Lead Opinion
Since the decision of this court in the case of Jones v. Hutchinson,
I take it furthermore as a sound rule, also settled by our decisions, that if the bill which is passed by the General Assembly varies materially, in substance and legal effect, from that which is approved by the Governor —especially where this subject of variance involves a matter of amendment, without the incorporation of which in the bill one of the houses refused to concur with the other in its final passage — then there exists such a want of legal and actual identity between the bill passed and the one approved, as that neither of them acquires the force of a valid and constitutional enactment. In such a case, the bill passed by the General Assembly is not the one approved by the Governor, and the one approved by the Governor is, e converso, not the one passed by the General Assembly. The courts would be assuming too much, to presume that the same reasons which induced the one house to refuse to concur with the other, except on the condition of incorporating its amendment, might not likewise operate to induce the Governor to withhold his approval of the entire measure, without which it must have failed to become a law. — Jones v. Hutchinson, 43 Ala, 721; Moody v. The State,
Let us suppose, for illustration, that the bill in its complete form, as it passed the two houses, had been signed by the presiding officers of these respective bodies, and had been presented to the Governor for his approval, and he had drawn his pen through this same amendment, and, after thus expunging it, had approved the residue of the measure, this being done as a condition precedent to affixing his signature. Would there not exist, in such a case, precisely the same difference in fact between the bill passed and that approved, as is here presented? The part expwnged in the one case, and the part omitted in the other, being identical, the identity of the remainder is axiomatic. Could any one seriously contend, that the approval of a part of a measure, however honestly done in the conviction of its propriety, would operate to give any legal force to the part thus approved? And yet, where is the difference, in practical effect, between the two cases? The clear logic of the case lies in the axiom, that a bill is an entirety, and a law is the product of the combined, harmonious and unanimous action of the legislative and executive departments of government, each acting strictly within the scope of its constitutional authority, and according to the prescribed forms of the constitutional mandate. When, therefore, as we have said, the measure assented'to by one of these departments is not, in substance and legal effect, the measure assented to by the other, but differs from it materially in its operation as a'law, it is in no proper sense a constitutional or valid enactment.
In this case, we are not left to any mere conjecture as to the materiality of this difference between the two measures. The
The amendment under consideration was proposed and adopted as a part of. subdivision 7 of section 5, as found on page '71 of the published Acts. We append this subdivision, and include in it the omitted amendment, designated by italics, for a more ready discrimination of its connection and bearing :
“ 7. All moneyed capital, that is, all money loaned and solvent credits or credits of value, from, which credits the indebtedness of the tax-payer shall be deducted, and, the excess only shall be taxed; but persons engaged in the business of borrowing and lending money shall not be allowed, such deduction, and all money employed in the business of advancing or loaning on stocks, bonds, bullion, bills of exchange, or promissory notes, or in the purchase thereof, or in the discount of bills of exchange, &c., except when the money so employed is otherwise taxed as capital.” — Acts 1882-83, p. 71.
It is insisted by the appellee’s counsel, in support of the validity of the entire enactment, as published, that the omission of the amendment from the enrolled bill was immaterial, because, if inserted, it must have been pronounced unconstitutional and void — and for this reason, the bill as approved was identical in legcd effect with the one that was passed by the General Assembly. Conceding the soundness of the latter proposition, in which I am disposed to concur, the question is presented as to whether this amendment is violative of any provision of our constitution, bearing on the subject of taxation. These constitutional clauses are as follows :
“All taxes levied on property in this State, shall be assessed in exact proportion to the value of the property.” — Article ix, section 1; Constitution, 1S75.
“ The property of private corporations, associations and individuals in this State, shall forever be taxed at the same rate”— the only exception being institutions or enterprises devoted exclusively to religious, educational, or charitable purposes.- — Art. ix, section 6, Constitution, 1875.
There is a clear line of demarcation between the taxing powet of a government, and the right of eminent domain, which is not properly distinguished in many of the adjudged cases, thus sometimes tending to confusion. Taxation is the just proportion of the citizen’s share or contribution to the support of the government, while eminent domain involves the idea of a forced contribution, beyond, or in excess of his share. — Burroughs on Tax., sec. 6; People v. Mayor of Brooklyn,
These principles are announced, in order that we may not be misunderstood. The paramount difficulty is, as to when the courts can properly interpose to declare a statute void, because of its taxing a particular class of property, upon a principle which seems to violate the rule of relative uniformity designed by the constitution. “ It is only when statutes are passed,” says Bigelow, C. J., in Com. v. Savings Bank,
This proposition, in my opinion, is correct, in a modified sense ; but there can be no excuse for the interference of the courts, unless this inequality — whether manifest by a system of exemptions or classifications — is not only oppressive in its operation, hut is so glaring as that it can be judicially declared to be founded on arbitrary and capricious principles, without the just semblance of reason. In such a case, the system would cease to he taxation, and become governmental spoliation ; thus trespassing on .the boundary line of eminent domain, which is a right that can not be exercised under the provisions of our constitution, without first paying to the citizen a just compensation for his property taken by the State. — New Orleans & Selma R. R. Co. v. Jones,
Subject to the above limitation, I do not see how the courts can circumscribe the legislative power to select the proper subjects of taxation, and to classify them upon principles which to them seem just. There must, of necessity, be left a liberal scope for the free exercise of this presumably wise discretion. It is said by Judge Cooley, in his work on Constitutional
I am quite free to admit that the question under consideration is involved in both difficulty and doubt. For the purposes of this discussion it may be conceded, without in any wise affecting this question, that the last clause of the amendment— providing that “persons engaged in the business of borrowing and lending money shall not be allowed such deductions” — is objectionable on constitutional grounds — a point that we need not decide — and yet the remainder of the amendment would hot necessarily fall, but might stand unaffected by the vitiated part; and the question would still recur, Gam, the General Assembly constitutionally authorize the indebtedness of the taxpayer to be deducted from his solvent credits, or credits of value, which they have made a new and proper subject of taxation.
The purpose and effect of the law, it may be argued with much force, is not so much to tax the credits themselves specifically and eo nomine, as the surplus of the credits over and above the tax-payer’s indebtedness ; or, in other words, the difference between the debts due to saidfrom the tax-payer, which is made by the sovereign legislative power a new subject of taxation. It has neverbeen doubted that the legislature may tax one's net income, which is another name for the surplus of his gross receipts over and above the proper expenses incurred in earning it. So, it would probably have the power, as in some States it is often the practice, to tax property upon the basis of a valuation fixed by deducting mortgage-liens, or other like incumbrances, from the cash market value; and this rule of assessment has never been adjudged to violate, so far as we are aware, that equality and uniformity in the rate of taxation, which is required by the constitution. Can we say that there is no such just connection between what a man owns in his proper right, and what he owes to others, as that it is beyond the scope of legislative sovereignty to set off the one against the other,
The point for decision, therefore, may be considered to belong to that class of doubtful cases which permits for its solution the invocation of the doctrine of legislative construction. The principle has often been declared, that constitutions are to be construed in the light of previously existing constitutions, and that a uniform legislative interpretation of a donbtful clause, running through many years, is of weighty consideration with the courts, as is also the contemporaneous exposition of the bar. The maxim, contemporánea, expositio est fortissimo in lege, is an accepted canon of judicial construction. — Ex parte Hardy,
The constitution of 1875, containing the same provision as that of 1868, which exacted the assessment of taxes in exact proportion to the value of property, went into effect in December of the year 1875. The members of the convention who adopted it were composed largely of the members of the various General Assemblies that had framed those revenue laws, extending back through the past decade of years. It was adopted .with a knowledge of its previous exposition. And since that time every revenue system adopted by each subsequent and successive General Assembly has contained a clause taxing solvent credits, and authorizing a deduction of the taxpayer’s indebtedness — thus taxing, as in this case, the surplus of his solvent credits over his. indebtedness, ds a newly created subject elected to bear its proportionate burden in raising the public revenue. — Acts 1875-76, pp. 46-47, sec. 1, snbd. 8 ; Acts 1876-77, p. 4, sec. 2, subd. 3.
The conclusion which we have above reached is fortified, to some extent, by a recent decision of the Supreme Court of Indiana, a State whose constitution has been construed to establish a system of strictly uniform taxation, excluding the operation of laws exempting any property from taxes, except such as is specially designated by its provisions. In the case of Matter v. Campbell,
In view of these facts, we scarcely feel authorized to conclude, that, if the amendment under discussion had been incorporated in the enrolled bill, and been approved with the remainder of the law by the Governor, it could have been adjudged a nullity, as violative of the constitution. Its omission from the law was, therefore, material, and, under the principles first decided, the entire act was vitiated, because it never passed through the mandatory forms prescribed by the constitution for the enactment of a valid constitutional law.
I fully concur with the Chief-Justice in the views expressed by him as to the proper construction of section 5, of Article iv, of the present Constitution, fixing the time during which the
Under the influence of these conclusions, it necessarily follows that the judge of the City Court erred in refusing to grant the prayer of the petitioner asking for the writ of mandamus.
Concurrence Opinion
I concur in the opinion, that the section of the revenue law, the subject of contention in this suit, is inoperative, but I doubt the correctness of my brothers’ views, in holding it vitiates the whole statute.
