Lead Opinion
ON REHEARING EN BANC
In 1996 the San Juan Pueblo tribal council enacted a right-to-work ordinance and also adopted a lease containing similar right-to-work provisions. These actions were challenged by the instant declaratory judgment and injunction suit brought by the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB or the Board) and Local Union No. 1385 of the Western Council of Industrial Workers (the Union) as an intervenor. After rejection of this suit by the district court, the Board and the intervening Union brought this appeal from the district court’s decision granting summary judgment in favor of the Pueblo.
I
The relevant facts are undisputed. San Juan Pueblo is a federally-recognized Indian tribe located in New Mexico. Most of its 5,200 members live on tribal lands that
On November 6, 1996, the San Juan Pueblo Tribal Council enacted Tribal Ordinance No. 96-63 which it amended on February 4, 1998. The ordinance in substance is a so-called “right-to-work” measure. The Pueblo asserts that the ordinance is a valid exercise of its inherent sovereign authority. Id. at 1351. As amended, the ordinance prohibits the making of agreements containing union-security clauses covering any employees, whether tribal members or not. Section 6(a) of the ordinance reads:
No person shall be required, as a condition of employment or continuation of employment on Pueblo lands, to: (i) resign or refrain from voluntary membership in, voluntary affiliation with, or voluntary financial support of a labor organization; (ii) become or remain a member of a labor organization; (iii) pay dues, fees, assessments or other charges of any kind or amount to a labor organization; (iv) pay to any charity or other third party, in lieu of such payments any amount equivalent to or a pro-rata portion of dues, fees, assessments or other charges regularly required of members of a labor organization; or (v) be recommended, approved, referred or cleared through a labor organization.
Supplemental Brief on Rehearing en Banc (NLRB) at 4. The ordinance prohibits employers and unions from entering into agreements requiring employees to maintain membership in or pay dues to a union, called union security agreements. The Pueblo’s lease with the lumber company similarly provides:
Lessee will not enter into any contract or other arrangement which would require a Tribal member to be a member of a union, league, guild, club, or association (hereinafter collectively referred to as “union”) in order to be entitled to all of the priorities to be accorded him pursuant to this Property Lease. Tribal members will not be required to join or maintain membership in, or pay any dues or assessments to, any union in order to be hired and benefit from the priorities stated in this Lease.
Brief on Appeal for the NLRB, at 5. The “priorities” mentioned in the lease refer to terms of employment for employees who are tribal members. Id. at 5 n. 3.
On January 12, 1998, the NLRB filed the instant suit in the United States District Court for the District of New Mexico by its Complaint for Preliminary and Permanent Injunction and for a Declaratory Judgment, alleging that the ordinance and lease provisions, insofar as they prohibit compliance with union-security agreements, are preempted by federal law. Specifically, the Board argued that these provisions are invalid under the Supremacy Clause of the United States Constitution, art. VI, cl. 2,
The district court issued a Memorandum Opinion and Order on November 30, 1998, granting the Pueblo’s motion for summary judgment and denying such motions of the NLRB and the Union. NLRB v. Pueblo of San Juan,
II
A
The Pueblo’s sovereign authority to regulate labor relations and inherent limitations on that authority
The central question before us is whether, in light of the United States Constitution’s Supremacy Clause, and Congress’ plenary power over Indian affairs,
In their challenges to the district court’s decision and our panel’s ruling, the NLRB and the Union argue that § 8(a)(3) of the National Labor Relations Act, 29 U.S.C. § 158(a)(3), clearly protects the rights of a union and an employer to enter into union security agreements meeting the requirements of § 8(a)(3). Moreover the NLRB and the Union maintain that Congress intended by the force of the Wagner and Taft Hartley Acts to preempt state and local regulation of union security clauses with the narrow exception of § 14(b), 29 U.S.C. § 164(b), allowing only states or
We begin by noting what the district court also took pains to point out, namely, that the general applicability of federal labor law is not at issue. NLRB v. San Juan Pueblo,
Rather, the central question here is whether the Pueblo continues to exercise the same authority to enact right-to-work laws as do states and territories, or whether Congress in enacting §§ 8(a)(3) and 14(b) of the NLRA, 29 U.S.C. §§ 158(a)(3) and 164(b), intended to strip Indian tribal governments of this authority as a sovereign. Pursuant to the Supremacy Clause, the federal government has the power to preempt state and municipal authority in a particular field. Wardair Canada, Inc. v. Florida Dep’t of Revenue, 477 U.S. 1,
Indian tribes are not states for constitutional purposes, and the preemption analysis is not exactly the same. See Reich v. Mashantucket Sand & Gravel,
In resolving questions of preemption of state law, the test is one of congressional intent. Wardair Canada,
Indian tribes are neither states, nor part of the federal government, nor subdivisions of either.
In addition to broad authority over intramural matters such as membership, tribes retain sovereign authority to regu
However, courts have described the tribes’ status as necessarily resulting in the loss of their power to “engage in foreign relations, alienate their lands to non-Indians without federal consent, or prosecute non-Indians in tribal courts which do not accord the full protections of the Bill of Rights.” Colville,
In general the cases where, absent congressional guidance, tribes have been found to lack regulatory authority have been those involving nonmembers’ activity on non-Indian-owned fee land that was found to have no direct effect on the tribe. “A tribe may regulate, through taxation, licensing, or other means, the activities of nonmembers who enter consensual relationships with the tribe or its members, through commercial dealing, contracts, leases, or other arrangements,” and may also “exercise civil authority over the conduct of non-Indians on fee lands within its reservation when that conduct threatens or has some direct effect on the political integrity, the economic security, or the health or welfare of the tribe.” Montana v. United States,
Whether a valid divestiture has been made of the Pueblo’s sovereign authority to regulate labor relations by enactment of the right-to-work ordinance or adoption of the lease containing right-to-work provisions
The retained sovereign authority of Indian tribes is subject to divestiture by Congress. Divestiture may occur by treaty or statute, United States v. Wheeler,
[w]e believe that unequivocal Supreme Court precedent dictates that in cases where ambiguity exists (such as that posed by the ADEA’s silence with respect to Indians), ... and there is no clear indication of congressional intent to abrogate Indian sovereignty rights (as manifested, e.g., by the legislative history, or the existence of a comprehensive statutory plan), the court is to apply the special canons of construction to the benefit of Indian interests.
Id. (emphasis added).
Indian interests, as the Supreme Court has interpreted them, include tribal sovereignty, see White Mountain Apache Tribe v. Bracker,
The Government has assumed trust responsibility for Indians and tribes, including the pueblos. United States v. Sandoval,
Statutes are entitled to the presumption of non-preemption. Maryland v. Louisiana,
The Court has recognized that reservation tribes enjoy the right to “make their own laws and be ruled by them,” as a benefit to be protected from state infringement. Williams,
The Board argues that, while “ ‘legal ambiguities’ can sometimes be ‘resolved to the benefit of the Indians,’ DeCoteau v. District County Court,
The correct presumption is that silence does not work a divestiture of tribal power. Merrion,
The NLRB points out that, “at the time that [§ 14(b)] was enacted, Congress was aware that there existed some twelve States with laws prohibiting union security....”
Algoma Plywood & Veneer Co. v. Wisconsin Employment Relations Bd.,
Thus the tribe is not preempted by § 8(a)(3) from enacting a right-to-work law for business conducted in its reservation. What Congress has not taken away by § 8(a)(3) it need not give back (by § 14(b)) in order for the tribe to continue to have authority to pass a right-to-work law. Although the Supreme Court has characterized § 8(a)(3) as “articulating] a national policy that certain union-security agreements are valid as a matter of federal law,” Oil, Chemical & Atomic Workers, Int’l Union v. Mobil Oil Corp.,
The Court has explained that, in enacting § 14(b), “Congress left the States free to legislate in that field ... [and thus] intended to leave unaffected the power to enforce those laws.” Schermerhom,
Ill
The effect of the Tuscarora case
The NLRB and the Union further urge us to find preemption on the basis of Federal Power Comm’n v. Tuscarora Indian Nation,
The Court noted that Congress appeared to have intended that Act to be generally applicable to “lands owned or occupied by any person or persons, including Indians.” . Id. at 118,
However Tuscarora dealt solely with issues of ownership, not with questions pertaining to the tribe’s sovereign authority to govern the land. Proprietary interests and sovereign interests are separate: One can own land without having the power to govern it by policy determinations as a
In Phillips Petroleum, Co. v. U.S. Environmental Protection Agency,
Other cases have applied the Tuscarora principle to Indian tribal governments acting in proprietary capacities. See, e.g., Florida Paraplegic Ass’n, Inc. v. Miccosukee Tribe of Indians of Florida,
Thus Tuscarora is not persuasive here. We are convinced it does not apply where an Indian tribe has exercised its authority as a sovereign — here, by enacting a labor regulation — rather than in a proprietary capacity such as that of employer or landowner. In spite of the Board’s attempts to bring to our attention multiple cases where the rule was applied to a tribe qua sovereign, no citations were found to be apposite.
Like states and territories, the Pueblo has a strong interest as a sovereign in regulating economic activity involving its own members within its own territory, and it therefore may enact laws governing such activity. Merrion,
IV
In sum, we are convinced that Congress did not intend by its NLRA provisions to preempt tribal sovereign authority to enact its right-to-work ordinance and to enter into the lease agreement. The Board and the Union had the burden to establish such intent of preemption, but they did not satisfy their burden. Since they failed to do so, we uphold the tribal right-to-work ordinance. Similarly we see no reason to hold invalid the lease provisions entered into by the Tribe. Accordingly, the decision of the district court is
AFFIRMED.
Notes
. "This Constitution, and the Laws of the United States which shall be made in Pursuance thereof; and all Treaties made, or which shall be made, under the Authority of the United States, shall be the Supreme Law of the Land; and the Judges in every State shall be bound thereby, anything in the Constitution or Laws of any State to the Contrary
. Congress’ power over Indian matters derives from the Constitution's Indian Commerce Clause, in art. I, § 8, cl. 3, and its treaty power, art. II, § 2, cl. 2. McClanahan v. Arizona State Tax Comm’n,
. A "right-to-work” law, as the term is used here, is a statute which § 14(b) of the NLRA permits states and territories to enact to invalidate agreements establishing "union shops.” A closed shop, originally permitted under the NLRA, is created when an employer and a union agree that only people who are already union members may be hired. This was outlawed in 1947 by the Taft Hartley Act's amendment of the NLRA, 29 U.S.C. § 158(a)(3). A union shop is created when an employer and a union agree to require employees, as a condition of their continued employment, to have membership in a labor union "on or after the thirtieth day following the beginning of such employment.” 29 U.S.C. § 158(a)(3). Such an agreement between an employer and a union is a union security agreement. Provided they comply with other requirements of 29 U.S.C. § 158, and provided no right-to-work law forbids them, the NLRA permits union shops and union security agreements.
. These include the Navajo Nation, the Crow Tribe, and the Osage Tribe. Amicus Curiae brief of the National Right to Work Foundation in Support of Appellee Pueblo of San Juan at 17.
. NLRB brief at 12.
. As we have previously explained,
Indian tribes are not states. They have a status higher than that of states. They are subordinate and dependent nations possessed of all powers [except] to the extent that they have expressly been required to surrender them by the superior sovereign, the United States.
Native Am. Church of N. Am. v. Navajo Tribal Council,
. This address by President Nixon has been identified as having "clearly set the current direction of federal policy.” William Canby, American Indian Law 30 (1998) (citing Cong. Rec. 23258).
. On September 25, 2001, Oklahoma voters approved a state right-to-work question, bringing the total to 22 such states.
. The lands involved were owned in fee simple by the Tuscarora Indian Nation and no "interest” in them was "owned by the United States” so that they were not within a “reservation” as that term was defined in § 3(2) of the Federal Power Act.
. In keeping with the guardian-ward relationship, the allotted property of certain Indians was subject to the supervision of the United States and could not be freely alienated. They were referred to as "restricted” Indians. See Chouteau v. Comm'r of Internal Revenue,
. In Tuscarora,
Concurrence Opinion
concurring.
I concur. Applying the Tuscarora/Co-eur d’Alene analytical framework outlined in Judge Murphy’s dissent, which I believe to be controlling in this case,
. I agree with Judge Murphy that the majority "offers no logical, precedential, or authoritative support" for its attempt to draw a distinction between a tribe's proprietary and sovereign interests. Dis. at 1204.
Dissenting Opinion
dissenting:
A majority of this court concludes that Congress did not divest Native American Indian tribes of the power to enact right-to-work laws when it passed §§ 8(a)(3) and 14(b) of the National Labor Relations Act (“NLRA”). The majority supports this conclusion by invoking the general proposition that Congress cannot abrogate Indian self-governance by silence. It then goes on to conclude, however, that Congress, by its silence, implicitly granted Indian tribes the right to enact such laws when it passed § 14(b). Because I disagree with the majority’s conclusion that § 8(a)(3) did not divest Indian tribes of their power to enact right-to-work laws and with its subsequent conclusion that § 14(b) implicitly granted Indian tribes the same power to enact right-to-work laws granted to states and territories, I respectfully dissent.
It is beyond debate that Indian tribes do not “possess! ] • • • the full attributes of sovereignty.” United States v. Kagama,
The majority does not dispute that Congress retains plenary power over Indian tribes and may exercise that power to divest tribes of their sovereignty. See op. at 1191. Further, the majority correctly points out that the burden is on the NLRB and the Union to demonstrate that the Pueblo’s power to enact the ordinance at issue here has been “modified, conditioned or divested by Congressional action.” Southland Royalty Co. v. Navajo Tribe of Indians,
Congress’ clear intentioñ to apply a federal statute to Indian tribes can be demonstrated in one of two ways. Congress, of course, may expressly limit tribal sovereignty by including specific language to that effect in the federal statute. Alternatively, congressional intent to abrogate Indian sovereignty can be discerned from legislative history or from the “existence of a comprehensive statutory plan.” EEOC v. Cherokee Nation,
The Ninth Circuit has expounded on the Court’s statement in Tuscarora, articulating three exceptions to the general presumption in favor of applicability.
A federal statute of general applicability that is silent on the issue of applicability to Indian tribes will not apply to them if: (1) the law touches exclusive rights of self-governance in purely intramural matters; (2) the application of the law to the tribe would abrogate rights guaranteed by Indian treaties; or (3) there is proof by legislative history or some other means that Congress intended [the law] not to apply to Indians on their reservations....
Donovan v. Coeur d’Alene Tribal Farm,
In Donovan v. Navajo Forest Products, this court opined that Merrion v. Jicarilla Apache Tribe,
In EEOC v. Cherokee Nation, a divided panel of this court concluded that the Age Discrimination in Employment Act (“ADEA”) did not apply to Indian tribes. See
This court has also invoked the Tuscarora presumption to conclude that Congress intended to include Indian tribes within the reach of the Safe Water Drinking Act of 1974 (“SWDA”) even though tribes were not expressly mentioned. See Phillips Petroleum,
Other circuit courts of appeal have also concluded that tribes’ sovereign powers can be divested by comprehensive federal regulatory schemes that are silent as to their application to Indians. See, e.g., Fla. Paraplegic Ass’n v. Miccosukee Tribe of Indians,
The majority distinguishes Tuscarora and its progeny by concluding that the Pueblo’s sovereign power to govern by enacting legislation, as opposed to its power to protect any proprietary interests it holds, can never be divested by implication. See op. at 1192-93 (“[IJmplied preemption of such sovereign authority does not suffice.”). The majority’s position, however, is purely visceral; the majority offers no logical, precedential, or authoritative support for the proposition that a tribe’s sovereign power to enact general legislation is afforded more protection than any other aspect of its sovereignty. Further, the majority’s position conflicts with Merrion v. Jicarilla Apache Tribe.
In Merrion, the Supreme Court addressed the question of whether Congress implicitly divested an Indian tribe of its power to impose a severance tax, a power of self-governance. See
This claim not only lacks any supporting evidence in the legislative history, it also deviates from settled principles of taxation: different sovereigns can enjoy powers to tax the same transactions. Thus, the mere- existence of state authority to tax does not deprive the Indian tribe of its power to tax.
Id.
Although the Court concluded that Congress had not implicitly divested the tribe of its power to impose the severance tax at issue in that case, Merrion clearly stands for the proposition that Congress can divest an Indian tribe of a “power of self-government” by implication.
Like the Supreme Court, this court has also recognized that Congress can divest Indian tribes of sovereign powers of self-government by implication. See Nero,
The Supreme Court has consistently and unequivocally stated that Congress has plenary authority to divest Indian tribes of any and all aspects of their sovereignty, whether those powers were retained by the tribes or established by treaty. “The sovereignty that the Indian tribes retain is of a unique and limited character. It exists only at the sufferance of Congress and is subject to complete defeasance.” United States v. Wheeler,
The Tuscarora/Coeur d’Alene test accommodates notions of both tribal and federal sovereignty. Pursuant to the exceptions first articulated by Coeur d’Alene, congressional power to implicitly divest an Indian tribe of sovereign powers is limited in only two circumstances: when the federal statute strips the tribe of its power to regulate purely intramural matters or when the statute divests the tribe of powers guaranteed by treaty. Only in those two situations must congressional divestiture be express. Congress can divest Indian tribes of any and all other aspects of their sovereignty by implication, including their power to regulate the activities of non-members, unless the tribe can demonstrate that Congress did not intend the federal statute to apply to them.
The majority’s attempt to distinguish the Tuscarora/Coeur d’Alene analysis on the basis that it only applies when a federal statute affects property interests and does not apply when a tribe merely invokes its general legislative powers is illogical. If the majority is correct, an Indian tribe, in almost every instance, could avoid the application of a comprehensive, generally applicable federal statute simply by exercising its general legislative powers and enacting an ordinance that either declares the tribe to be exempt from the federal statute or which directly conflicts with the federal statute. By holding that Congress can never implicitly divest tribes of their power to enact laws that conflict with generally applicable federal statutes, the majority effectively bestows upon Indian tribes sovereign powers far greater than those possessed even by the states. As a result of the majority opinion, tribes will now have unfettered power to enact ordinances that directly conflict with any federal statute of general application. For example, the Pueblo could enact an ordinance legalizing the closed shop, a form of compulsory unionization the majority acknowledges was “outlawed in 1947 by the Taft Hartley Act’s amendment of the NLRA.” See op. at 1190 n. 3. The Pueblo could also enact legislation declaring its members to be exempt from all federal tax laws. Such an ordinance would effectively preempt the application of all federal tax laws until Congress remedied the situation by expressly including Indian tribes within the reach of the federal tax laws. This certainly cannot be the rule.
A statute of general application will not be applied to an Indian Tribe when the statute threatens the Tribe’s ability to govern its intramural affairs, but not simply whenever it merely affects self-governance as broadly conceived. Any federal statute applied to an Indian on a ■reservation or to a Tribe has the arguable effect of eviscerating self-governance since it amounts to a subordination of the Indian government.
Id. Similarly, the Second Circuit addressed a nearly identical argument, concluding:
When taken to its logical limits, it would preclude the application of any federal legislation, silent as to Indians, that in some way affects the political integrity, economic security, or health and welfare of a tribe. Such a test greatly expands the niche the federal government has carved out for Indian tribes; that of a sovereign with limited powers, dependent on, and subordinate to the federal government.
Mashantucket Sand & Gravel,
Merrion and Nero stand for the proposition that the Tuscarora/Coeur d’Alene analysis should be applied to determine whether Congress has, by implication, divested an Indian tribe of any powers it retains. The approach adopted by the Ninth Circuit in Coeur d’Alene is consistent with both Tuscarora and Merrion and provides courts with an appropriate and workable framework within which to analyze the impact of all generally applicable federal statutes on all aspects of Indian sovereignty. The exceptions articulated in Coeur d’Alene appropriately limit the Tuscarora presumption by preserving tribal sovereignty over purely intramural matters even in the face of comprehensive federal regulation. A limited notion of tribal self-governance preserves federal supremacy over Indian tribes while providing heightened protection for tribal regulation of purely intramural matters. Any concerns about abrogating tribal powers of self-governance by implication are fully addressed by the Coeur d’Alene exceptions. The majority has offered no rationale for its position that tribes’ powers to enact general legislation occupy the same heights as their more vital powers to regulate purely intramural matters such as tribal membership and domestic affairs.
Congress divested the Pueblo of the power to enact the ordinance at issue here. The Pueblo does not dispute that the NLRA establishes a national labor policy. See Barrentine v. Arkansas-Best Freight Sys., Inc., 450 U-.S. 728, 735,
Even assuming that § 8(3) of the Wagner Act had no effect on the rights of all sovereigns to fully regulate union security agreements, the majority fails to acknowledge that § 8(3) was amended by the Taft>-Hartley Act of 1947. See ch. 120, § 8(a)(3), 61 Stat. 136, 140-41 (1947) (current version at 29 U.S.C. § 158(a)(3)). As amended, the statute regulates more than the closed shop. Section 8(a)(3)
add[ed] new conditions, which, as presently provided in § 8(a)(3), require that there be a 30 day waiting period before any employee is forced into a union, that the union in question is the appropriate representative of the employees, and that an employer not discriminate against an employee if he has reasonable grounds for believing that membership in the union was not available to the employee on a nondiscriminatory basis or that the employee’s membership was denied or terminated for reasons other than failure to meet union-shop requirements as to dues and fees.
Retail Clerks Int’l Ass’n, Local 1625 v. Schermerhorn,
In 1976, the Court unambiguously reiterated its belief, that § 8(a)(3) constitutes pervasive federal regulation of union security agreements, stating:
Section 8(a)(3) of the National Labor Relations Act permits employees as a matter of federal law to enter into agreements with unions to establish union or agency shops. Section 14(b) of the Act, however, allows individual States and Territories to exempt themselves from § 8(a)(3) and to enact so-called “right-to-work” laws prohibiting union or agency shops.
Oil, Chem. & Atomic Workers, Int’l Union v. Mobil Oil Corp.,
The ordinance in this case clearly conflicts with the NLRA. Section 8(a)(3) states that employers and unions are not precluded by the NLRA from entering into an agreement requiring employees to become union members within thirty days after beginning employment. See 29 U.S.C. § 158(a)(3). The ordinance enacted by the Pueblo specifically prohibits what § 8(a)(3) otherwise allows, i.e., the right of “employers as a matter of federal law to enter into agreement with unions to establish union or agency shops.” Oil, Chem. & Atomic Workers, Int’l Union,
None of the exceptions first articulated in Coeur d’Alene apply in this case to overcome the Tuscarora presumption. The Pueblo has not identified any treaty with the United States that permits it to enact the ordinance. Additionally, § 8(a)(3) does not touch on the Pueblo’s “exclusive 'rights of self-governance in purely intramural matters.” Coeur d’Alene, 751 F.2d at 1116 (quotation omitted). Section 8(a)(3) regulates the relationship between employers and their employees. In no sense does § 8(a)(3) impact purely intramural tribal matters which “generally consist of conduct the immediate ramifications of which are felt primarily within the reservation by members of the tribe.” Mashantucket Sand & Gravel,
Finally, the Pueblo has failed to show that “Congress intended [§ 8(a)(3)] not to apply to Indians on their reservations.” Coeur d’Alene,
The majority’s conclusion is fatally undercut by a recent Supreme Court decision. In Chickasaw Nation v. United States, two Indian tribes argued that they were exempted from paying federal taxes related to their gaming activities. See 534 U.S. at-,
The majority attempts to distinguish Chickasaw Nation on the basis that it did not involve a tribe’s power to enact and enforce laws. The broad concepts of statutory interpretation articulated in Chicka
The majority also relies on El Paso Natural Gas Co. v. Neztsosie,
There is no evidence in this record of congressional intent to include or exclude tribes from the exemption recognized in § 14(b). The majority necessarily equates this lack of evidence with freedom to legislate by invocation of a canon of construction favoring Indian tribes. The proper conclusion from this lack of evidence of legislative intent, however, is that application of the third Coeur d’Alene exception is precluded. Because Indian tribes are not specifically named in § 14(b) and because the Pueblo has not offered any other proof that Congress intended § 8(a)(3) should not apply to Indian tribes, none of the exceptions articulated in Coeur d’Alene are present in this case. Thus, Congress implicitly divested the Pueblo of the power to enact the ordinance and I would, accordingly, reverse the order of the district court.
. Section 8(3) of the Wagner Act read as follows:
8. It shall be an unfair labor practice for an employer—
(3) By discrimination in regard to hire or tenure of employment or any term or condition of employment to encourage or discourage membership in any labor organization: Provided, That nothing in this Act, or in the Nation Industrial Recovery Act ... or in any other statute of the United States, shall preclude an employer from making an agreement with a labor organization ... to require as a condition of employment membership therein, if such labor organization is the representative of the employees as provided in section 9(a), in the appropriate collective bargaining unit covered by such agreement when made,
ch. 372, § 8(3), 49 Stat. 449, 452 (1935).
Concurrence Opinion
concurring.
I join Judge Briscoe’s concurrence. I write separately to note my recognition of the potential analytical tension between Parts I, II, and IV of the majority opinion, which I have also elected to join, and the approach set forth in Judge Briscoe’s concurrence. Under either approach, the result reached today is mandated by two United States Supreme Court cases, Retail Clerks International Ass’n, Local 1625 v. Schermerhorn,
