Andrew J. MARTIN; Danny Ross; Lon Fields; and Robert Winstead, Appellants/Cross-Appellees, v. COMMONWEALTH of Kentucky, Appellee/Cross-Appellant.
Nos. 2000-SC-1101-DG, 2001-SC-0675-DG
Supreme Court of Kentucky
Jan. 23, 2003
38
Without the forfeiture rule, Appellee‘s petition lacks any grounds warranting habeas relief. Although the trial court acted properly when it followed existing precedent and granted Appellee‘s petition for a writ of habeas corpus releasing him from his Pulaski Circuit Court sentence, upon reconsideration of the policy at issue here, we find that the trial court‘s legal conclusion was erroneous and hold that the Commonwealth of Kentucky did not forfeit its right to require Appellee to satisfy his sentence. Appellee was found guilty of violating the law of two (2) sovereigns, and was thus subject to two (2) sentences, which, under the law of this case, were to be served consecutively. While Appellee had satisfied his federal sentence at the time he sought habeas relief from the Laurel Circuit Court, he had yet to satisfy the sentence imposed by the Pulaski Circuit Court, and thus Appellee was not entitled to a writ of habeas corpus.
IV. CONCLUSION
For the above reasons, we reverse the decision of the Court of Appeals and remand this matter to the Laurel Circuit Court for it to enter an order denying Appellee‘s petition for a writ of habeas corpus.
All concur.
Thomas L. Osborne, Whitlow, Roberts, Houston & Straub, Paducah, Phillip J. Shepherd, Frankfort, Counsel for Appellant/Cross-Appellee Danny Ross.
Samuel B. Carl, Carl, Head & Triplett, Louisville, Counsel for Appellant/Cross-Appellee Lon Fields.
J. Bart Adams, Alton D. Priddy, Priddy, Isenberg, Miller & Meade, PLLC, Louis-
A.B. Chandler, III, Attorney General, Janet M. Graham, Jennifer L. Carrico, Assistant Attorneys General, Criminal Appellate Division, Office of the Attorney General, Frankfort, Counsel for Appellee/Cross-Appellant Commonwealth of Kentucky.
John K. Bush, Christie A. Moore, Greenebaum, Doll & McDonald, PLLC, Louisville, Counsel for Amicus Curiae United States Senator Mitch McConnell (2000-SC-1101-DG).
COOPER, Justice.
This concludes the second chapter of this protracted investigation and prosecution of alleged election campaign finance law violations during the 1995 Kentucky gubernatorial election campaign. In chapter one, we upheld the authority of the grand jury to investigate and return indictments for such violations. Democratic Party of Kentucky v. Graham, Ky., 976 S.W.2d 423 (1998). Today, we hold that the statutes under which Appellants now stand indicted are neither unconstitutional as applied nor unconstitutionally vague or overbroad. Whether the alleged conduct of Appellants falls within the coverage of those provisions must await chapter three, for there is no summary judgment procedure in a criminal case in Kentucky. Commonwealth v. Hayden, Ky., 489 S.W.2d 513, 516 (1972); Commonwealth v. Hay, Ky.App., 987 S.W.2d 792, 794-95 (1998); Commonwealth v. Hamilton, Ky.App., 905 S.W.2d 83, 84 (1995).
I. THE STATUTES.
In 1995, the relevant provisions of
“Contribution” means any:
(a) Payment, distribution, loan, deposit, or gift of money or other thing of value, to a candidate, his agent, a slate of candidates, its authorized agent, a committee, or contributing organization...;
(b) Payment by any person other than the candidate, his authorized treasurer, a slate of candidates, a committee, or a contributing organization, of compensation for the personal services of another person which are rendered to a candidate, slate of candidates, committee, or contributing organization ...;
(c) Goods, advertising, or services with a value of more than one hundred dollars ($100) in the aggregate in any one (1) election which are furnished to a candidate, slate of candidates, committee, or contributing organization without charge, or at a rate which is less than the rate normally charged for the goods or services;
...
(e) Expenditure in connection with any other activity undertaken independently of the activities of a candidate, slate of candidates, committee, or contributing organization made or furnished for the purpose of influencing the results of an election;1
Notwithstanding the foregoing meanings of “contribution,” the word shall not be construed to include:
(a) Services provided without compensation by individuals volunteering a portion or all of their time on behalf of a candidate, committee, or contributing organization;
(a) No contribution of money or other thing of value, nor obligation therefor, shall be made or received, and no expenditure of money or other thing of value shall be made or incurred, directly or indirectly, other than an “independent expenditure,” ... to support or defeat a candidate [or] slate of candidates ... except through the duly appointed campaign manager, or campaign treasurer of the candidate [or] slate of candidates....
...
(b) As used in this section, “independent expenditure” means one made for a communication which expressly advocates the election or defeat of a clearly identified candidate or slate of candidates ... and which is not made with any direct or indirect cooperation, consent, request, suggestion, or consultation involving a candidate, slate of candidates, or agent.3
(c) No candidate, slate of candidates, campaign committee, political issues committee, nor anyone acting on their behalf shall have any communication with another person nor anyone on his behalf regarding that person‘s making of an independent expenditure on behalf of the candidate [or] slate ... prior to the time the independent expenditure is made.4
(d) Any person making an “independent expenditure,” as defined in this subsection, shall report these expenditures when the expenditures exceed five hundred dollars ($500) in the aggregate in any one (1) election on a form provided by the registry and shall sign a statement on the form, under penalty of perjury, that the expenditure was an actual independent expenditure and that there was no prior communication with the campaign on whose behalf it was made.
No person shall make a payment, distribution, loan, advance, deposit, or gift of money to another person to contribute to a candidate, committee, contributing organization, or anyone on their behalf. No candidate, committee, contributing organization, nor anyone on their behalf shall accept a contribution made by one (1) person who has received a payment, distribution, loan, advance, deposit or gift of money from another person to contribute to a candi-
date, committee, contributing organization, or anyone on their behalf.
No person who contributes more than the maximum legal contribution established by
KRS 121A.050 in any one (1) election to a slate of candidates for Governor and Lieutenant Governor that is elected to office shall hold any appointive state office or position, which shall be made by gubernatorial appointment, during the term of office following the campaign in which the contribution shall be made.
... Except for independent expenditures, as defined in
KRS 121.150(1) , no natural person ... shall knowingly make a contribution of more than five hundred dollars ($500) in any one (1) election to a slate of candidates that has filed a statement of intent to accept transfers from the fund and abide by the maximum expenditure limit....
Any person who knowingly violates any of the provisions of ... [
KRS] 121.150 to 121.230 ... orKRS Chapter 121A , shall, for each offense, be guilty of a Class D felony.
“Knowingly” means, with respect to conduct or to a circumstance described by a statute defining an offense, that a person is aware or should have been aware that his conduct is of that nature or that the circumstance exists.
II. THE INDICTMENT.
In 1995, Lieutenant Governor Paul Patton and Dr. Stephen Henry were, respectively, the Democratic candidates for governor and lieutenant governor of Kentucky. Because the slate filed a statement of intent to accept partial public financing of its campaign, it was required to limit its campaign expenditures to a total of $1,800,000, of which $600,000 would be raised by campaign contributions to the slate and $1,200,000 would be paid to the slate by the publicly financed election campaign fund.
On July 18, 1995, Ross resigned his position as the lieutenant governor‘s “labor liaison” and commenced employment with Joint Council 94 as a “labor coordinator.” He was hired to work through December 12, 1995, at a total salary of $20,000, to be paid one-half by Joint Council 94 and one-half by the International Brotherhood of Teamsters’ Democratic Republican Independent Voter Education Committee (IBT DRIVE), the Teamsters’ national PAC. On August 1, 1995, IBT DRIVE forwarded its check for $10,000 to Joint Council 94 as “reimbursement for 1/2 of Danny Ross salary.” Joint Council 94 subsequently assigned Ross to work as a “political liaison” for AFL-CIO locals in Kentucky. Joint Council 94, however, continued to pay Ross‘s salary. On November 9, 1995, two days after the general election (won by the Patton/Henry slate), Ross resigned his employment with Joint Council 94 and returned to his former position in Lieutenant Governor Patton‘s office. Shortly after taking office as governor, Patton appointed Fields to the Kentucky Racing Commis-
The Commonwealth alleges that Ross‘s real job from July 18 to November 9, 1995, was that of full-time labor coordinator for the Patton/Henry campaign and that Fields and Winstead, at the instigation of Martin and Ross, induced the Teamsters PACs to pay Ross‘s salary so that the slate would not have to deduct it from the $1,800,000 maximum expenditure limit permitted by
According to the bill of particulars, Count IV of the indictment pertains to three separate incidents involving only Martin and/or Ross that are alleged to constitute violations of
The second incident occurred on November 4, 1995, when a Mr. and Mrs. Boyer allegedly informed Patton/Henry campaign
The third incident pertains to the so-called “Trumka fly-around” on November 5, 1995. The Commonwealth alleges that Martin and Ross arranged for Richard Trumka, former president of the United Mine Workers of America and recently elected secretary-treasurer of the AFL-CIO, to accompany Patton and labor union dignitaries on a chartered flight to various political rallies attended primarily by union members. Although Patton was the only Democratic candidate to participate in the fly-around, its cost, $3,878.62, was paid by the Kentucky Democratic Party Executive Committee. The Commonwealth contends this was not an independent expenditure by the Democratic Party but an illegal contribution made at the request or suggestion of, or in consultation with, Martin and Ross on behalf of the Patton/Henry slate.
The trial judge dismissed the indictment because he believed that the definitions of “contribution” and “independent expenditure” in the 1995 versions of
III. BUCKLEY V. VALEO.
Any First Amendment analysis of Kentucky‘s Campaign Finance Regulation Act,
Although the United States Supreme Court has addressed campaign finance issues in a number of cases since Buckley, those decisions have mostly involved applications of Buckley to variations on facts and issues. E.g., Federal Election Comm‘n v. Colorado Republican Federal Campaign Comm. (“Colorado II“), 533 U.S. 431, 121 S. Ct. 2351, 150 L. Ed. 2d 461 (2001) (applying Buckley to expenditures by political parties); Federal Election Comm‘n v. Massachusetts Citizens for Life, Inc., 479 U.S. 238, 107 S. Ct. 616, 93 L. Ed. 2d 539 (1986) (applying Buckley to expenditures by non-profit corporations); Federal Election Comm‘n v. National Conservative Political Action Comm., 470 U.S. 480, 105 S. Ct. 1459, 84 L. Ed. 2d 455 (1985) (applying Buckley to expenditures by political action committees); California Med. Ass‘n v. Federal Election Comm‘n, 453 U.S. 182, 101 S. Ct. 2712, 69 L. Ed. 2d 567 (1981) (applying Buckley to expenditures by individuals and associations). Accordingly, our task is to apply Buckley to the facts and issues giving rise to these indictments. Those aspects of Buckley dealing with campaign finance matters not at issue in this case, e.g., limitations on total campaign expenditures, limitations on expenditures by a candidate from personal funds, reporting and disclosure requirements, etc., need not be addressed.
At the outset, Buckley held that restrictions on contributions and expenditures implicate the First Amendment freedoms of speech and association, 424 U.S. at 16-25, and rejected an argument that such limitations were merely expressive conduct akin to burning a draft card and, therefore, subject to “O‘Brien intermediate scrutiny for communicative action.” Shrink Missouri, supra, at 386, 120 S. Ct. at 903, citing United States v. O‘Brien, 391 U.S. 367, 88 S. Ct. 1673, 20 L. Ed. 2d 672 (1968). Similarly, Buckley confirmed that FECA‘s ceilings on expenditures and contributions could not be sustained merely as reasonable “time, place, and manner” restrictions. Buckley, supra, at 17-18, 96 S. Ct. at 634. FECA‘s ceilings, it held, “impose[d] direct quantity restrictions on political communication and association in addition to any reasonable time, place, and manner restrictions otherwise imposed.” Id.
However, though holding that limitations on both expenditures and contributions implicate First Amendment interests, Buckley found that the levels of constitutional infringement accompanying each subject of regulation differed. Limitations on “expenditures,” or the amount one may independently spend in favor of a political position or candidate, constitute a direct and substantial limitation on political speech. Buckley, supra, at 19, 96 S. Ct. at 634-35.
A restriction on the amount of money a person or group can spend on political communication during a campaign necessarily reduces the quantity of expression by restricting the number of issues discussed, the depth of their exploration, and the size of the audience reached. This is because virtually every means of
Limitations on “contributions,” or the amount that one may contribute to a candidate or political committee, however, were found to create only a “marginal restriction” on the contributor‘s First Amendment rights, id. at 20-21, 96 S. Ct. at 635, because a contribution does little more than communicate “a general expression of support for a candidate and his views,” through “the symbolic act of contributing.” Id. at 21, 96 S. Ct. at 635. The First Amendment interest primarily implicated by a contribution is the right of political association. Id. at 24-25, 96 S. Ct. at 637. This expression of association is not affected by the amount or size of the contribution which, at best, conveys “a very rough index of the intensity of the contributor‘s support for the candidate.” Id. at 21, 96 S. Ct. at 635-636. As a matter of necessity, “the transformation of contributions into political debate involves speech by someone other than the contributor.” Id. at 21, 96 S. Ct. at 636. Thus, limitations on contributions (not amounting to a ban) do not pose a great threat to political speech.
Importantly, Buckley also noted that contributions may come clothed as expenditures. “The expenditure of resources at the candidate‘s direction,” Buckley found, was for First Amendment purposes no different than a direct monetary contribution. Id. at 36-37, 96 S. Ct. at 643. Therefore, Buckley approved FECA‘s treatment of prearranged or coordinated expenditures as “contributions.” Id. at 46-47 and n. 53, 96 S. Ct. at 647-48 and n. 53. See also Colorado II, supra, at 440-42, 121 S. Ct. at 2358-59. Only truly “independent expenditures” differ functionally from cash gifts for purposes of the First Amendment. Id. Buckley also upheld the inclusion of “in-kind assistance” within the definition of a “contribution” because it “provides material financial assistance to a candidate.” Id. at 36, 96 S. Ct. at 643.
The ultimate effect is the same as if the person had contributed the dollar amount to the candidate and the candidate had then used the contribution to pay for [e.g.] the fundraising event or the food.... Treating these expenses as contributions when made to the candidate‘s campaign or at the direction of the candidate or his staff forecloses an avenue of abuse without limiting actions voluntarily undertaken by citizens independently of a candidate‘s campaign.
Id. at 36-37, 96 S. Ct. at 643. Thus, whether a contributor offers a cash gift or supplies in-kind assistance or advertisements in coordination with the candidate, governmental limitations on such contributions impact the First Amendment in only a “marginal” way. Id. at 20-21, 96 S. Ct. at 635.
Accordingly, Buckley and its progeny have established that limitations on truly independent expenditures must be “narrowly tailored” to serve a “compelling” governmental interest, while limitations on contributions need only be “closely drawn” to match a “sufficiently important” governmental interest. Buckley, supra, at 24-25, 44-45, 96 S. Ct. at 637-38, 647; Shrink Missouri, supra, at 386-88 and n. 3, 120 S. Ct. at 903-05 and n. 3. See also Beaumont v. Federal Election Comm‘n, 278 F.3d 261, 271 (4th Cir. 2002); Daggett v. Commission on Governmental Ethics and Election Practices, 205 F.3d 445, 454, 464 (1st Cir. 2000); Service Employees Int‘l Union v. Fair Political Practices Comm‘n, 955 F.2d 1312, 1322 (9th Cir. 1992); Opinion of the Justices to the House of Representatives, 418 Mass. 1201, 637 N.E.2d 213, 216 (1994).
The $1,000 limitation on contributions in former
However, a different result was required with respect to the $1,000 limitation on “independent expenditures” in former
Nevertheless, even narrowed to cover only express advocacy, former
The absence of prearrangement and coordination of an expenditure with the candidate or his agent ... alleviates the danger that expenditures will be given as a quid pro quo for improper commitments from the candidate. Rather than preventing circumvention of the contribution limitations,
Thus, in the discussions most relevant to this case, Buckley upheld FECA‘s limits on contributions, but struck down FECA‘s limits on truly independent expenditures. As the Court has recently noted, “[l]ater cases have respected this line between contributing and spending.” Colorado II, supra, at 437, 121 S. Ct. at 2356.
IV. “AS APPLIED.”
Appellants attack the constitutionality of the 1995 version of our campaign finance laws both “as applied” and as “facially overbroad.” Generally, a person to whom a statute may constitutionally be applied cannot challenge it on the ground that it may conceivably be applied unconstitutionally to others in other situations not before the Court. Broadrick v. Oklahoma, 413 U.S. 601, 610, 93 S. Ct. 2908, 2915, 37 L. Ed. 2d 830 (1973). However, there is an exception with respect to statutes restricting First Amendment rights. Id. at 612, 93 S. Ct. at 2916 (citing Dombrowski v. Pfister, 380 U.S. 479, 486, 85 S. Ct. 1116, 1121, 14 L. Ed. 2d 22 (1965)). That is “because of a judicial prediction or assumption that the statute‘s very existence may cause others not before the court to refrain from constitutionally protected speech or expression.” Broadrick, supra, at 612, 93 S. Ct. at 2916. Dombrowski referred to this as a “chilling effect upon the exercise of First Amendment rights.” 380 U.S. at 487, 85 S. Ct. at 1121.
There is general agreement that the “as-applied” issue should be addressed first, for if the statute is unconstitutional as applied, there is no need to address the more complicated issue of “facial overbreadth.”
[T]he overbreadth question is ordinarily more difficult to resolve than the as-applied, since it requires determination whether the statute‘s overreach is substantial, not only as an absolute matter, but “judged in relation to the statute‘s plainly legitimate sweep,” Broadrick v. Oklahoma, supra, at 615, 93 S. Ct., at 2917, and therefore requires consideration of many more applications than those immediately before the court. Thus, for reasons relating both to the proper functioning of courts and to their efficiency, the lawfulness of the particular application of the law should ordinarily be decided first.
Board of Trustees of State Univ. of New York v. Fox, 492 U.S. 469, 485, 109 S. Ct. 3028, 3037, 106 L. Ed. 2d 388 (1989) (emphasis in original). Thus, ordinarily, we would first undertake a comprehensive “as applied” analysis of the constitutionally objectionable provisions.
However, Appellants’ “as applied” challenge can be dismissed simply because the provisions of which they complain are not being applied to them. The primary First Amendment violations claimed by Appellants are that (1)
Nevertheless, the bases for Appellants’ attack on these provisions are inapposite to the conduct charged in the indictment. First, Appellants are not even charged under
Thus, although the above three provisions, all of which were either repealed or amended in 1996,10 were either wholly or partially facially unconstitutional, as discussed in more detail infra, those unconstitutional aspects are not being applied to Appellants.
V. OVERBREADTH.
A. Facial Overbreadth.
As noted in the preceding “as applied” analysis, we agree that
The importance of the governmental interest is not at issue here. Appellants do not suggest that Kentucky‘s election finance statutes do not serve a compelling or “sufficiently important” governmental interest in the prevention of corruption and the appearance of corruption. See Kentucky Right to Life, Inc. v. Terry, 108 F.3d 637, 639 (6th Cir. 1997) (“Numerous Kentucky public officials have been convicted of abusing their political offices for personal gain over the past twenty-five years. To address this serious problem, the Kentucky General Assembly passed the Campaign Finance Law....“).11
Second,
The prohibition in
B. Mootness.
The Commonwealth asserts that the 1996 repeal of
pellants’ constitutional challenges to
I join Part I of Justice Scalia‘s opinion holding that a defendant‘s overbreadth challenge cannot be rendered moot by narrowing the statute after the conduct for which he has been indicted occurred—the only proposition to which five Members of the Court have subscribed in this case.
Id. at 591 n. 1, 109 S. Ct. at 2642 n. 1 (Brennan, J. dissenting). Although the five votes fragmented between the concurring and dissenting opinions in Oakes cannot be characterized as a “holding” for purposes of stare decisis, Gregg v. Georgia, 428 U.S. 153, 169 n. 15, 96 S. Ct. 2909, 2923 n. 15, 49 L. Ed. 2d 859 (1976) (“the holding of the Court may be viewed as that position taken by those members who concurred in the judgment on the narrowest grounds“), we find the reasoning supporting those five votes persuasive. See especially Justice Scalia‘s analysis of Bigelow v. Virginia, 421 U.S. 809, 95 S. Ct. 2222, 44 L. Ed. 2d 600 (1975). Oakes, supra, at 587 n. 1, 109 S. Ct. at 2640 n. 1. We conclude that Appellants’ overbreadth challenge is not precluded by the mootness doctrine.
C. Advisory Opinion Mechanism.
The Commonwealth asserts that the advisory opinion mechanism in
Notwithstanding any other provision of law, any person or committee to whom a written advisory opinion has been rendered who relies upon any provision or finding of the advisory opinion and who acts in good faith in accordance with the provisions and findings of an advisory opinion shall not, as a result of any act with respect to a transaction or activity addressed by the advisory opinion, be subject to any sanction provided by this chapter....
This issue was also raised in Buckley as a defense to a vagueness challenge, but was rejected because, at that time, the FECA advisory opinion statute,
[T]o the extent that it offers a prompt means of resolving doubts with respect to the statute‘s reach, the advisory opinion (AO) mechanism written into the FECA, under which the Commission is authorized to give advice concerning the Act‘s application to specific factual situations, mitigates whatever chill may be induced by the statute and argues against constitutional adjudication on a barren record.
...
When a means like this one is available to reduce uncertainty or narrow the statute‘s reach and that means can be pursued at little risk to the rights asserted, the chill induced by facial vague-
ness or overbreadth is pro tanto reduced.
Id. at 384-86 (emphasis added).
Although the above quotation refers to “overbreadth,” Martin Tractor, like Buckley, was, in fact, considering the effect of the advisory opinion mechanism on a claim of vagueness. 627 F.2d at 384. Regardless, we cannot agree that the advisory opinion mechanism cures or even pro tanto reduces the degree of overbreadth that existed in
D. Limiting Construction.
“When a ... court is dealing with a ... statute challenged as overbroad, it should, of course, construe the statute to avoid constitutional problems, if the statute is subject to such a limiting construction.”
New York v. Ferber, 458 U.S. 747, 769 n. 24, 102 S. Ct. 3348, 3361 n. 24, 73 L. Ed. 2d 1113 (1982). “Facial overbreadth has not been invoked when a limiting construction has been or could be placed on the challenged statute.” Broadrick v. Oklahoma, supra, at 613, 93 S. Ct. at 2916. See also Massachusetts Citizens for Life, supra, at 248-49, 107 S. Ct. at 623 (construing the definition of “expenditure” in
Appellants suggest that the process of upholding constitutionality by a limiting construction is precluded by the statement in Justice Brennan‘s dissent in Oakes, supra, at 591 n. 1, 109 S. Ct. at 2642 n. 1, that “a defendant‘s overbreadth challenge cannot be rendered moot by narrowing the statute after the conduct for which he has been indicted occurred.” The distinction, of course, is that mootness is a procedural device that precludes consideration of the substance of a statute. The substance of a statute includes not only its words but the judicial construction placed on those words.
Indeed, in its very next term after rendering Oakes, the United States Supreme Court addressed precisely this argument in Osborne v. Ohio, 495 U.S. 103, 110 S. Ct. 1691, 109 L. Ed. 2d 98 (1990). There, the challenged Ohio statute facially purported to prohibit the possession of “nude” photographs of minors, apparently contravening the Supreme Court‘s holding in Erznoznik v. City of Jacksonville, 422 U.S. 205, 213, 95 S. Ct. 2268, 2274, 45 L. Ed. 2d 125 (1975), that depictions of nudity, without more, constitute protected expression. The Ohio Supreme Court narrowly construed the statute to prohibit “the possession or viewing of material or performance of a minor who is in a state of nudity, where such nudity constitutes a lewd exhibition or involves a graphic focus on the genitals, and where the person depicted is neither the child nor the ward of the person charged.” 495 U.S. at 113, 110 S. Ct. at 1698.
The Court then determined that Osborne had fair warning of the narrowed construction because (1) it was obvious from the face of the statute that its goal was to eradicate child pornography and (2) the material in Osborne‘s possession consisted of photographs of adolescent boys in sexually explicit situations. “Therefore, although § 2907.323(A)(3) as written may have been imprecise at its fringes, someone in Osborne‘s position would not be surprised to learn that his possession of the four photographs at issue in this case constituted a crime.” 495 U.S. at 116, 110 S. Ct. at 1700. See also Hamling v. United States, 418 U.S. 87, 94 S. Ct. 2887, 41 L. Ed. 2d 590 (1974), construing a statute that proscribed the mailing of “obscene” matter. In Hamling, the United States Supreme Court rejected an overbreadth challenge by construing “obscenity,” as used in the statute, “to be limited to the sort of ‘patently offensive representations or depictions of that specific “hard core” sexual conduct given as examples in Miller v. California.‘” Id. at 114, 94 S. Ct. at 2906.
We do not regard Musselman v. Commonwealth, Ky., 705 S.W.2d 476 (1986), or Hatchett v. City of Glasgow, Ky., 340 S.W.2d 248 (1960), as being contrary to these mainstream First Amendment precedents. Hatchett involved an interpretation of a provision of the T.V.A. Act,
Among Kentucky precedents, only Commonwealth v. Foley, Ky., 798 S.W.2d 947 (1990), can be construed to prohibit the application of a limiting construction to uphold the constitutionality of a facially overbroad statute regulating First Amendment activities. Id. at 948-949. Foley, however, cited only Hatchett, supra, Musselman, supra, and Coates v. Cincinnati, 402 U.S. 611, 91 S. Ct. 1686, 29 L. Ed. 2d 214 (1971), in support of that prohibition. As discussed above, neither Hatchett nor Musselman so held. And in declaring unconstitutional a Cincinnati loitering ordinance that prohibited “conduct ... annoying to persons passing by,” the Court in Coates noted that the Ohio Supreme Court had not sufficiently narrowed the scope of the ordinance, 402 U.S. at 613, 91 S. Ct. at 1688, and “[w]e are thus relegated, at best, to the words of the ordinance itself.” Id. at 614, 91 S. Ct. at 1688. Implicit in the Court‘s holding was a conclusion that the ordinance would have been upheld if the Ohio Supreme Court had narrowly construed it to apply only to activities that could constitutionally be regulated under the First Amendment. 402 U.S. at 613 n. 3, 91 S. Ct. at 1688 n. 3 (citing Chaplinsky v. New Hampshire, 315 U.S. 568, 62 S. Ct. 766, 86 L. Ed. 1031 (1942), which holds that an otherwise facially overbroad state statute that has been narrowly construed by the highest court of that state to apply only to activities that can constitutionally be regulated is not unconstitutional). Insofar as Commonwealth v. Foley can be construed to prohibit a limiting construction of a statute challenged as facially overbroad, we overrule it and follow the mainstream principle of judicial construction exemplified by Osborne v. Ohio, Federal Election Comm‘n v. Massachusetts Citizens for Life, New York v. Ferber, Buckley v. Valeo, Hamling v. United States, Broadrick v. Oklahoma, and Chaplinsky v. New Hampshire, all supra. We express no opinion as to whether the provisions of
Thus, we avoid invalidating
Appellants urge us to go further, as did Christian Coalition, and require not only that the consultation be about details of the proposed communication, as opposed to, e.g., a mere inquiry into the position of the candidate on a particular issue, but also that the candidate “exercise control over” or engage in “substantial discussion or negotiation” with the potential spender about those specifics. Id. However, our polar star, Buckley v. Valeo, supra, defined a “contribution” as an expenditure placed in “cooperation with or with the consent of” the candidate, 424 U.S. at 78, 96 S. Ct. at 663, obviously concluding that this definition was “closely drawn to avoid unnecessary abridgment of associational freedoms.” Id. at 25, 96 S. Ct. at 638. Similarly, the expenditures at issue in Colorado Republican Campaign Comm. v. Federal Election Comm‘n (“Colorado I“), 518 U.S. 604, 116 S. Ct. 2309, 135 L. Ed. 2d 795 (1996), were held to be independent expenditures and not contributions because they were “not [made] pursuant to any general or particular understanding with a candidate.” Id. at 614, 116 S. Ct. at 2315. (In fact, the expenditures at issue in Colorado I, were for advertisements opposing the election of a Democratic candidate and were made before the Republican candidate had been selected.) FECA de-
We conclude that
E. Severability.
It shall be considered that it is the intent of the General Assembly, in enacting any statute, that if any part of the statute be held unconstitutional the remaining parts shall remain in force, unless the statute provides otherwise, or unless the remaining parts are so essentially and inseparably connected with and dependent upon the unconstitutional part that it is apparent that the General Assembly would not have enacted the remaining parts without the unconstitutional part, or unless the remaining parts, standing alone, are incomplete and incapable of being executed in accordance with the intent of the General Assembly.
The compiler‘s notes to this statute explain that this section was originally creat-
Notes
“A substantial overbreadth rule is implicit in the chilling effect rationale ... [T]he presumption must be that only substantially overbroad laws set up the kind and degree of chill that is judicially cognizable.” Moreover, “[without] a substantial overbreadth limitation, review for overbreadth would be draconian indeed. It is difficult to think of a law that is utterly devoid of potential for unconstitutionality in some conceivable application.”
Ferber, 458 U.S. at 772 n. 27, 102 S. Ct. at 3362 n. 27 (quoting Note, The First Amendment Overbreadth Doctrine, 83 Harv. L.Rev. 844, 859, and n. 61 (1970)). See also Hendricks v. Commonwealth, Ky., 865 S.W.2d 332, 337 (1993).
The United States Supreme Court has used the phrase, “most narrowly tailored means,” on only one occasion to date, Norman v. Reed, 502 U.S. 279, 294, 112 S. Ct. 698, 708, 116 L. Ed. 2d 711 (1992), a case challenging the number of signatures that a “new political party” must obtain to acquire ballot access. The phrase was used in an isolated context and nothing in Norman suggests an intent to extend or depart from Buckley in that respect. For these reasons, we reject Appellants’ assertion that exacting scrutiny, or its cousin “strict scrutiny,” requires a potentially never-ending quest for “the most narrowly tailored means” of restricting campaign expenditures.
In Brockett v. Spokane Arcades, Inc., 472 U.S. 491, 105 S.Ct. 2794, 86 L.Ed.2d 394 (1985), a similar severability clause in a state statute was invoked to remove unconstitutional language from a statute and thereby avoid total invalidation because of partial overbreadth. Id. at 507, 105 S.Ct. at 2803. Similar to the language in
Unless it is evident that the legislature would not have enacted those provisions which are within its power, independently of that which is not, the invalid part may be dropped if what is left is fully operative as a law.
Id. 424 U.S. at 108-09, 96 S.Ct. at 677 (quoting Champlin Refining Co. v. Corporation Comm’n, 286 U.S. 210, 234, 52 S.Ct. 559, 565, 76 L.Ed. 1062 (1932)).
We have no difficulty concluding that
F. Ex Post Facto/Fair Warning.
Appellants contend that the Ex Post Facto Clause,
Our construction of the definition of “independent expenditure” in
Appellants’ ex post facto challenge to our severance of
VI. VAGUENESS.
“Due process requires that a criminal statute provide adequate notice to a person of ordinary intelligence that his contemplated conduct is illegal, for ‘no man shall be held criminally responsible for conduct which he could not reasonably understand to be proscribed.‘” Buckley v. Valeo, supra, at 77, 96 S.Ct. at 662 (quoting United States v. Harriss, 347 U.S. 612, 617, 74 S.Ct. 808, 812, 98 L.Ed. 989 (1954)). “[T]he void-for-vagueness doctrine requires that a penal statute define the criminal offense with sufficient definiteness that ordinary people can understand what conduct is prohibited and in a manner that does not encourage arbitrary and discriminatory enforcement.” Kolender v. Lawson, 461 U.S. 352, 357, 103 S.Ct. 1855, 1858, 75 L.Ed.2d 903 (1983). See also Foley, supra, 798 S.W.2d at 951; Commonwealth v. Kash, Ky.App., 967 S.W.2d 37, 43 (1997). Moreover, “[b]ecause First Amendment freedoms need breathing space to survive, government may regulate in the area only with narrow specificity.” NAACP v. Button, supra, 371 U.S. at 418, 83 S.Ct. at 338. However, “speculation about possible vagueness in hypothetical situations not before the Court will not
A. “Directly or Indirectly.”
Appellants assert that use of the phrase “directly or indirectly” in
[I]f any corporation shall, directly or indirectly, offer, promise or give, or shall authorize, directly or indirectly, any person to offer, promise or give any money or any thing of value to influence the result of any election in this State, or the vote of any voter authorized to vote therein, . . . such corporation . . . shall, on conviction thereof, forfeit its charter . . . [or] all right to carry on any business in this State. . . .
Nor have the federal courts expressed any constitutional qualms about regulating conduct committed “directly or indirectly.”
Funds provided to a candidate or political party or campaign committee either directly or indirectly through an intermediary constitute a contribution. Buckley v. Valeo, supra, at 23-24 n. 24, 96 S.Ct. at 637 n. 24 (emphasis added).
In Part I we . . . construed that term [“contribution“] to include not only contributions made directly or indirectly to a candidate, political party, or campaign committee, and contributions made to other organizations or individuals but earmarked for political purposes, but also all expenditures placed in cooperation with or with the consent of a candidate, his agents, or an authorized committee of the candidate.
Id. at 78, 96 S.Ct. at 663 (emphasis added).
In United States Civil Service Comm’n v. National Ass‘n of Letter Carriers, etc., 413 U.S. 548, 576-81, 93 S.Ct. 2880, 2896-98, 37 L.Ed.2d 796 (1973), the United States Supreme Court rejected overbreadth and vagueness challenges to Section 9(a) of the “Hatch Act,”
The use of the phrase, “directly or indirectly,” in
B. “Knowingly.”
Appellants assert that statutes that restrict First Amendment freedoms require proof of “intent” as an element of any criminal sanction, thus the mens rea of “knowingly” required by
Appellants next contend that
We need not and most definitely do not pass today on what sort of mental element is requisite to a constitutionally permissible prosecution of a bookseller for carrying an obscene book in stock; . . . whether there might be circumstances under which the State constitutionally might require that a bookseller investigate further, or might put on him the burden of explaining why he did not, and what such circumstances might be.
Subsequent cases have held that actual knowledge is not a prerequisite to conviction under criminal statutes implicating the First Amendment. E.g., Hamling v. United States, supra, 418 U.S. at 120, 94 S.Ct. at 2909, rejecting an argument that conviction under an obscenity statute required proof that the defendant “knew or believed that such [material] could be properly or justly characterized as obscene” and holding that the proper inquiry
Other First Amendment cases upholding similar definitions of “knowingly” include Newman v. Conover, 313 F.Supp. 623, 630 (N.D.Tex.1970) (defining “constructive knowledge” as “knowledge of facts which would put a reasonable and prudent man on notice as to the suspect nature of the material“); Taylor v. State ex rel. Kirkpatrick, 529 S.W.2d 692, 694 (Tenn.1975) (same); State v. Scott, 460 S.W.2d 103, 105 (Tex.1970) (same); Commonwealth v. Doe, 316 Pa.Super. 1, 462 A.2d 762, 766 (1983) (“having general knowledge of or reason to know, or a belief or ground for belief which warrants further inspection or inquiry or both“); Great Speckled Bird of Atlanta Coop. News Project v. Stynchcombe, 298 F.Supp. 1291, 1292 (N.D.Ga.1969) (“reasonably should know“); State v. Yabe, 114 Ariz. 89, 559 P.2d 209, 211 (Ct.App.1977) (“having general knowledge of, or reason to know, or a belief or ground for belief which warrants further inspection or inquiry“); State v. Burch, 365 So.2d 1263, 1266 (La.1978) (“knew or had reason to know“); Commonwealth v. Rosenberg, 379 Mass. 334, 398 N.E.2d 451, 454-55 (1979) (“had seen, or should have seen“). And in Burns v. State, 256 Ark. 1008, 512 S.W.2d 928 (1974), the Arkansas Supreme Court upheld a jury instruction defining “knowingly” as “was aware or should have been aware,” precisely the language challenged here. Id. at 934.
We recognize that the Model Penal Code definition of “knowingly” requires actual knowledge,
[O]ne with [a deliberate antisocial purpose] may deliberately “shut his eyes” to avoid knowing what would otherwise be obvious to view. In such cases, so far as criminal law is concerned, the person acts at his peril in this regard, and is treated as having “knowledge” of the facts as they are ultimately discovered to be.
Perkins, at 776. Thus, in Commonwealth v. Griffin, Ky., 759 S.W.2d 68 (1988), we held that the mens rea element of “knowingly or having reason to believe” in
LAMBERT, C.J.; GRAVES, KELLER and WINTERSHEIMER, JJ., concur.
JOHNSTONE, J., dissents by separate opinion.
STUMBO, J., not sitting.
JOHNSTONE, Justice, dissenting.
The trial judge in this case correctly ruled that
I. Introduction
The indictment against the appellants alleges that they violated
The term “coordinated expenditure” comes from the U.S. Supreme Court‘s seminal case on campaign-finance regulation. Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U.S. 1, 96 S.Ct. 612, 46 L.Ed.2d 659 (1976). In Buckley, the U.S. Supreme Court addressed the constitutionality of “key provisions of the Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971 [FECA].” Id. at 6, 96 S.Ct. at 629, 46 L.Ed.2d at 680. The case stands as the benchmark against which the constitutionality of all other campaign-finance regulation is made. The majority attempts to shoehorn
As used in Buckley, “coordinated expenditure” is clearly defined by statute to mean an expenditure “authorized or requested by a candidate.” But the majority construes
II. Discussion
As did the majority, I begin my discussion with Buckley and its discussion on spending limits.
The Buckley Court‘s discussion of FECA‘s spending limit provisions is important to this case, because this is where Buckley‘s discussion of “coordinated expenditures” is found; however, it takes a bit of explanation to get there. In beginning its spending-limit discussion, the Buckley Court stated:
The Act‘s expenditure ceilings impose direct and substantial restraints on the quantity of political speech. The most drastic of the limitations restricts individuals and groups, including political parties that fail to place a candidate on the ballot, to an expenditure of $1,000 “relative to a clearly identified candidate during a calendar year.” § 608(e)(1). Other expenditure ceilings limit spending by candidates, § 608(a), their campaigns, § 608(c), and political parties in connection with election campaigns, § 608(f). It is clear that a primary effect of these expenditure limitations is to restrict the quantity of campaign speech by individuals, groups, and candidates. The restrictions, while neutral as to the ideas expressed, limit political expression “at the core of our electoral process and of the First Amendment freedoms.”
Buckley, 424 U.S. at 39, 96 S.Ct. at 644, 46 L.Ed.2d at 699.
The Buckley Court concluded that § 608(e)(1) was unconstitutionally vague because the
key operative language of the provision limits “any expenditure . . . relative to a clearly identified candidate.” Although “expenditure,” “clearly identified,” and “candidate” are defined in the Act, there is no definition clarifying what expenditures are “relative to” a candidate. The use of so indefinite a phrase as “relative to” a candidate fails to clearly mark the boundary between permissible and impermissible speech, unless other portions of § 608(e)(1) make sufficiently explicit the range of expenditures covered by the limitation.
Id. at 41-42, 96 S.Ct. at 645, 46 L.Ed.2d at 700.
The Buckley Court, however, determined that the range of expenditures covered by § 608(e)(1) could be made sufficiently explicit by construing the phrase “relative to a candidate” to mean “advocating the election or defeat of a candidate.” Id. at 42, 96 S.Ct. at 645-46, 46 L.Ed.2d at 700-01. Still, this did not eliminate the vagueness problem because
the distinction between discussion of issues and candidates and advocacy of
election or defeat of candidates may often dissolve in practical application. Candidates, especially incumbents, are intimately tied to public issues involving legislative proposals and governmental actions. Not only do candidates campaign on the basis of their positions on various public issues, but campaigns themselves generate issues of public interest.
The Buckley Court then held that the vagueness problem with § 608(e)(1) only could be eliminated by further limiting the reach of the statute‘s spending limits by construing it “to apply only to expenditures for communications that in express terms advocate the election or defeat of a clearly identified candidate for federal office.” Id. at 44, 96 S.Ct. at 646-47, 46 L.Ed.2d at 702. Even so narrowly and explicitly construed, the statute was still unconstitutional because “the governmental interest in preventing corruption and the appearance of corruption is inadequate to justify § 608(e)(1)‘s ceiling on independent expenditures.” Id. at 45, 96 S.Ct. at 647, 46 L.Ed.2d at 702. One of these governmental interests is of great importance to this case.
The proponents of § 608(e)(1) argued that the statute was necessary to
prevent would-be contributors from avoiding the contribution limitations by the simple expedient of paying directly for media advertisements or for other portions of the candidate‘s campaign activities . . . [and] that expenditures controlled by or coordinated with the candidate and his campaign might well have virtually the same value to the candidate as a contribution and would pose similar dangers of abuse.
Id. at 46, 96 S.Ct. at 647, 46 L.Ed.2d at 703 (emphasis added). The Buckley Court rather summarily dismissed this argument by noting that “such controlled or coordinated expenditures are treated as contributions rather than expenditures under the Act.” Id. at 46, 96 S.Ct. at 647-48, 46 L.Ed.2d at 703 (emphasis added). The argument had no merit because “Section 608(b)‘s contribution ceilings rather than § 608(e)(1)‘s independent expenditure limitation prevent attempts to circumvent the Act through prearranged or coordinated expenditures amounting to disguised contributions.” Id. at 46-47, 96 S.Ct. at 648, 46 L.Ed.2d at 703-04.
Thus, under Buckley, “coordinated expenditure” means an expenditure “authorized or requested by the candidate, an authorized committee of the candidate, or an agent of the candidate.” Id. at 46, n. 53, 96 S.Ct. at 648, n. 53, 46 L.Ed.2d at 703, n. 53 (citing
made for a communication which expressly advocates the election or defeat of a clearly identified candidate or slate of candidates, or the passage or defeat of a constitutional amendment or public question which will appear on the ballot and which is not made with any direct or indirect cooperation, consent, request, suggestion, or consultation involving a candidate, slate of candidates, campaign committee, political issues committee, or agent.
The above definition is detailed, precise and, well, definite. It is the inverse of Buckley‘s definition of the same term. Buckley uses the term “independent expenditure” broadly and indefinitely to refer to FECA‘s spending limits on all “expenditures by individuals and groups ‘relative to a clearly identified candidate.‘” Buckley, 424 U.S. at 7, 96 S.Ct. at 629, 46 L.Ed.2d at 681. Thus, Buckley‘s use of the term “independent expenditure” corresponds the closest with
The language “expressly advocates the election or defeat of a clearly identified candidate” contained in
Reporting and disclosure are not the same thing. “Disclosure” refers to statutory provisions that compel political candidates, parties and committees to keep detailed records of contributions and expenditures and to disclose this information through regular pre- and post-election reports to a governmental agency. See Buckley, 424 U.S. at 60-63, 96 S.Ct. at 654-55, 46 L.Ed.2d at 711-12 (emphasis added). “Reporting” refers to statutory provisions that require “direct disclosure of what an individual or group contributes or spends.” Id. at 75, 96 S.Ct. at 661, 46 L.Ed.2d at 719 (emphasis added).
The Kentucky disclosure provisions require any candidate, slate of candidates, or political issue committee to make a report to the Kentucky Registry of Election Finance (“Registry“) that includes inter alia a list of the full name, address, occupation and employer of any person making a contribution over $100, as well as the date on which the contribution was made; and (2) a “complete statement of all expenditures authorized, incurred or made.”
The Buckley Court held that FECA‘s disclosure requirements were constitutional. Id. at 64-68, 96 S.Ct. at 655-56, 46 L.Ed.2d at 713-16. Likewise, and for the same reasons which are not relevant here, I believe that the Kentucky disclosure statutes are constitutional. But Buckley‘s “disclosure” discussion is not relevant to the case at bar. Rather, what is relevant
Section 434 of FECA imposed no spending limits on either contributions or expenditures. Instead, it required “every person (other than a political committee or candidate) who makes contributions or expenditures aggregating over $100 in a calendar year other than by contribution to a political committee or candidate to file a statement with the [Federal Election Commission].” Id. at 74-75, 96 S.Ct. at 661, 46 L.Ed.2d at 719 (internal quotation marks omitted). Violation of the statute carried criminal penalties. Id. at 76, 96 S.Ct. at 661, 46 L.Ed.2d at 720. Similarly,
First of all, it was § 434‘s criminal penalties for individuals and groups who failed to report a contribution or expenditure that caused the Buckley Court the most concern about the statute‘s constitutionality. See Buckley, 424 at 76-77, 96 S.Ct. at 662, 46 L.Ed.2d at 720 (§ 434 “raises serious problems of vagueness, particularly treacherous where, as here, the violation of its terms carries criminal penalties and fear of incurring these sanctions may deter those who seek to exercise protected First Amendment rights.“). Further,
While no report is made directly to the Registry under the “through [a] duly appointed campaign manager” requirement, the candidate, through whose campaign manager the contribution or non-independent expenditure is made, is required to file a detailed report of the information to the Registry.
In its discussion of
Just as it began its discussion on FECA‘s spending-limit provisions, the Buckley Court began its discussion of
In concluding its
only in the following circumstances: (1) when they make contributions earmarked for political purposes or authorized or requested by a candidate or his agent, to some person other than a candidate or political committee, and (2) when they make expenditures for communications that expressly advocate the election or defeat of a clearly identified candidate.
Id. at 80, 96 S.Ct. at 664, 46 L.Ed.2d at 722-23 (emphasis added).
The “authorized or requested” language mirrors FECA‘s description of the types of expenditures (coordinated) that are included in the definition of “contribution” and, consequently, that are excluded from the definition of “expenditure.” Thus, under Buckley, the General Assembly may only require individuals and groups, who are not candidates or political committees, to report expenditures (1) that are authorized or requested by a candidate or his or her agent, or (2) that are made for communications that expressly advocate the election or defeat of a clearly identified candidate. By defining “coordinated expenditures” as any expenditure that is not “independent”
Finally,
III. Conclusion
Counts I and IV of the Indictment cannot be maintained because they allege a violation of
Count II of the Indictment cannot be maintained because the Bill of Particulars alleges that appellant Martin violated
Counts III and V of the Indictment cannot be maintained because the charges are based on the allegation that the appellants violated
