delivered the opinion of the court.
This is .an appeal from the final order in a proceeding in habeas corpus discharging a recusant witness held in custody under process of attachment issued from the United States Senate in the course of an investigation which it was making of the administration of the Department of Justice. A full statement of the case is necessary.
The Department of Justice is one of the great executive departments established by congressional enactment and has charge, among other things, of the initiation and prosecution of all suits, civil and criminal, which may be brought in the right and name of the United States to compel obedience or punish disobedience to its laws, to recover property obtained from it by unlawful or fraudulent means, or to safeguard its rights in other respects; and also of the assertion and protection of its interests when it or its officers are sued by others. Xhe Attorney General is the head of the department, and its functions are all to be exercised under' his supervision and direction. 1
Harry M. Daugherty became the Attorney General March 5, 1921, and held that office until March 28, 1924,
“ to investigate circumstances and facts, and report the same to the Senate, concerning the alleged failure of Harry M. Daugherty, Attorney General of the United States, to prosecute properly violators of the Sherman Anti-trust Act and the Clayton Act against monopolies and unlawful restraint of trade; the alleged neglect and failure of the said Harry M. Daugherty, Attorney General of the United States, to arrest and prosecute Albert B. Fall, Harry F. Sinclair, E. L. Doheny, C. R. Forbes, and their co-conspirators in defrauding the Government, as well as the alleged neglect and failure of the said Attorney General to arrest and prosecute many others for violations of Federal statutes, and his alleged failure
.The resolution also authorized the committee to send for books and papers, to subpoena witnesses, to administer oaths, and to sit at such times and places as it might deem advisable. 3
In the course of the investigation the committee issued and caused to be duly served on Mally S. Daugherty— who was a brother of Harry M. Daugherty and president of the Midland National Bank of Washington Court House, Ohio, — a subpoena commanding him to appear before the committee for the purpose of giving testimony bearing on the subject under investigation, and to bring with him the “ deposit ledgers of the Midland National Bank since November l, 1920; also note files and transcript of owners of every safety vault; also records of income drafts; also records of any individual account or accounts showing withdrawals of amounts of $25,000 or over during above period.” The witness failed to appear.
A little later in the course of the investigation the committee issued and caused to be duly served on the same witness another subpoena commanding him to appear before it for the purpose of giving testimony relating to the subject under consideration — nothing being
The committee then made a report to the Senate stating that the subpoenas had been issued, that according to the officer’s returns — copies of which accompanied the report — the witness was personally served; and that he had failed and refused to appear. 4 After a, reading of the report, the Senate adopted a resolution reciting these facts and proceeding as follows: 5
“Whereas the appearance and testimony of the said M. S. Daugherty is material and necessary in order that the committee may properly execute the functions imposed upon it and may obtain information necessary as a basis for such legislative and other action as the Senate may deem necessary and proper: Therefore be it
“ Resolved, That the President of the Senate pro' tempore issue his warrant commanding the Sergeant at Arms or his' deputy to take into custody the body of the said ,M. S. Daugherty wherever found, and to bring the said M. S. Daugherty before the bar of the Senate, then and there to answer such questions pertinent to the mat- . ter, under inquiry as the Senate may order the President of the Senate pro tempore to propound; and to keep the said M. S. Daugherty in custody to await the further order of the Senate.”
It will be observed from the terms of the resolution that the warrant was to be issued in furtherance of the effort to obtain the personal testimony of the witness and, like the second subpoena, was not' intended to exact from him the production of the various records, books and papers named in the first subpoena:
The warrant was issued agreeably to the resolution and was addressed simply to the Sergeant at Arms. That
The deputy, proceeding under the warrant, took the witness into custody at Cincinnati, Ohio, with the purpose of bringing him before the bar of the Senate as commanded; whereupon the witness petitioned the federal district court in Cincinnati for a writ of
habeas corpus.
The writ was granted and the deputy made due return setting forth the warrant and the cause of the detention. After a hearing the court held the attachment and detention unlawful and discharged the witness, the decision being put on the ground that the Senate in directing .the investigation and in ordering the attachment exceeded its powers under the Constitution,
We have given the case earnest and prolonged consideration because the principal questions involved are of unusual importance and delicacy. They are (a) whether the Senate — or the House of Representatives, both' being on the same plane in this regard — has power, through its own process, to compel a private individual to appear before it or one of its committees and give testimony needed to enable it efficiently to exercise a legislative function belonging to it under the Constitution, and (b) whether it sufficiently appears that the process was being employed in this instance to obtain testimony for that purpose.
Other questions are presented which in regular course should be taken up first.
The witness challenges the authority of the deputy to execute the warrant on two grounds — that there was no provision of law for a deputy, and that, even if there were such a provision, a deputy could not execute the
The Senate adopted in 1889 and has retained ever since a. standing order declaring that the Sergeant at Arms may appoint deputies “to serve process or perform uther duties ” in his stead, that they shall be “ officers of the Senate,” and that' acts done and returns made by them “ shall have like effect and be of the same validity as if performed or made by the Sergeant at Arms in person.” 6 In actual practice the Senate has given full effect to the order; and Congress has sanctioned the practice under it by recognizing the deputies — sometimes called assistants — as officers Of the Senate, by fixing their compensation and by making appropriations to pay them. 7 Thus there was ample provision of law for a deputy.
The fact that the warrant was addressed simply to the Sergeant at Arms is not of special significance. His authority was not to be tested by the warrant alone. Other criteria were to be considered. • The standing order and the resolution under which the warrant was issued plainly contemplated that he was to be free to execute the warrant in person or to direct a deputy to execute it. They. expressed the intention of the Senate; and the words of the warrant were to be taken, as they well could be, in a sense which would give effect to that intention. Thus understood, the warrant admissibly could be executed by a deputy if the Sergeant at Arms so directed, which he did.
The case of
Sanborn
v.
Carleton,
The witness points to the provision in the Fourth Amendment to the Constitution declaring “no warrants shall issue but upon probable cause supported by oath- or affirmation ” and contends that the warrant was void because the report of the committee on which it was based was unsworn. We think the contention overlooks the relation of the committee to the Senate and to the matters reported, and puts aside the accepted interpretation of the constitutional provision.
. The committee was a part of the Senate, and its members were acting under their oath of office as senators. The matters reported pertained to their proceedings and were within their own knowledge. They had issued the subpoenas, had received and examined the officer’s returns thereon (copies- of which accompanied the report), and knew the witness had not obeyed either subpoena or offered any excuse for his failure to do so.
■ The constitutional provision • was not intended to establish a new principle but to affirm and preserve a cherished rule of the common law designed to prevent the issue of groundless warrants. In legislative practice committee reports are regarded as made under the sanction of -the-oath of office of its members; and where the mattérs reported are within the committee’s knowledge and constitute probable cause for an attachment such reports are acted on and given effect without requiring that they be supported by further oath or affirmation. This is
The principle underlying the legislative practice has also be§n recognized and applied in judicial proceedings. This is illustrated by the settled rulings that courts in dealing with contempts committed in their presence may order commitments without other proof than their own knowledge of the occurrence,
9
and that they may issue attachments, based on their own knowledge of the default, where intended witnesses or jurors fail to appear in obedience to process shown by the officer’s return to have been duly served.
10
A further illustration is found in the rulings that grand jurors, acting under the sanction of their oaths .as- such, may find and return indictments based solely on their own knowledge of the particular offenses, and that warrants may be issued on such indictments without further oath or affirmation;
11
and still another is found in the practice which recognizes that where grand jurors, under their oath as such, report to the court that á witness brought before them has refused to testify, the
We think the legislative practice, fortified as it is by the judicial practice, shows that the report of the committee — which was based on -the committee’s own knowledge and made under the sanction of the oath of office of its members — was sufficiently supported by oath to satisfy the constitutional requirement.
The witness also points to the provision in the warrant and in the resolution under which it was issued requiring that he be'“brought before the bar of the Senate, then and there ” to give testimony “ pertinent to thé subject under inquiry,” and contends that an essential prerequisite to such an attachment was wanting, because he neither had been subpoenaed to appear and testify before the Senate nor had refused to do so. The argument in support of the contention proceeds on the assumption that the warrant of attachment “ is to be treated precisely the same as if no subpoena had been issued by the committee, and the same as if the witness had not refused to testify before the committee.” In our opinion the contention and the assumption are both untenable. The committee was acting for the Senate and under its authorization; and therefore the subpoenas which the committee issued and the witness refused to obey are to be treated as if issued by the Senate. The warrant' was issued as an auxiliary process.to compel him to give the testimony sought by the subpoenas; and its nature in this respect is not affected by the direction that his testimony be given at the bar of the Senate instead of before the committee. If the Senate deemed it proper, in view of his contumacy, to give that direction it was at liberty to do so.
The first of the principal questions — the one which the witness particularly presses on our attention — is, as before shown, whether the Senate — or the House of Representatives, both being on the same plane in this regard — has power, through its own process, to compel a private individual to appear before it or one of its committees and give testimony needed to enable it efficiently to exercise a legislative function belonging to it under the Constitution.
The Constitution provides for a Congress consisting of a Senate and House of Representatives and invests it with “all legislative powers” granted to the United States, and with power
“
to make all laws which shall be necessary and proper ” for carrying into execution these powers and “all other powers” vested by the Constitution in the 'United States or in any department or officer thereof. • Art. I, secs 1, 8. Other provisions show that, while bills can become laws only after being considered and passed by both houses of Congress, each house is to be distinct
In actual legislative practice power to secure needed information by such means has long been treated as an attribute of the power to legislate. It was so regarded in the British Parliament and in the Colonial legislatures before the American Revolution; and a like view has prevailed and been carried into effect in both houses of Congress and in most of the state legislatures. 15
This power was both asserted and exerted by the House of Representatives in 1792, when it appointed a select committee to inquire into the St. Clair expedition and authorized the committee to send for necessary persons, papers and records. Mr. Madison, who had taken an important part in framing the Constitution only five years before, and four of his associates in that work, were members of the House of Representatives at the time, and all voted for the inquiry. ■ 3 Cong. Ann. 494. Other exertions of the power by the House of Representatives, as also by the Senate, are shown in the citations already made. Among those by the Senate, the inquiry ordered in 1859 respecting the raid by John Brown and his adherents on the armory and arsenal of the United States at Harper’s Ferry is of special significance. The resolution
Mr. Fessenden óf Maine. “ Where will you stop ? Stop, I say, just at that point where we have gone far enough to accomplish the purposes for which we were created; and these purposes are defined in the. Constitution. What are they? The great purpose is legislation. There are some other things, but I speak of legislation as the principal purpose. ■ Now, what do we propose to do here? We
“ Congress have appointed committees after committees, time after time, to make inquiries on subjects of legislation. Had we not power to do it? Nobody, questioned our authority to do it: We have given them authority to send for persons and papers during the recess. Nobody questioned our. authority. We appoint committees during the session,.,with power to send for persons and papers. Have we not that authority, if necessary to. legislation?
*****
“ Sir, with regard to myself, all I have to inquire into is: is this a legitimate and proper object, committed to me under the Constitution; and then, as to the mode of accomplishing it, I am ready to use judiciously, calmly, moderately, all the power which I believe is necessary and inherent, in order to do that which I am appointed to do; and, I take it, I violate no rights, either of the people generally or of the individual, by that course.”
“ The means of carrying into effect by law all the granted powers, is given where legislation is applicable and necessary; but there are subordinate matters, not amounting to laws; there are inquiries of the one House or the other House, which each House has a right to conduct; which each has, from the beginning, exercised the power to conduct; and each has, from the beginning, summoned witnesses. This has been the practice of the Government from the beginning; and if we have a right to. summon the witness, all the rest follows as a matter of course.”
The deliberate solution of the question on that occa.sion has been accepted and followed on other occasions by both houses of Congress, and never has been rejected or questioned by either.
In
Burnham
v.
Morrisey,
“ The house of representatives has many duties to perform, which necessarily require it to receive evidence and examine witnesses. ... It has often occasion to acquire certain knowledge of facts, in order to the proper performance of legislative duties. We therefore think it clear that it has the constitutional right *to take evidence, to summon witnesses, and to compel them to appear and testify. This power to summon and examine witnesses it may exercise by means of committees.”
In
Wilckens
v.
Willet,
“ That the power exists there admits of no doubt whatever. It is a necessary incident to the sovereign power of making laws; and its exercise is often indispensable to the great end of enlightened, judicious and wholesome legislation.”
In
People
v.
Keeler,
“ It is difficult to conceive any constitutional objection which can be raised to the provision authorizing legislative committees to take testimony and to summon
Other decisions by state courts recognizing and sustaining the legislative practice are found in
Falvey
v.
Massing,
We have referred to the practice of the two houses of Congress; and we now shall notice some significant congressional enactments. May 3, 1798, c. 36, 1 Stat. 654, Congress provided that oaths or affirmations might be administered to witnesses by the President of the Senate, the Speaker of the House of Representatives, the chairman of a committee of the whole, or the chairman of a select committee, “ in any case under their examination.” February 8, 1817, c. 10, 3 Stat. 345, it enlarged that provision so as to include the chairman of a standing committee. January 24, 1857, c. 19, 11 Stat. 155, it passed “An Act more effectually to enforce the attendance of witnesses on the summons of either house of Congress, and to compel them to discover testimony.” This act provided, first, that any person summoned as a witness to give testimony or produce papers in any matter under inquiry before either house of Congress, or any committee of either house, who should wilfully make default, or, if appearing, should refuse to answer any question pertinent to the inquiry, should, in addition to the pains and penalties then existing,
16
be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor and be subject to indictment and punishment as there prescribed; and secondly, that no person should be excused from giving evidence in such an inquiry on the ground that it might tend to incriminate or disgrace him, nor be held to answer criminally, or be subjected to any penalty or forfeiture, for any fact or act as to which he was required to testify, excepting that he might be subjected to prosecution for perjury committed while so testifying. January 24, 1862, c. 11, 12 Stat. 333, Congress modified the immunity provision in particulars not mate
Four decisions of this Court are cited and more or less relied on, and we now turn to them.
The first decision was in
Anderson
v.
Dunn,
(p. 225) “ There is not in the whole of that admirable instrument, a grant of powers which does not draw after it others, not expressed, but vital to their exercise; not substantive and independent, indeed, but auxiliary and subordinate.”
(p. 233) “This argument proves too much; for its direct application would lead to annihilation of almost every power of Congress. To enforce its laws upon any subject without the sanction of punishment is obviously impossible. Yet there is an express grant of power; to punish in one class of eases and one only, and all the punishing power exercised by Congress in any cases, except those which relate to piracy and offenses against the laws of nations, is derived from implication. Nor did the idea ever occur to any one, that the express grant in one class of cases repelled the assumption of the punishing power in any other. The truth is, that the exercise of the powers given over their own members, was of such a delicate nature, that a constitutional provision became necessary to assert or communicate it. Constituted, as that body is, of the delegates of confederated States, some such provision was necessary to guard against then-mutual jealousy, since every proceeding against a representative would indirectly affect the honour or interests of the state which sent him,”
The case has been cited at times, and is cited to us now, as strongly intimating, if not holding, that neither house of Congress has power to make inquiries and exact evidence in aid of contemplated legislation. There are expressions in the opinion which, separately considered, .might bear such an interpretation; but that this was not intended is shown by the immediately succeeding statement (p. 189) that “ This latter proposition is one which we do not propose to decide in the present case because we are able to decide the case without passing upon the existence or non-existence of such a power in aid of the legislative function.”
Next in order is
In re Chapman,
The case is relied on here as fully sustaining the-power of either house to conduct investigations and exact testimony from witnesses for legislative purposes. In the course of the opinion (p. 671) it is said that disclosures by witnesses may be compelled constitutionally
“
to enable the respective bodies to discharge their legitimate functions, and that it was to effect this that the act of 1857 was passed”; and also
“We
grant that Congress could not divest itself, or either of its houses, of the essential and inherent power to punish for contempt, in cases to which 'the power of either house properly extended; but, because Congress, by the act of 1857, sought to aid each of the houses in the discharge of its constitutional functions, it does not follow that any delegation of the power in each to punish for contempt was involved.” The terms
“
legitimate functions ” and
“
constitutional functions ”
The latest case is
Marshall
v.
Gordon,
While these cases are not decisive of the question we are considering, they definitely settle two propositions which we recognize as entirely sound and having a bearing on its solution: One, that the two houses of Congress, in their separate relations, possess not only such powers as are expressly granted to them by the Constitution, but such auxiliary powers as are necessary and appropriate to make the express powers effective; and, the other, that neither house is invested with “general” power to inquire into private affairs and compel disclo
With this review of the legislative practice, congressional enactments and court decisions, we proceed to a statement of our conclusions' on the question.
We are of opinion that the power of inquiry — with process to enforce it — is an essential and appropriate • auxiliary to the legislative function. It was so regarded and employed in American legislatures before the Constitution was framed and ratified. Both houses of Congress took this view of it early in their history — the House of Representatives with the approving votes of Mr. Madi-. son and other members whose service in the convention which' framed the Constitution gives special significance to their action — and both houses have employed the power accordingly up to the present time. The acts of 1798 and 1857, judged by their comprehensive terms, were intended to recognize the existence of this power in both houses and to enable them to employ it “more effectually ” than before. So, when their practice in the matter is appraised according to the circumstances in which it was begun and to those in which it has been continued, it falls nothing short of a practical construction, long continued, of the constitutional provisions respecting their powers, and therefore should be taken as fixing the meaning of those provisions, if otherwise doubtful. 19
The contention is earnestly made on behalf of the witness that this, power of inquiry, if sustained, may be abusively and oppressively exerted. If this be so, it affords no ground for denying the power. The same con- • tention might be directed against the power to legislate,' and of course would be unavailing. We must assume, for present purposes, that neither house will be disposed to exert the power beyond its proper bounds, or with
We come now to the question whether it sufficiently appears that the purpose for which the witness’s testimony was sought was to obtain information in aid of the legislative function. The court below answered the question in the negative and put its decision largely on this ground, as is shown by the following excerpts from its opinion (299 Feet 638, 639, 640):
“ It will be noted that in the second' resolution the Senate has expressly avowed that the investigation is in aid of other action than legislation. Its purpose is to ‘ obtain information necessary as a basis for such legislative and other action as- the Senate may deem necessary and proper.’ This indicates that the Senate is contemplating the talcing of action other than legislative, as the outcome of the investigation, at least the possibility of so doing. The extreme personal cast of the original resolu-' tions; the spirit of hostility towards the then Attorney General which they breathe; that it was not avowed that legislative action was had in view until after the action of the Senate had been, challenged; and that the avowal then was coupled with an avowal that other action was had in view — are calculated to create.the impression that the idea of legislative action being in contemplation was an afterthought.
“ That the Senate has in contemplation the possibility of taking action other than legislation as an outcome of the investigation, as thus expressly avowed, would seemof itself to invalidate the entire proceeding. But, whether so or not, the Senate’s action is invalid and absolutely void, in that, in ordering and conducting the investigation, it is exercising the judicial function, and power to exercise that function, in such a case as we have here, has hot been conferred upon it expressly or by fair implication. What it is proposing to do is to determine the guilt of the Attorney General of the shortcomings and wrongdoings set forth in the resolutions. It is ‘ to hear, adjudge, and condemn.’ In so doing it is exercising the judicial function.
“ What the Senate is engaged in doing is not investigating the Attorney General’s office; it is investigating the former Attorney General. What it has done is to put him on trial before it. In so doing it is exercising the judicial function. This it has no power to do.”
We are of opinion that the court’s ruling on this question was wrong, and that it sufficiently appears, when the proceedings are rightly interpreted, that the object of the investigation and of the effort to secure the witness’s testimony was to obtain information for legislative purposes.
It is quite true that the resolution directing the investigation does not in terms avow that it is intended to be, in aid of legislation; but it does show that the subject to be investigated was the administration of the Department of Justice — whether its functions were being properly discharged or were being neglected or misdirected, and particularly whether the Attorney General and his assistants were performing or neglecting their duties in respect of the institution and prosecution of proceedings to punish crimes and enforce appropriate remedies against the-wrongdoers — specific instances of alleged neglect being' recited. Plainly the subject was one on which legislation' could be had and would be materially aided by the information which the investigation was calculated to elicit. ■
The only legitimate object the Senate could have in ordering the investigation was to aid it in legislating; and we think the subject-matter was such that the presumption süouidbe indulged that this was the real object. An express avowal oí tne object would have been'better; but in view of the particular subiect-matter was not indispensable.-, In the
Chapman
case, where the .resolution contained, no avowal, this Court pointed out that it plainly related to a subject-matter of which the Senate had jurisdiction, and said “We cannot assume on this record that the action of the Senate was without a legitimate object”; and also that “it was certainly not necessary that the resolutions should declare in advance what the Senate meditated doing when the investigation was concluded.” • (
Of course, our. concern is with the substance of the resolution and not with any nice questions of propriety respecting its direct reference to the then Attorney General by name. The resolution, like the charges which prompted its adoption, related to the activities of the department while he was its supervising officer; and the reference to him by name served to designate the period to which the investigation was directed.
We think the resolution and proceedings give no warrant for thinking the Senate was attempting or intending to try' the Attorney General at its bar or before its committee for any crime or wrongdoing. Nor do we think
The second resolution — the one directing that the witness be attached — declares that his testimony is sought with the purpose of obtaining “ information necessary as a basis for such legislative and other action as the Senate may deem necessary and proper.” This avowal of contemplated legislation is in accord with what we think is the right interpretation of the earlier resolution directing the investigation.' The suggested possibility of “ other action ” if deemed “ necessary or proper ” is of course open to criticism in that there is no other action in the matter which would be within the power of the Senate. But we do not assent to the view that this indefinite and untenable suggestion invalidates the entire proceeding. The right view in our opinion is that it takes nothing from the lawful object avowed in the same resolution and rightly inferable from the earlier one. It is not as if an inadmissible or unlawful object were affirmatively and definitely avowed.
We conclude that the investigation was ordered for a legitimate object; that the witness wrongfully refused to appear and testify before the committee and was lawfully attached; that the Senate is entitled to have him give testimony pertinent to the inquiry, either at its bar or before the committee; and that the district court erred, in discharging him from custody under the attachment.
Another question has arisen which should be noticed. It is whether the case has become moot. The investigation was ordered and the committee appointed during the Sixty-eighth Congress. That Congress expired March 4, 1925. The resolution ordering the investigation in terms limited the committee’s authority to the period of the Sixty-eighth Congress; but this apparently was changed by a later and amendatory resolution authorizing the committee to sit at such times and places as it might
Mr. Hinds in his collection of precedents says: “The Senate, as a continuing body, may continue its committees through the recess following the expiration of a Congress”;
23
and, after quoting the above statement from Jefferson’s Manual, he says: “The Senate, however, being a continuing body, gives authority to its committees during the recess after the expiration of a Congress.”
24
So far as we are advised the select committee having this investigation in charge has neither made a final report nor been discharged; nor has it been continued by an affirmative order. Apparently its activities have been suspended pending the decision of this case. But, be this as it may, it is certain that the committee may be continued or revived now by motion to that effect, and, if continued or revived, will have all its original powers.
25
What has been said requires that the final order in the district court discharging the witness from custody be reversed.
Final order reversed.
Notes
Rev. Stats, secs. 346, 350, 359, 360, 361, 362, 367; Judicial Code, secs. 185, 212; c. 382, secs. 3, 5, 25 Stat. 858, 859; c. 647,’ sec. 4, 26 Stat. 209; c. 3935, 34 Stat. 816; c. 323, sec. 15, 38 Stat. 736;
United States
v.
San Jacinto Tin Co.,
Cong. Rec. 68th Cong., 1st Sess., pp. 1520, 1521, 1728; e. 16, 43 Stat, 5; Cong. Rec. 68th Cong., 1st Sess., pp. 1591, 1974; c. 39, 43 Stat. 15; c. 42, 43 Stat. 16.
For the full resolution and two amendments adopted shortly thereafter see Cong. Ree., 68th Cong., 1st Sess., pp. 3299, 3409-3410, 3548, 4126.
Senate Report No. 475, 68th Cong., 1st Sess.
Cong. Reo., 68th Cong., 1st Sess., pp. 7215-7217.
Senate Journal 47, 51-1, Dec. 17, 1889; Senate Rules and Manual, 68th Cong., p. 114.
41 Stat. 632, 1253 ; 42 Stat. 424, 1266; 43 Stat. 33, 580, 1288.
Prigg
v.
Pennsylvania,
Ex parte Terry,
Robbins
v.
Gorham,
Hale
v.
Henkel,
See
Hale
v.
Henkel, supra; Blair
v.
United States,
“ On the ilth day of April, 1924, in an action in the Court of Common Pleas of said Fayette County, Ohio, in which said The Midland National Bank was plaintiff and said B. K. Wheeler and Smith W. Brookhart were defendants, upon the petition of said bank said court granted a temporary restraining order enjoining and restraining said defendants and their agents, servants, and employees from entering into said banking room and from taking, examining, or investigating any of the books, accounts, records, promissory notes, securities, letters, correspondence, papers, or any other property of said bank or of its depositors, borrowers, or customers in said banking room and from in any manner molesting and interfering with the business -and affairs of said bank, its officers, agents, servants, and the business of its depositors, borrowers and customers with said bank until the further order of said court. The said defendants were duly served with process in said action and duly served with copies of said temporary restraining order on said 11th day of April,’ 1924, and said injunction has not been modified by said court and no further order has been made in said case by said court, and said injunction is in full force and effect.”
Story Const., secs. 545, et seq.; 1 Kent’s Com., p. 222.
May’s Parliamentary Practice, 2d ed., pp. 80, 295, 299; Cushing’s Legislative Practice, secs. 634, 1901-1^03; 3 Hinds’ Precedents, secs. 1722, 1725, 1727, 1813-1820; Cooley’s Constitutional Limitations, 6th ed., p. 161.
The reference is to the power of the particular house to deal with the contempt,
In re Chapman,
In construing section 1 of the Act of 1857 as reproduced in section 102, of the Revised Statutes, this Court said in
In re Chapman,
“ It is true that the reference is to ' any ’ matter under inquiry, and so on, and it is suggested that this is fatally defective because too broad and unlimited in its extent; but nothing is better settled than that statutes should receive a sensible construction, such as will effectuate the legislative intention, and, if possible, so as to avoid an unjust or an absurd conclusion, Lau Ow Bew v. United States,144 U. S. 47 , 59; and we think that the word 1 any,’ as used in these sections, refers to matters within the jurisdiction of the two Houses of Congress, before them for consideration and proper for their action; to questions pertinent thereto; and to fapts or papers bearing thereon.”
This Court has said of the act of 1857 that “ it was necessary and proper for carrying into execution the powers vested in Congress and in each house thereof,”
In re Chapman,
Stuart v. Laird,
Senator George said: “ It is not a trial now that is proposed, and there has been no trial proposed save the civil and criminal actions to be instituted and prosecuted by counsel employed under the resolution giving to the President the power to employ counsel. We are not to try the Attorney General. He is not to go upon trial. Shall we say the legislative branch of the Government shall stickle and halt and hesitate because a man’s public reputation, his public character, may suffer because of that legislative action? Has not the Senate power to appoint a committee to investigate any department of the Government, any department supported by the Senate in part by appropriations made by the Congress? If the Senate has the right to investigate the department, is the Senate to-hesitate, is the Senate to refuse to do its duty merely because the public character or the public reputation of some one who is investigated may be thereby smirched, to use the term that has been used so often in the debate? . It is sufficient for me to know that there are grounds upon which I may justly base my vote for the resolution; and I am willing to leave it to the agent created by the Senate to proceed with the investigation fearlessly upon principle, not for the purpose of trying but for the purpose of ascertaining facts which the Senate is entitled to have within its possession in order that it may properly function as -a legislative body.” Cong, flee., 68th Cong., 1st Sess., pp. 3397, 3398.
Cong. Rec., 68th Cong., 1st Sess., p. 4126.
Senate Rules and Manual, 1925, p. 303.
Vol. 4, sec. 4544.
Vol. 4, sec 4545.
Hinds’ Precedents, Vol. 4, secs. 4396, 4400, 4404, 4405.