Lead Opinion
The named plaintiffs in this class action, Milner and Johnson, applied for and were granted social security disability benefits because of their insanity. Later the two were prosecuted in an Illinois state court for murders which they had committed, were acquitted by reason of their insanity, and were ordered confined indefinitely (up to the limit of the maximum sentences they might have received had they been convicted, 730 ILCS 5/5 — 2—4) in an Illinois state mental hospital, where they remain today, supported at the expense of the Illinois taxpayer. (If they are ever released, they will get a bill, 405 ILCS 5/5-105, but in all likelihood won’t be able to pay it — and they may never be released.) They continued to receive social security disability benefits until 1995, when, pursuant to a statute passed the previous year, the Commissioner of Social Security suspended the payment of benefits until the plaintiffs are released from their confinement, if ever. The statute directs the suspension of social security benefits payable to any individual who is “confined by court order in an institution at public expense” pursuant to “a verdict or finding that the individual is not guilty of [an offense punishable by imprisonment for more than one year] by reason of insanity.” 42 U.S.C. § 402(x)(l)(A)(ii).(II).
The plaintiff class consists of all persons in Illinois whose benefits have been suspended under the authority of this provision. Their claim, which the district court rejected on the pleadings, is that it is a denial of- the equal protection of the laws, and so a violation of the due process clause of the Fifth Amendment, see, e.g., Bolling v. Sharpe,
If the test is whether the difference in treatment is rational, the claim clearly fails; In 1980 Congress had amended the Social Security Act to direct the suspension of benefits for persons confined pursuant to a criminal conviction. 42 U.S.C. - § 423(f). This would by implication have included persons found guilty but insane or guilty but mentally ill, since either is a form of conviction. See, e.g., 720 ILCS 5/6-2(c); People v. Crews,
The difference between being found guilty but insane or guilty but mentally ill, on the one hand, and being acquitted (or, the equivalent, found not guilty) because of insanity,
By doing this, however, Congress created another anomaly — the differential treatment of the civilly and the criminally committed. But this sort of thing is inevitable whenever Congress moves step by step to correct some inequity, in this case the payment of benefits to people who don’t need them because they are being maintained at the expense of the taxpayer, who is also the source of the benefits and doesn’t want to pay twice over. Legislatures are permitted to correct a problem incrementally even though by doing so they create arbitrary distinctions until correction is complete. E.g., Bowen v. Owens,
What is more, the civilly and' the criminally committed are not identically situated. To begin with, the latter are likely to be confined for a longer time. E.g., Weiner, supra, at 726 n. 395; David B. Wexler, “Redefining the Insanity Problem,” 53 Geo. Wash. L.Rev. 528, 536, 538 (1985). The longer they are confined, the less likely they are to need an accumulation of disability benefits to finance their reentry into free society. Many of the criminally insane are unlikely ever to be permitted reentry — perhaps including the murderers who are the class representatives in this case.
Against this the plaintiffs argue that Congress violated the Constitution at an earlier stage, when it suspended benefits for convicted criminals; the -exclusion of persons acquitted but confined by reason of insanity merely aggravated the original denial of equal protection. Criminals whether sane or insane are, in the plaintiffs’ view, identically situated to insane people civilly committed, since all are being maintained at public expense and so do not need social security benefits until they are released. But this overlooks among other things the important moral difference between criminals and noncriminals, and so implies that giving civilly committed insane people who have committed no criminal acts more comfortable quarters than sane criminals is a denial of equal protection unless a deterrent or other practical or functional purpose can be assigned to the difference in treatment. Legislatures are permitted to legislate with regard to morality, e.g., Bowers v. Hardwick,
Another justification for the difference in treatment of which the plaintiffs complain is the moral difference between insane perpetrators of criminal acts and the law-abiding insane, David Cohn, “Offensive Use of the Insanity Defense: Imposing the Insanity Defense Over the Defendant’s Objection,” 15 Hastings Const’l L.Q. 295, 310 (1988), whether the former are acquitted of their crimes by reason of their insanity or instead are adjudged guilty but insane. It is a difference that philosophers have discussed under the rubric of “moral luck.” See, e.g., Bernard Williams, “Moral Luck,” in his book Moral Luck: Philosophical Papers 1973-1980 20 (1081); also Williams,. “Moral Luck: A Postscript,” in his book Making Sense of Humanity, and Other Philosophical Papers 1982-1993 241 (1995); Thomas Nagel, “Moral Luck,” in Nagel, Mortal Questions 24 (1979). The courts are beginning to use the term as well. See United States v. Martinez,
And this is true when the state of mind is what we call insane. The insane person who never harms anyone is regarded differently from the no more insane person who kills because of his insanity. The insane killer may be acquitted, but he is regarded as morally less worthy than the insane nonkil-ler. Cohn, supra. The principal reason for the formula “guilty but insane,” which ás we noted earlier is a recent addition to the forms of criminal judgment, is to enable jurors to give vent to their deeply rooted feelings that people who commit serious crimes by reason of insanity are not morally innocent and ought therefore not be acquitted. Weiner, supra, at 714 and n. 264.
The moral difference between the criminal insane and the noncriminal insane, though a difference based on consequences rather than state of mind, reflects a moral intuition that is deeply rooted in the traditions of the American people (and probably every other people as well). And being so rooted it furnishes a rational basis for Congress’s being less generous toward insane criminals than toward insane noncriminals by denying the members of the former group an entitlement to public financial support above and beyond the expense of maintaining them.
We grant that not every moralist thinks that moral luck should be a component of morality, see, e.g., Michael S. Moore, “The Independent Moral Significance of Wrongdoing,” 1994 J. Contemp. Leg. Issiies 237 (1994), and that not every judge thinks it should affect criminal punishment. See, e.g., Lockett v. Ohio,
These points are decisive against the plaintiffs’ position if the proper standard is whether the challenged legislation has a ra^tional basis. And-the orthodox rule is that rational basis is the proper standard for deciding equal protection cases unless the plaintiff falls within a handful of special classes — racial minorities for example, or aliens, or persons born out of wedlock, -or
Some judges have thought the difference between rational basis review for nonmembers of the specially protected classes and a more searching review for members too stark and unnuanced. These judges have advocated a “sliding scale” approach by which the more marginal the plaintiffs group the more justification the government must show for discriminating against it. See, e.g., City of Cleburne v. Cleburne Living Center, supra,
Or at least has never purported to accept this approach; for the plaintiffs point us to cases, notably City of Cleburne v. Cleburne Living Center, supra, and Romer v. Evans,
We consider this an overreading of the City of Cleburne and Romer cases, even if, contrary to settled law illustrated by such cases as Flemming v. Nestor,
This at any rate seems to be the basis of the City of Cleburne and Romer cases. In the first, a zoning ordinance discriminated against housing for the retarded, and there was no.evidence of a rational basis for the discrimination; the only basis, the Court found, was an irrational fear of a harmless group of people. See
The reasoning of Cleburne and Romer does not reach as far as the present case, and we shall leave it to the Supreme Court to draw out any broader implications of their texts. Murderers are not harmless people, even if they committed their murders under the influence of insanity. They are dangerous, and rationally feared; and the moral disapprobation of them is based on a moral intuition (what we have called “moral luck”) that cannot be dismissed as invidious or irrational. To treat these people more harshly— only slightly more harshly, as we have just noted — than people who are insane but harmless, like the retarded but harmless plaintiffs in the Cleburne case, cannot be thought irrational under either the orthodox standard of rational review or the more adventurous standard that might be thought implied by that case and by Romer.
Affirmed.
Concurrence Opinion
concurring in the judgment.
I agree with my colleagues that the decision of Congress not to grant Social Security benefits to individuals who have been found not guilty by reason of insanity, but to continue to grant such benefits to those who are committed civilly because of a psychiatric disability, survives an equal protection challenge under the prevailing standards.
This is a case about the distribution of Social Security benefits. Here, Congress has decided to draw a line in the distribution of those benefits that implicates neither a fundamental right nor a suspect class. Classifications of this sort are constitutionally infirm under the prevailing norms of our jurisprudence only when the classification is patently arbitrary because it lacks no rational justification. See Flemming v. Nestor,
This case therefore can be decided on the basis of established principles of equal protection analysis. There is no reason to go beyond those well-settled principles and to suggest that Congress would have acted within constitutional bounds even if it had intended to punish insane individuals for their actions. Setting itself on a collision course with the analysis of our colleagues in the District of Columbia Circuit, see Wiley v. Bowen,
Like the other courts of appeals that have considered the matter, we ought not “lightly attribute to the Congress as a whole the impermissible motives of a few of its members.” Wiley,
On this basis, I would affirm the judgment of the district court.
Notes
. The Supreme Court has not said that a state must make the insanity defense available. See Medina v. California,
. Brief of the United States, p. 18.
