’s law setting a 55-foot limit for trailers when all nearby states permit 65-foot trailers bears more heavily on vehicles from other states, which are limited in the places they may travel, while in-state vehicles may move freely to other states. See Kassel v. Consolidated Freightways Corp.,
If the first category may be called disparate treatment, and the second disparate impact, the third category comprises laws that affect commerce without any reallocation among jurisdictions — that do not give local firms any competitive advantage over those located elsewhere. Cases such аs Exxon Corp. v. Governor of Maryland,
Where does Chicago’s spray paint ordinance fit? If we accept the district court’s findings of fact, it fits squarely in the third category — for the district court found thаt the law will be ineffectual, implying that it will not alter the flow of commerce at all. If, however, we assume that the law will curtail sales to law-abiding persons without affecting the vandals (“If spray paint is outlawed, only outlaws will have spray paint.”), then the volume of spray paint moving into Illinois will diminish. Will this produce a relative advantage for Illinois firms (that is, will it have a disparate impact on interstate commerce)? Certainly not for Illinois retailers, who lose whatever profit spray paint yields. Given competition, this loss is not likely to be serious; retailers will earn a normal rate of return on invested capital whether or not they sell spray paint. At all events, the whole loss among retailers is felt locally. How about manufacturers and middlemen? The answer to that question depends on where consumers turn for substitutes after spray paint vanishes. The concern in eases of disparate impact is that they will turn preferentially to in-state suppliers: unable to ship in 65-foot trailers from out-of-state carriers, shippers will hire the 55-foot trailers from local firms, and so on.
To determine whether there is a disparate effect on interstate commerce, then, we need to know what consumers will replace spray paint with. A dispute between the parties on this subject might require a district court to activate its fact-finding apparatus; Pike may be impossible to apply without some factual inquiries (albeit limited as Clover Leaf Creamery requires). Yet despite the lengthy trial the district court did not make any findings on this subject. When we inquired at oral argument, we learned the reason: plaintiffs did not offer any evidence. Apparently no one contends that substitutes for spray paint will come from inside Illinois to any greater degree than the spray paint itself does. If consumers turn to paint in cans, applied by brushes and rollers, they will obtain the product from the same firms that produce spray paint. If consumers turn to medium-sized indelible markers (those with tips smaller than %") they will find that the suppliers are the same out-оf-state firms that make the jumbo variety. In sum, the ordinance affects interstate shipments, but it does not discriminate against interstate commerce in either terms or effect. No disparate treatment, no disparate impact, no problem under the dormant commerce clause. See also Procter & Gamble Co. v. Chicago,
Perhaps Chicago’s City Council has used too broad a brush. If so, the law-abiding residents of Chicago will be the losers, for they forfeit the benefits of spray paint without еnjoying much, if any, reduction in vandalism. No more than the equal protection clause does the dormant commerce clause protect people against injuring themselves by overestimating the power of law to alter human events for good. Time and again social science research teaches that laws fail to achieve their goals — that the laws provoke costly adjustments that make the majority worse off. Just as the Constitution does not enact Mr. Herbert Spencer’s Social Statics, so it does not enact prescriptions from the pages of The Journal of Law & Economics — where, we may assume, an article will appear in due course adding this ordinance to the long list of laws whose costs exceed their benefits. “[A] law can be both economic folly and constitutional.” CTS,
REVERSED.
Concurrence Opinion
concurring.
No one can doubt that graffiti vandalism poses a serious and vexing problem for the
Spray paint manufacturers and retailers were understandably upset by their exclusion from such a large market, and a consortium of out-of-state interests challenged the ordinance in federal court. In the course of a six-day bench trial, the parties explored at length the many vagaries of Chicago’s graffiti problem and the anticipated effectiveness of the City’s response. The able and experienced district judge found on the basis of the trial evidence that Chicago’s ban violates the Commerce Clause because if enforced, the ordinance would substantially burden the flow of interstate commerce while furthering Chicago’s purposes only marginally. Frоm that conclusion, the court divined that the ordinance also violates principles of substantive due process and exceeds the City’s home-rule powers under state law. The majority today disagrees with each of those conclusions, and in the process, chastises the lower court for conducting a trial designed to look behind Chicago’s ordinance, rather than deferring to the judgment of its elected officials. I ultimately agree with my colleagues that Chicago’s ban is not constitutionally infirm, but I write separately to clarify one point about the Commerce Clause and then to make two additional points about the majority’s analysis.
I havе no quarrel with the majority’s treatment of the City’s home-rule powers, as I agree that home-rule units have broad powers under the Illinois Constitution and that courts should second-guess the exercise of those powers by elected officials only in the most extreme cases. Although this may seem to some to be an extreme case, the problem of graffiti vandalism is a difficult one, and I agree that Chicago had the power to respond as it did.
I also commend the majority for its thorough and helpful treatment of what I see as the primary issue in this appeal — whether the resale ban violates the dormant Commerce Clause. See ante at 1130-32. I agree that this case falls into the last of the majority’s three categories (ante at 1132) and that it resembles the legislation at issue in such cases as Exxon Corp. v. Governor of Maryland,
Where the statute regulates even-handedly to effectuаte a legitimate local public interest, and its effects on interstate commerce are only incidental, it will be upheld unless the burden imposed on such commerce is clearly excessive in relation to the putative local benefits. If a legitimate local purpose is found, then the question becomes one of degree. And the extent of the burden that will be tolerated will of course depend on the nature of the local interest involved, and on whether it could be promoted as well with a lesser impact on interstate activities.
(Citations omitted.) And once that test has been activated, it seems to me that the questions it poses may only be answered by some form of evidentiary hearing.
My colleagues decree that the district court should have refrained from conducting a trial because reasonable minds could differ about the potential effects of the resale ban. Ante at 1127. That may be true solely as a matter of substantive due process, but it is not necessarily the case under the dormant Commerce Clause. If a plaintiffs allegations
Here, then, the district court erred not so much in deciding to conduct a trial, as the majority implies, but in deciding that Pike applies to Chicago’s ordinance in the first place.
The district court also found that Chicago’s resale ban violates principles of substantive due process. I can agree that this doctrine has only a limited role to play in the constitutional analysis of state and local regulation and that it certainly is not violated by Chicago’s ban on the retail sale of spray paint and large markers. See ante at 1129. Yet even so, I do not believe that as an intermediate appellate court we are at liberty to continue to question the very existence of the doctrine. See id. at 1129; see also Saukstelis v. City of Chicago,
Finally, I find it curious that the majority thinks it nеcessary to assess Chicago’s ordinance under the Equal Protection Clause, as my colleagues apparently recognize that no equal protection claim has been advanced in this appeal. See ante at 1129. The district court did not invalidate Chicago’s ordinance under the Equal Protection Clause, and such a claim thus was not briefed to this court. I would therefore refrain from any comment on the viability of an equal protection claim in this context.
With these qualifications, I concur in the reversal of the district court’s judgment.
Notes
. Perhaps the court was influenced by the City’s apparent concession for purposes of its motion to dismiss that the Pike balancing test applied. See National Paint & Coatings Ass'n v. City of Chicago,
