NATIONAL COALITION OF PRAYER, INC., the Kentucky-Indiana Chapter of Paralyzed Veterans of America, Indiana Troopers Association, Inc., and Indiana Association of Chiefs of Police Foundation, Plaintiffs-Appellants,
v.
Steve CARTER, in his official capacity as Attorney General of the State of Indiana, Defendant-Appellee.
No. 05-3995.
United States Court of Appeals, Seventh Circuit.
Argued May 3, 2006.
Decided July 28, 2006.
Errol Copilevitz (argued), Kansas City, MO, for Plaintiffs-Appellants.
Thomas M. Fisher (argued), Office of the Attorney General, Indianapolis, IN, for Defendant-Appellee.
Before FLAUM, Chief Judge, and EVANS and WILLIAMS, Circuit Judges.
FLAUM, Chief Judge.
Plaintiffs are charities that Indiana's Telephone Privacy Act ("the Act") precludes from fundraising through professional telemarketers. They claim that the Act violates their First Amendment right to freedom of speech because it is contentbased, underbroad, and a prior restraint on speech. The district court granted summary judgment to the State, and Plaintiffs now appeal. For the following reasons, we affirm the decision of the district court.
I. Background
In May 2001, Indiana's governor signed into law the Indiana Telephone Privacy Act, codified at Indiana Code § 24-4.7. The Act creates a statewide do-not-call list and allows Indiana residential telephone customers to add themselves to this list. Once citizens affirmatively place their telephone numbers on the list, "telephone solicitors" cannot legally call the numbers for a "telephone sales call." The Act defines a "telephone solicitor" as "an individual, a firm, an organization, a partnership, an association, or a corporation . . . doing business in Indiana." Ind.Code § 24-4.7-2-10. A "telephone sales call" is any call made to "solicit[ ]" a "sale of consumer goods or services" or a "charitable contribution," or to "obtain[ ] information that will or may be used for the direct solicitation of a sale of consumer goods or services or an extension of credit for such purposes." Ind.Code § 24-4.7-2-9.
The Act exempts certain calls from its purview. Most relevant to this case, the Act permits "telephone call[s] made on behalf of a charitable organization that is exempt from federal income taxation under Section 501 of the Internal Revenue Code, but only if . . . [t]he telephone call is made by a volunteer or an employee of the charitable organization[, and] the telephone solicitor who makes the telephone call immediately discloses . . . [his or her] true first and last name [and t]he name, address, and telephone number of the charitable organization." Ind.Code § 24-4.7-1-1(3). The Act also exempts calls soliciting newspaper sales, if the calls are made by an employee of or volunteer for the newspaper company. Ind.Code § 24-4.7-1-1(6). Finally, the Act permits a licensed real estate agent or insurance agent to personally call registered numbers under specified circumstances. Ind. Code § 24-4.7-1-1(4)-(5). The Indiana Attorney General has also recognized an "implicit exclusion" for calls soliciting political contributions.
The State asserts that the Act was prompted by citizen complaints about telemarketers' increasing intrusions on residential privacy. According to one witness in a state court trial concerning the Act, during a single four-hour shift over the course of a month, her telemarketing company alone could make up to 16,000 telephone calls. Many Indiana residents found the calls to be an invasion of the tranquility and privacy of their homes. The State has produced several affidavits from such residents that support this observation. The legislature believed its initial response to curb unwanted calls—requiring citizens to tell each individual telemarketing firm to take their names off of the firm's call list—had proven ineffective. Accordingly, it passed the Act to give homeowners a more effective method of preventing unwanted and intrusive calls. The Act became effective on January 1, 2002, approximately seven months after the governor signed it into law. Later that month, Indiana commissioned a professional survey to study the Act's efficacy. That survey reflects that calls to numbers registered on the do-not-call list dropped from an average of 12.1 per week to an average of 1.9 per week. Nearly 98% of the residents who had registered their telephone numbers reported receiving "less" or "much less" telemarketing interruption since the Act became law. In June 2003, the surveyers concluded that the Act had been effective in reducing the volume of unwanted calls to Indiana homes. Indeed, by May 2003, about half of Indiana's residential lines had been registered on the state's do-not-call list. By late 2005, another 500,000 numbers had been added.
The Plaintiffs in this case are all tax-exempt charities. They wish to use telemarketers to solicit donations for their charitable causes. They claim that the Act violates their First Amendment rights, because it prohibits them from using telemarketers to call the numbers registered on the do-not-call list. On cross motions for summary judgment, the district court found in favor of the State, and Plaintiffs now appeal.
II. Discussion
A. Standing
The first issue we must address is which portions of the Act Plaintiffs have standing to challenge. Plaintiffs claim that they may challenge the entire Act, even the provisions applicable only to commercial speakers, while the State claims that Plaintiffs may challenge only provisions that could be enforced against them. Plaintiffs' arguments fall into two main categories: that the provisions aimed at commercial speakers show the "real purpose" of the Act, and that commercial speakers may not be treated more favorably than charitable speakers.
The "real purpose" line of argument is easier to dispose of. Plaintiffs' argument is essentially that the exemptions in the Act for certain commercial speakers and political fundraising directly injure the Plaintiffs because they show the "true motive behind the Act, i.e. to suppress `reviled' speakers vis a vis more favored speakers." To support this argument, the Plaintiffs cite the Supreme Court's decision in City of Cincinnati v. Discovery Network,
Discovery Network does not hold that exceptions to rules can reveal the "real purpose" of an act or that this "real purpose" can directly injure anyone. The case instead stands for the proposition that commercial speech cannot lightly be singled out as "less valuable" than other speech, and that restrictions on commercial speech, like restrictions on "core" First Amendment speech, must directly further a legitimate state interest. In this case, the Act's restrictions do bear a direct relationship to the state's interest in preventing unwanted phone calls. The State's research, the validity of which Plaintiffs do not contest, shows that professional telemarketing firms' calls apparently constituted the vast majority of unwanted phone calls that consumers were receiving. The Act has caused registered households to receive on average about 84% fewer unwanted calls, which amounts to approximately ten fewer unwanted calls per week. This is in stark contrast to the ordinance in Discovery Network, which regulated less than five percent of the newsracks that Cincinnati claimed were cluttering up its streets. Id. at 418,
Plaintiffs also claim that they must have standing to assert commercial speakers' interests, because such speakers can have standing to assert non-commercial speakers' rights in certain First Amendment challenges. See, e.g., Broadrick v. Oklahoma,
Plaintiffs' argument does not reflect the logical converse of the holdings in the cases they cite, but more importantly, the argument ignores the policy reasons behind the Court's First Amendment standing doctrine. Commercial speakers have ample incentive to challenge the Act as it applies to them, unlike some speakers who might instead be "muted and [leave their] perceived grievances ... to fester." Broadrick,
Plaintiffs also argue that by refusing to grant them standing in this case, we are necessarily treating commercial speakers more favorably than non-commercial speakers, which they believe is directly contrary to Supreme Court precedent. We are not persuaded by this argument. The reason that commercial speakers are allowed to assert standing for non-commercial speakers is because we presume that speech accorded greater protection will create a stronger case against regulation. See, e.g., Broadrick,
Since the Plaintiffs' arguments that they have standing to assert commercial speakers' interests fail, we, like the district court, will address only those arguments that apply to Plaintiffs' own speech.
B. Merits of the First Amendment Claim
The parties disagree about which method of First Amendment analysis is most appropriate in this case. The Plaintiffs argue that the Act is a content-based regulation that should be subjected to strict scrutiny. See United States v. Playboy Entm't Group, Inc.,
The State's argument is primarily based on Rowan. In that case, the Supreme Court reviewed a law that allowed customers of the U.S. Postal Service to prohibit delivery of sales literature for items "which the addressee in his sole discretion believes to be erotically arousing or sexually provocative." The Court upheld the statute, citing the need for a person to be safe from any unwanted message—even a "valid message"—in his or her own home. Because the homeowner had to take an affirmative act to prohibit mailings, the Court wrote:
[I]t seems to us that a mailer's right to communicate must stop at the mailbox of the unreceptive addressee. . . . To hold less would tend to license a form of trespass and would make hardly more sense than to say that a radio or television viewer may not twist the dial to cut off an offensive or boring communication and thus bar its entering his home. Nothing in the Constitution compels us to listen to or view any unwanted communication, whatever its merit[.]
Rowan,
Certain trial courts have found Rowan inapplicable to do-not-call lists, however. For example, when the district court of Colorado heard an early challenge to the national do-not-call list in Mainstream Marketing, Inc. v. Federal Trade Commission,
We find the State's Rowan analogy persuasive, and choose to adopt it here. We agree with the aforementioned district courts that the Supreme Court's reservations about a prior version of the act at issue in Rowan could be relevant to our analysis here. The act that the Rowan court upheld allowed a postal customer to block all future mailings from a sender after determining that any single mailing from the sender was "erotically arousing or sexually provocative." A prior version of that act would have allowed the Postmaster General to review all future mailings from the sender to determine if they fell within a proscribed class of "pandering advertisements," and override a consumer's wishes not to receive mailings that the Postmaster determined did not fall into that category. Rowan,
The Court wrote that although the act was acceptable in its final form, its first form would have been more problematic. Forcing the Postmaster to decide which of a sender's mailings were "similar" to the ones that had prompted the addressee's objection and to continue delivering all other mailings was "open to at least two criticisms." Id. at 735,
The Rowan Court's discussion of legislative history of the act at issue in that case lends a degree of support to the district courts' view that Rowan is inapplicable whenever a resident does not have the complete discretion to block any form of unwanted communication through a given medium. We believe that this was not the Supreme Court's intent, however. Most persuasively, in footnote 4, during the discussion of the potential problems with the old version of the act, the Rowan Court wrote,
Subsection (d) [of the version of the act that was later upheld] vests the Postmaster General with the duty to determine whether the sender has violated the order. This determination was intended to be primarily a ministerial one involving an adjudication of whether the initial material was an advertisement and whether the sender mailed materials to the addressee more than 30 days after the receipt of the prohibitory order. An interpretation which requires the Postmaster General to determine whether the subsequent material was pandering and/or similar would tend to place him "astride the flow of mail."
Id. at 735 n. 4,
We conclude that the Act places the Attorney General of Indiana in a "ministerial" role more analogous to that of the Postmaster General in the final legislation in Rowan than that act's objectionable predecessor. The telephone calls that the Attorney General must allow to be placed to numbers on the do-not-call list are very well defined. For example, it involves little discretion to decide if the call was placed on behalf of a tax-exempt charity, or if the person who placed the call was a volunteer or employee of that charity. We therefore disagree with the view that Rowan is inapplicable merely because the Act imposes well-defined restrictions on precisely what protections from unwanted communication a residential phone customer may receive by opting in to the do-not-call list.2
We respectfully disagree with our concurring colleague that Rowan analysis has been displaced by subsequent Supreme Court authority creating frameworks for evaluating commercial and charitable speech. The Supreme Court has never disavowed Rowan. While the Court has subsequently cited the case primarily as authority for the state's great interest in protecting residential privacy, we believe that this is because subsequent cases have not presented the appropriate venue for Rowan analysis, namely an opt-in statute that applies only to private residences in a manner that effectively protects residential privacy. Most notably, in Village of Schaumburg v. Citizens for a Better Environment,
We agree that the Supreme Court has found that statutes are not narrowly tailored when they prohibit speech to all residences where it is feasible to allow only those house-holds who do not wish to receive the speech to opt in to privacy protection. See, e.g., Playboy Entm't Group, Inc.,
Once we have decided to apply the Rowan analysis, it would seem the case is resolved, since the Supreme Court has already made clear that citizens in their own homes have a stronger interest in being free from unwanted communication than a speaker has in speaking in a manner that invades residential privacy.3 However, the Plaintiffs strenuously argue that the Act is underbroad and therefore prohibited under Discovery Network. We agree that if the Act was so underbroad as to fail to materially advance the State's interest in residential privacy, Plaintiffs might prevail even under Rowan.4 As discussed briefly in reference to standing, however, we believe that Indiana has shown that the Act's exceptions bear a legitimate relationship to the important government purpose of protecting residential privacy.
Aside from the results of the State's survey discussed previously, we also conclude that the Act's legitimacy is bolstered by the Supreme Court's holding in Hill v. Colorado,
The Indiana legislature passed the Act in order to preserve residential privacy, which was being invaded by the sheer volume of calls inundating homes on a daily basis. This inundation could quite reasonably have been determined to occur when commercial motivation joins forces with a professional telemarketer possessing the technology and capacity to call thousands of people in a relatively short period of time. Allowing charities to place calls with only employees or volunteers, who will likely not place the large volume of calls that a professional telemarketer can place, would seem merely to reflect the legislature's judgment of the limited intrusion the exception poses to residential privacy. It would seem anomalous to strike down a law because the legislature fostered as much speech as possible while still effectively protecting a state interest.
Furthermore, we are mindful that if an ordinance is to regulate any speech, it must be able to withstand a First Amendment challenge. To that end, it is not surprising that the Indiana Attorney General has fashioned an "implicit exception" for political speech, even if that speech comes from professional telemarketers. Political speech has long been considered the touchstone of First Amendment protection in Supreme Court jurisprudence, and courts are prone to strike down legislation that attempts to regulate it. See, e.g., Buckley v. Am. Constitutional Law Found., Inc.,
The other exceptions in the Act similarly exclude speech from the Act's purview that is less likely to cause invasions of privacy and more likely to create a valid First Amendment claim. Charitable speech is afforded heightened First Amendment protection, as both parties in this case acknowledge. See Vill. of Schaumburg v. Citizens for a Better Env't,
Because the Act sharply curtails telemarketing — the speech that was most injurious to residential privacy — while excluding speech that historically enjoys greater First Amendment protection, we are satisfied that the Act is not underbroad. Therefore, applying Rowan, we believe that the state's interest in protecting residents' right not to endure unwanted speech in their own homes outweighs any First Amendment interests the Plaintiffs possess.
III. Conclusion
For the foregoing reasons, we AFFIRM the district court's grant of summary judgment for the State of Indiana and its denial of the Plaintiffs' motion for summary judgment.
Notes:
Notes
At least one group of commercial speakers has already unsuccessfully challenged the National Do Not Call ListSee Mainstream Mktg. Servs., Inc. v. Fed. Trade Comm'n,
Although the concurrence criticizes this reasoning, we believe that concerns regarding the scope of exceptions to the statute are actually concerns about whether the statute is underbroad, and should be evaluated accordingly. As we discussinfra, we do not find the Act to be underbroad. Our reading of Rowan's footnote four convinces us that the Court wished to avoid placing unbridled discretion in a government official: the Postmaster General. The Attorney General of Indiana does not have similar unbridled and potentially censorial discretion when enforcing the Act, which is why we view his role as "ministerial."
We acknowledge that an act that severely impinged on core First Amendment values, such as an opt-in list that allowed homeowners to block calls from only one side of a political debate, might not survive aRowan balancing test. That is not the case before us, however, and thus we need not address when precisely Rowan's balancing of the interests begins to tilt in favor of speakers. We are satisfied that all the communications prohibited in this case are similar to those that were outweighed by citizens' interests in residential privacy in Rowan.
This was the case inPearson v. Edgar,
WILLIAMS, Circuit Judge, concurring.
I agree that the Indiana Act survives constitutional scrutiny. I write separately because I respectfully disagree with the majority's application of Rowan v. United States Post Office Dep't,
As the majority recognizes, charitable speech is entitled to heightened constitutional protections. Beginning in 1980—ten years after the Rowan decision—the Supreme Court issued a trilogy of cases that clarified the heightened First Amendment protections applicable to charitable speech. See Vill. of Schaumburg,
Rather than apply this standard narrow-tailoring requirement, the majority instead relies on the Rowan decision, which it reads as requiring only a balancing of interests between the parties. As an initial matter, the statute at issue in Rowan directly addressed commercial speech, not charitable speech. See Rowan,
This is not to say that the principles addressed in Rowan regarding the compelling government interest in residential privacy are no longer good law. To the contrary, the substantial right of residents to find sanctuary in their homes, free from unwanted speech, is just as—if not more— vital today, where intrusions via the mail, the telephone and, now, email and the internet are ubiquitous. The Supreme Court has repeatedly cited Rowan for support in highlighting the sanctity of residential privacy, particularly where the homeowner is a "captive audience" to unwanted speech.4 But Rowan has not been cited by the Supreme Court for the proposition that regulations that affect commercial— much less charitable—speech should be examined via a simple balancing test. Instead, the Supreme Court has limited its application of Rowan within the context of traditional First Amendment tests, either to establish the significance of residential privacy interests and/or to address the narrow-tailoring or least-restrictive-means requirements. See id.
Nor has this court previously held that Rowan created a separate balancing-of-interests test under any type of First Amendment analysis. Rather, consistent with Supreme Court jurisprudence, we have limited our application of Rowan to the framework of whether the regulation was narrowly tailored (or, relatedly, whether the government had a sufficiently strong interest in protecting residential privacy).5
Thus, why the majority turns to Rowan for this new-found test is unclear. Although the majority notes that the Indiana Act requires the homeowner to make an initial affirmative act (i.e., signing up for the do-not-call list), this court is not without guidance from our prior cases, as well as cases from other circuits, all of which have considered such opt-in features or other analogous provisions to be pertinent to whether a regulation is narrowly tailored—not as a means to avoid a narrow-tailoring analysis entirely. For instance, in Pearson v. Edgar,
In examining the constitutionality of the federal do-not-call list, the Tenth Circuit similarly devoted extensive attention to the opt-in feature in the Rowan statute, but did so solely within the context of considering whether the federal do-not-call list was narrowly tailored. See Mainstream Mktg. Services, Inc. v. F.T.C. (Mainstream Mktg. II),
In any event, the Indiana Act is distinguishable from the Rowan statute. The majority claims that the Indiana Act places the Attorney General in solely a "ministerial" role akin to the role of the Postmaster General in Rowan, purportedly because the Attorney General is given sole discretion only "to decide if the call was placed on behalf of a tax-exempt charity, or if the person who placed the call was a volunteer or employee of that charity." Op. at 11. But this considers only the state's involvement in enforcing the statute: it ignores the state's active involvement in crafting numerous exceptions to the statute. Unlike in Rowan, the state here has carved out particular categories of calls that a homeowner cannot block. These state-created carve-outs include not only charitable calls made by volunteers and employees, but also certain calls by newspaper organizations, real estate agents, and insurance agents. Thus, the homeowner here does not have the plenary power to restrict all intrusions as the homeowner could in Rowan. Instead, Indiana has actively immersed itself in regulating the forms of telemarketing speech that homeowners are allowed to block: a homeowner has unfettered discretion to block calls from professional telemarketers, but lacks such discretion when it comes to, for example, calls initiated by employees or volunteers of charities. In my view, this is something more than the mere "ministerial" duty addressed in Rowan, where the government did nothing more than enforce a homeowner's "complete and unfettered discretion" to prevent all intrusions.8 Rowan,
Setting aside these distinctions, the majority's opinion is also inconsistent with a series of decisions by other circuits—all of whom uniformly applied the narrow-tailoring requirement to analogous do-not-call regulations. See Mainstream Mktg. I,
For instance, the Fourth Circuit addressed a First Amendment challenge to the Federal Trade Commission's regulation imposing restrictions on telemarketing practices used for charitable fundraising. Nat'l Fed'n of the Blind,
The parallels between the law at issue in Rowan and the do-not-call list in this case are unmistakable. If consumers are constitutionally permitted to opt out of receiving mail which can be discarded or ignored, then surely they are permitted to opt out of receiving phone calls that are more likely to disturb their peace. In this way, a do-not-call list is more narrowly tailored to protecting privacy than was the law in Rowan.
Id. at 342 (emphasis added).
Similarly, the Tenth Circuit applied the traditional narrowly tailored requirement in assessing a First Amendment challenge to the FTC regulations applicable to commercial speech. Mainstream Mktg. II,
Like the do-not-mail regulation approved in Rowan, the national do-not-call registry does not itself prohibit any speech. Instead, it merely "permits a citizen to erect a wall ... that no advertiser may penetrate without his acquiescence." See Rowan,
Id. at 1243. (emphasis added); see also Mainstream Mktg. I,
Finally, the Eighth Circuit also examined the constitutionality of a state statute that, like the Indiana Act, prohibited charitable solicitation calls by professional telemarketers, but permitted calls made by employees or volunteers. Fraternal Order of Police,
In distinguishing the Eighth and Tenth circuit cases, the majority states that "[n]either the Eighth Circuit nor the Tenth Circuit directly addressed a Rowan argument similar to the one the State presses here. Instead, they reversed by employing more standard First Amendment analysis." Op. at 9. True—but these circuits, along with the Fourth Circuit, were unmistakably aware of Rowan, and in fact relied extensively upon it to conduct the standard narrow-tailoring analysis. Furthermore, the Attorney General of Indiana filed an amicus brief (along with various other states) in the Eighth Circuit's Fraternal Order of Police case in support of a North Dakota statute pertaining to charitable speech solicitations, which the Attorney General conceded was "similar" to the Indiana Act. Brief for State of Indiana et al. as Amici Curiae Supporting Appellant at 2, 13, Fraternal Order of Police, N.D. State Lodge v. Stenehjem,
Similarly, several states filed an amicus brief in the Tenth Circuit's Mainstream Marketing II case, supporting the federal do-not-call regulations applicable to commercial solicitors. See Brief for State of California, et al. as Amici Curiae Supporting Appellants in Case No. 03-1429 and Supporting Appellees in Case No. 03-9571 at 1-3, Mainstream Mktg. Services, Inc. v. F.T.C.,
I would apply a similar First Amendment analysis here to conclude that the charitable exception in the Indiana Act is content neutral and narrowly drawn to advance the substantial right of residents to be undisturbed by unwanted phone calls in the privacy of their homes. See, e.g., Fraternal Order of Police,
There can be no doubt that Indiana has a substantial interest in protecting residential privacy. Rowan and its progeny firmly establish residential privacy as a compelling interest. Furthermore, the Indiana Act is also narrowly tailored to advance this interest. Consistent with the holdings in this and other circuits, the opt-in feature is strong evidence of the narrow tailoring of the Indiana Act's restrictions on charitable speech. See, e.g., Pearson,
I emphasize the importance of applying full constitutional scrutiny in this case because First Amendment protections, of course, reside at the core of our democratic process and are crucial to the free exchange of ideas. In the present case, applying lowered constitutional scrutiny may initially appear less troubling because the form of the speech here (i.e., solicitation calls placed by telemarketers) is plainly disfavored by many. But providing such a potentially broad circumvention from full First Amendment scrutiny may prove to be an unfortunate choice when less-disfavored forms of speech are at issue in the future. For the reasons stated above, I believe the proper analysis requires consideration of whether the Indiana Act is a content neutral regulation narrowly tailored to advance a substantial government interest, in accordance with the traditional First Amendment test.
Notes:
See, e.g., Wis. Action Coal. v. City of Kenosha,
This is not intended to suggest thatRowan's teachings pertaining to the substantial government interest in protecting residential privacy are not relevant when considering First Amendment challenges to charitable speech restrictions. As discussed infra, these principles continue to be applied routinely in cases involving both commercial and charitable speech, but Rowan's balancing-of-interests test does not appear to have survived the test of time.
TheCentral Hudson test also requires consideration of whether (1) the speech concerns lawful activity and is not misleading; (2) the asserted governmental interest is substantial; and (3) the regulation directly advances the governmental interest. Central Hudson,
See, e.g., Vill. of Schaumburg,
See, e.g., Collin v. Smith,
Pearson was decided after the Supreme Court vacated our prior decision and remanded the case for reconsideration in light of the then-recently decided City of Cincinnati v. Discovery Network, Inc.,
See also Vill. of Schaumburg,
The majority cites to footnote 4 in theRowan decision as support for the proposition that the Supreme Court did not intend to limit Rowan solely to situations where a homeowner has complete discretion to block intrusions on residential privacy. Op. at 10. My reading of this footnote, however, offers no clues as to the "intent" that the majority ascribes to the Supreme Court. Instead, the footnote merely highlights the central distinguishing element of the Rowan statute: the government had no role in filtering the types of mail the homeowner could prevent from entering the home. The footnote goes on to highlight that had the government been involved in any form of filtering, the statute would not have been upheld. This is precisely the hurdle that the Indiana Act stumbles on. There is otherwise nothing in the footnote suggesting that the Court intended to expand Rowan beyond the operative facts of the statute at issue. If anything, the footnote emphasizes the limited focus of the Rowan opinion.
The district court in this case analyzed the statute as a time, place or manner regulation. The First Amendment test for such a regulation is essentially identical to theVillage of Schaumburg test, except for the added requirement that there be ample opportunities for alternative means of communication. See Fraternal Order of Police,
