The captioned case comes before the court for consideration of the defendant’s motion for a stay [172-1] pending appeal to the United States Supreme Court pursuant to 28 U.S.C. § 1253. On February 10, 2004, we found that Georgia’s 2001 House of Representatives and 2002 Senate redistricting plans violate the one person, one vote principle of the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment, We gave the state until March 1, 2004, to present plans, adopted by the Georgia General Assembly and signed by the Governor, for the court’s consideration. We further indicated that if the state is unable to present plans consistent with this court’s orders, or if the Attorney General indicates that Section 5 preclearance procedures will not be completed in time for candidate qualifying, then the plaintiffs may petition this court to draw interim plans to be used until the State of Georgia can craft reapportionment schemes consistent with the Constitution. The parties presented oral argument regarding the stay request on February 19, 2004.
A. Analysis
Federal Rule of Civil Procedure 62 provides for a stay of a final judgment granting an injunction pending appeal.' The factors regulating the issuance of a stay aré well established:
(1) whether the stay applicant has made a strong showing that he is likely to succeed on the merits; (2) whether the applicant will be irreparably injured absent a stay; (3) whether issuance of the stay will substantially injure the other parties interested in the proceeding; and (4) where the public interest lies.
Hilton v. Braunskill,
Contrary to the state’s argument, stays are not commonly granted in redistricting, or any other type of litigation.
See United States v. Hamilton,
1. Likelihood of Success on the Merits
The first of the four factors, concerning the movant’s likelihood of success on the merits, is generally considered the most important.
Garcia-Mir v. Meese,
Although this case presented some complex questions, we are convinced that the resolution of the dispute fell squarely within long established Supreme Court precedent. The parties presented unambiguous testimony that the population deviations in the House and Senate plans, and the resulting dilution of the right of many citizens to have their votes counted, were in significant part the product of legislators’ desire to retain as many seats as possible in rural south Georgia and inner-city Atlanta, even though the populations in those areas no longer warranted the number of seats they have had in the past. [Order of Feb. 11, 2004 at 15-19, 41, 51-52], This was done contrary to the Supreme Court’s clear holding in Reynolds v. Sims:
The fact that an individual lives here or there is not. a legitimate reason for over-weighting or diluting the efficacy of his vote.... [T]he basic principle of representative government remains, and must remain, unchanged — the weight of a citizen’s vote cannot be made to depend on where he lives.... A citizen, a qualified voter, is no more nor no less so because he lives in the city or on the farm. This is the clear and strong command of our Constitution’s Equal Protection Clause. This is an essential part of the concept of a government of laws and not men. This is at the heart of Lincoln’s vision of “government of the people, by the people, [and] for the people.” The Equal Protection Clause demands no less than substantially equal state legislative representation for all citizens, of all places as well as of all races.
Quite simply, “all voters, as citizens of a State, stand in the same relation regardless of where they live.”
Id.
at 565,
Our judgment in this case simply applies three very well established principles: (1) diluting the weight of a citizen’s vote because of place of residence impairs basic constitutional rights,
Reynolds,
The state’s attorneys further confuse the state of the law by arguing that there is no actual and ultimate harm to a group of persons, primarily because the deviations, if supported by a state policy free of arbitrariness or discrimination, would be constitutional. This argument misses the mark on two grounds. First, the fundamental concern here is not with group harms but rather with harms to the individual. This is an Equal Protection, one person, one vote claim — not a gerrymandering claim.
See Reynolds,
Second, the argument that plans with identical deviations would be constitutional, if supported by legitimate state polices, has little bearing on the court’s consideration. That motive and intent play a part in this and many other areas of the law is a bedrock principle of constitutional jurisprudence.
See, e.g., Lemon v. Kurtzman,
Although the plans in this case are clearly unconstitutional because the state may not systematically dilute the weight of a citizen’s vote based on the fortuity of where he or she may live, the state also has no likelihood of success on the other ground that the deviations were a product of the desire to protect only Democratic incumbents. As was noted in the order of February 10, 2004, the plans attempted to protect Democratic incumbents, at the expense of their Republican counterparts, by placing many Democratic incumbents in underpopulated districts and pitting Republican incumbents against one another in overpopulated districts. In so doing, the state’s policy was overexpansive in that it affirmatively attempted to protect only Democratic incumbents, as opposed to a more general (and acceptable) policy of avoiding contests between incumbents. This policy was both arbitrary in its inconsistency of application and discriminatory in its goal of protecting only one political party. It in no way resembles anything the Supreme Court has ever found to be a constitutional justification for population deviations.
See Bush v. Vera,
517 U.S.
Furthermore, we are also unpersuaded that the state has a strong likelihood of success on the contention that deviations below 10% fall within a safe harbor or bright line that does not require
any
justification. The Supreme Court has explicitly and repeatedly described the 10% threshold as creating a “prima facie” — that is, rebuttable — presumption of constitutionality, making it quite clear that no safe harbor exists.
See, e.g., Brown,
Indeed, to arrive at the conclusion that the 10% threshold is a safe harbor would require the court to ignore the words “pri-ma facie” in the Supreme Court’s analysis in
Brown
and
Gaffney.
By definition, the 10% threshold could not be both a “safe harbor” and rebuttable.
See, e.g., Campaign for a Prosperous Georgia v. S.E.C.,
The state has failed to show a substantial likelihood of success on appeal or even a substantial case on the merits and is therefore not entitled to a stay.
See Siegel,
2. Injury to the Stay Applicant
The state contends (1) that the State of Georgia will not be able to both enact plans by March 1, 2004, and get
On the timing issue, we note that both parties have consistently represented to the court that plans drafted by March (if necessary) would be sufficient for use in the 2004 elections. Indeed, the court placed this case on a significantly expedited track for discovery, review of the motions to dismiss and motions for summary judgment, and trial, a schedule that was set with the assistance and continuing participation of all counsel in this case. 3 This court has conducted numerous scheduling conferences with the parties’ attorneys. [Hearing of August 26, 2003, Tr. at 99-109; Hearing of December 8, 2003, Tr. at 78-91; Conference Call between Judge Pannell and attorneys for all parties, December 18, 2003]. Never once did the state’s attorneys represent to this court that this expedited schedule, which called for a trial in the first week of January 2004, would somehow be insufficient to allow for the implementation of new plans in time for the 2004 elections. Thus, for example, at the summary judgment hearing on December 8, 2003, counsel for the plaintiffs indicated her belief that plans would need to be in place by mid-March for use in the 2004 elections. [Hearing of Dec. 8, 2003, Tr. at 90-91]. Counsel for the state never quarreled with that suggestion and did nothing to disabuse the court of-the idea that this expedited schedule would allow for the adoption of plans that could be used in 2004. It is late in the day for the defendant to now argue (for the first time in almost one year) that there was never any hope of completing these proceedings in time to craft new plans for the 2004 elections.
Nevertheless, the state has offered two affidavits from Kathy Rogers, the Director of Elections Administration for the Elections Division of the Office of the Georgia Secretary of State. On the day of the stay hearing, the plaintiffs submitted the affidavits of Clark H. Bensen and Lynn Led-ford. While it may be inconvenient for the state to comply with the court’s order, the deficiencies in the current plans were entirely the result of the State of Georgia’s own actions. “It would seem elementary that a party may not claim equity in his own defaults.”
Long v. Robinson,
Moreover, we are fully satisfied that the state can draft and preclear plans in time for April qualifying. The testimony at trial was absolutely clear that, given recent advances in computer technology, constitutional plans can be crafted in as short a period as one day. Allowing time for the political process, plans can be presented to this court well before the stated deadline of March 1, 2004. Furthermore, the Attorney General has a provision providing for expedited Section 5 preclearance. 28 C.F.R. § 51.34 (2004). Accordingly, the State' of Georgia has not been deprived of a reasonable opportunity to create constitutional plans free of federal court intervention.
See Wise v. Lipscomb,
Nor have the state’s attorneys offered any authority for the argument that by essentially restricting the State of Georgia to expedited Section 5 preclearance from the Department of Justice,
see
28 C.F.R. § 51.34 (2004), it has been .deprived of the “right” to seek preclearance from the District Court for the District of Columbia. The Supreme Court has held that when a three-judge court faces a Section 5 challenge, its responsibility is “to ensure that the covered jurisdiction submits its election plan to the appropriate federal authorities for preclearance
as expeditiously as possible.” Lopez v. Monterey County,
We also observe that the court has broad equitable power to delay certain aspects of the electoral process if necessary.
Sixty-Seventh Minnesota State Senate v. Beens,
The state also argues that it would be effectively forced to forego its right to appeal by having to devise and preclear plans for the 2004 elections. The argument that any appeal would become moot is simply incorrect. In essence, the problem the state complains of is that if it either adopts new plans or implements court-drawn plans, it will not have time to withdraw those new plans before the 2004 elections if this court is reversed on appeal. There is support for the proposition that effective waiver of the right to appeal can constitute irreparable harm.
See Ctr. for Int’l Envtl. Law v. Office of the United States Trade Representative,
We are unpersuaded by the state’s arguments for two additional reasons. First, the irreparable harm to the plaintiffs, and to all voters in Georgia who have had their votes unconstitutionally debased, outweighs the harm the state may encounter by being unable to resolve an appeal of this decision prior to the 2004 elections.
See Reynolds,
3. Injury to Other Parties in the Proceeding
Equally importantly, the practical effect of a stay would be that the State of Georgia would conduct the 2004 elections again using unconstitutional apportionment plans. There will not be sufficient time to implement new plans if this action is stayed pending appeal. In fact, the 2002 elections have already been conducted under the unconstitutional plans. If the court permits a stay, thereby allowing the 2004 elections also to proceed pursuant to unconstitutional plans, the plaintiffs and many other citizens in Georgia will have been denied their constitutional rights in
two
of the five elections to be conducted under the 2000 census figures. We are mindful of the Supreme Court’s advice in
Reynolds
that “once a State’s legislative apportionment scheme has been found to be unconstitutional, it would be the unusual case in which a court would be justified in not taking appropriate action to insure that no further elections are conducted under the invalid plan.”
Reynolds,
4. The Public Interest
The public interest in this case is nearly indistinguishable from that of the plaintiffs. Every citizen who voted in what is currently an underrepresented district suffered an injury in the 2002 elections by having his or her vote count less than the votes of those who lived in overrepresented districts.
See id.
at 561,
B. Conclusion
In short, we hold that the state has failed to satisfy the heavy burden associated with receiving a stay pending appeal. The movant has the burden of establishing each of the aforementioned factors. In fact, the state has established none of
Notes
.
Siegel
involved a preliminary injunction. However, the standards used to evaluate a request for a preliminary injunction mirror those used in the context of a stay pending appeal.
In re Forty-Eight Insulations, Inc.,
. In
Bonner v. City of Prichard,
. On August 29, 2003, the court ordered the designation of experts by September 29, 2003, the completion of discovery and submission of motions for summary judgment by October 28, 2003, the filing of pre-trial stipulations by December 5, 2003, the arguing of motions for summary judgment on December 8, 2003, and the commencement of trial on January 6, 2004.
. Indeed, in her affidavit, Ms. Rogers suggests that the Legislative and Congressional Reapportionment Office would need to receive the maps by February 20, 2004 to meet all of the current election dates and deadlines. [Rogers Aff. at ¶ 20], If the court were to extend the relevant deadlines, such as the qualifying date and the primary date, by only thirty days, the state would have sufficient time to mail voter registration cards and prepare ballots. [Rogers Aff. at ¶ 10 (noting that the tasks of mailing registration cards and preparing ballots generally take ninety days) ].
. The record evidence also established that the 2001 House Plan was not precleared until April 5, 2002 and the 2002 Senate Plan was not precleared until June 3, 2002. Nevertheless, the 2002 elections were able to be held in a timely fashion.
