Southern Illinois University decided in spring 1990 not to renew the contract of Marcus Feldman, an assistant professor of mathematics then in his fourth year of teaching. Feldman received a terminal contract through June 1991. Litigation challenging this decision under the first amendment has lasted twice as long аs Feldman’s stint at the University.
Feldman charged Chung-Wu Ho, the Chairman of the Mathematics and Statistics Department, and many other leaders of the University with violating his freedom of speech. When the litigation began, his theory was that Ho had protected another colleague against Feldman’s сharge of plagiarism, by giving the accused colleague tenure while seeing to it that Feld-man departed. On an interlocutory appeal we held that some of the defendants were protected from suit by the eleventh amendment, and that Ho had immunity from damages on a first amendment claim.
Feldman v. Bohn,
Given the verdict, we must assume that Ho reacted adversely to Feld-man’s accusation against his colleague and that this led the University to end Feld-man’s employment. We assume, moreover, that the academic conduct (or misconduct) of teachers at a state university is an issue of public importance rather than just of private interest to the persons involved. Compare
Connick v. Myers,
Teachers ... speak and write for a living and are eager to protect both public and private interests in freedom to stake out controversial positions. Yet they also evaluate speech for a living and are eager to protect both public and private interests in the ability to judge the speech of others and react adversely to some. They grade their students’ papers and performance in class. They edit journals, which reject scholarly papers of poor quality. They evaluate their colleagues’ academic writing, and they deny continuing employment to professors whose speech does not meet their institution’s standards of quality. See Weinstein v. University of Illinois,811 F.2d 1091 (7th Cir.1987). “The government” as an abstraction could not penalize any citizen for misunderstanding the views of Karl Marx or misrepresenting the political philosophy of James Madison, but a Department of Political Science can and should show such a person the door — and a public university may sack a professor of chemistry who insists on instructing his students in moral philosophy or publishes only romance novels. Every university evaluates and acts on the basis of speech by members of the faculty; indeed, Feld-man proposed that Ho do just this on the basis of his colleague’s speech.... Feldman ... does not deny that speech in a university may be the basis of adversе action; he believes, rather, that the penalty should have fallen on the accused colleague rather than himself. Yet an unsupported charge of [academic misconduct] reflects poorly on the accuser; the first amendment does not ensure that a faculty member whose assessment of a colleague’s work reveals bad judgment will escape the consequences of that revelation.
Feldman v. Bahn,
Speech often is a legitimate ground of decision in employment. Consider the political patronage cases. Although a state may not prefer Republican roаd crews over Democratic ones,
Elrod v. Burns,
A university seeks to accumulate and disseminate knowledge; for a university to function well, it must be able to decide which members of its faculty are productive scholars and which are not (or, worse, are distracting those who are). As we said the first time around, an unsubstantiated charge of academic misconduct not only squanders thе time of other faculty members (who must analyze the charge, or defend against it) but also reflects poorly on the judgment of the accuser. A university is entitled to decide for itself whether the charge is sound; transferring that decision to the jury in the name of the first amendment would undermine the university's mission-not only by committing an academic decision to amateurs (is a jury really the best institution to determine who should receive credit for a paper in mathematics?) but also by creating the possibility of substantial damages when jurors disagree with the faculty's resolution, a possibility that could discоurage universities from acting to improve their faculty. Cf. Webb v. Ball State University,
A public employer's entitlement to consider speech under Waters is limited to the kind of speech that is part of the employer's mission. If Feldman had campaigned for a candidate for Governor he could not have been sacked for supporting the losing party-though the University could require its faculty to refrain from running for office or injecting politics into the workplace. See CSC v. Letter Carriers,
Feldman's claim against Ho personally requires only brief analysis. He recovered under a state-law theory of tor-tious interference with contract. Ho advanced a jurisdictional defense: that this is a suit against the state, and thus foreclosed in federal court by the eleventh amendment. Feldman concedes that Illinois treats the state as the real party in interest, provides the public official with absolute immunity, and channels any litigation to the Illinоis Court of Claims with the state as the defendant, whenever judgment for the plaintiff would control the state's actions. 705 ILCS 505/8(d); Currie v. Lao,
Illinois follows the federal practice by making an exception for situations in which the public employee did not act within the scope of his employment or violated the Constitution. Under thе Westfall Act, any tort claim against a federal employee for wrongs committed within the scope of his employment must be dismissed, and the United States substituted as the defendant, unless the plaintiff establishes a "constitutional tort." 28 U.S.C. § 2679(b)(2)(A); Gutierrez de Martinez v. Lamagno,
The judgment is reversed, and the case is remanded with instructions to enter judgment on the merits for all defendants-but without prejudice to Feldman's ability to file suit against the State of Illinois in the state's Court of Claims.
